I
SLAM
:
P
AST
,
P
RESENT AND
F
UTURE
editors
Ahmad Sunawari Long
Jaffary Awang
Kamaruddin Salleh
DEPARTMENT OF THEOLOGY AND PHILOSOPHY
FACULTY OF ISLAMIC STUDIES
UNIVERSITI KEBANGSAAN MALAYSIA
BANGI,SELANGOR
JABATAN HAL EHWAL KHAS
iii
I
SLAM
:
P
AST
,
P
RESENT AND
F
UTURE
editors
Ahmad Sunawari Long
Jaffary Awang
Kamaruddin Salleh
DEPARTMENT OF THEOLOGY AND PHILOSOPHY
FACULTY OF ISLAMIC STUDIES
UNIVERSITI KEBANGSAAN MALAYSIA
BANGI,SELANGOR
JABATAN HAL EHWAL KHAS
KEMENTERIAN PENERANGAN MALAYSIA
I
NTERNATIONALS
EMINAR ONI
SLAMICT
HOUGHTSFirst published 2004
Copyright 2004 by Department of Theology and Philosophy, Faculty of Islamic Studies, Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia. All rights reserved. This book may not be reproduced, in whole or
in part, including illustrations, in any form without written permission from the publishers.
Published in Malaysia by
Department of Theology and Philosophy, Faculty of Islamic Studies Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia
43600 UKM Bangi, Selangor Darul Ehsan, Malaysia Tel: 603 8921 5516 / 5291 / 3659 / 5350 Faks: 603 8925 3902
Typesetting by
v
Contents
1. Foreword xvi
2.
ﺐ ﺮﺘ ا
ﺔ آ
xviii3. The Responses of Sayyid Ahmad Khan to William Muir’s Works on Islam
Muda @ Ismail Ab. Rahman 1
4. Strategi Pendidikan dalam Menangani Gangguan Seksual Terhadap Organisasi dan Individu di Tempat Kerja
Sabitha Marican, Sharrifah Ali & Maznah Hj. Ibrahim 7
5. The Islamic Concept of World Division Based on al-Nawawi’s Minhaj al-Talibin
Mohd. Nasran Mohamad 15
6. Ilmuan Islam dan Kepentingan Kajian Masa Hadapan (Future Studies)
Idris Zakaria & Wan Fariza Alyati Wan Zakaria 23
7. Islam dan Pendidikan: ICT dalam Dunia Pendidikan Islam
S.Salahuddin Suyurno, Norsiah Sulaiman & Fairuzah Hj. Basri 31
8. Socio-Political Reform of Muslims in The View of Shah Waliullah and Sayyid Abul A`La Mawdudi
Abul Kalam Mohammad Shahed 40
9. Pendidikan Islam: Tinjauan Metodologi Silam dan Realiti Hari Ini
Norsiah Sulaiman, S. Salahuddin Suyurno & Fairuzah Hj. Basri 51
10. Kajian Mengenai Peruntukan Undang-Undang Wasiat Wajibah di Selangor
Mohd Zamro Muda & Mohd Syukri Jusoh 64
11. Decentralization and Local Government in Iran
Hossein Alekajbaf & Jayum A. Jawan 72
12. Islam dan Imej Keganasan: Satu Analisa Tentang Prinsip Jihad Dalam Al-Qur’an
13. Kaedah Hafazan Al-Qur’an Yang Sistematik dan Praktikal dalam Melahirkan Para Huffaz Yang rasikh
Abdul Hafiz bin Haji Abdullah & Hasimah binti Haji Muda 93
14. Al-Sakha' dan Penghayatannya dalam Tamadun Islam
Halipah Hamzah & S.Salahuddin Suyurno 103
15. Pendidikan Islam: Tinjauan Metodologi Silam dan Realiti Hari Ini
Norsiah Sulaiman, S.Salahuddin Suyurno (sss) & Fairuzah Hj. Basri 114
16. Persoalan Perbuatan Manusia Menurut Pandangan Syeikh Daud al-Fatani
Abdull Rahman Mahmood & Mudasir Rosder 127
17. Ghazali And Mowlavi’s Theology
Ali Asghar Bayani 138
18. Aspek-Aspek Fisiologi dalam Ilmu Tasawuf: Satu Tinjauan Terhadap Kaedah Rawatan Pemulihan Dadah Melalui Tariqat Al-Qādiriyah Wa
An-Naqsyabandiyah di Pondok Remaja Inabah di, Terengganu.
Asyraf Hj Ab Rahman & Mohd Ezri @ Asri Bin Abd Rahman 143
19. The Compatibility of The Shari’ah In Solving Modern Complex Commercial Practice: An Appraisal
Aznan Hassan 151
20. Perkembangan dan Pelaksanaan Sulh dalam Kes-Kes Pertikaian Keluarga di Dunia Islam: Sorotan Terhadap Perkembangan Terkini Pelaksanaannya di Mahkamah-Mahkamah Syariah di Malaysia
Raihanah Azahari 172
21. Etika di dalam Pendermaan Organ: Kajian dari Sudut Pandangan Islam
Norazlina bt Hj Abdul Aziz 192
22. Menelusuri Akar Martabat Tujuh: Sebuah Ajaran Tasawuf Falsafi Nusantara
Faudzinaim Hj. Badaruddin 199
23. Kegemilangan Sains dan Teknologi dalam Tamadun Islam: Mengambil Iktibar Pengalaman Kerajaan Abbasiyyah
Roziah Sidik @ Mat Sidek, Farid Mat Zain, Izziah Suryani Arshad & Ezad Azraai Jamsari 211
24. Pembentukan Masyarakat Hadhari Melalui Kesepaduan Falsafah Sains Al-Quran Dalam Kurikulum Kebangsaan Peringkat Menengah
Yahaya bin Jusoh & Azhar bin Muhammad 216
25. Kitab Tafsir Quran Marbawi ;Tafsir Juzuk Alif Lam Mim Oleh Syeikh Mohd. Idris Al-Marbawi: Satu Sorotan
vii
26. Sikap Positif dalam Perkhidmatan Kaunseling: Panduan Asas Kaunselor Muslim
Abdullah Mohamed 237
27. Falsafah Fatalisme Dan Minda Melayu
Ahmad Sunawari Long 247
28. Masyarakat Islam Campa di Terengganu: Penghijrahan dan Penyertaan Sosial Alam Komuniti Tempatan
Ruzaini Sulaiman @ Abd. Rahim, Siti Aisyah Saat, Rosyidah Muhamad & Ruzaini Sulaiman 253
29. Dimensi Agama dan Spiritual dalam Amalan Kaunseling
Asmah Bee Md Noor 261
30. Issues in Organ Donation: A Malaysian Scenario
Farah Salwani Bt. Muda @ Ismail 271
31. Menghadapi Era Cabaran: Memahami Undang-undang Islam dalam Perspektif
Tasamuh
Atikullah Hj. Abdullah & Zulkifli b. Hussin 275
32. Atlal (Abandoned-Encampment) dalam Syacir Arab Klasik
Tengku Ghani T. Jusoh 288
33. Enhancing Teacher Professionalism: The Tawheedic Paradigm
Ab. Halim Tamuri & Azhar Ahmad 297
34. Early Muslim Scholarship in Religionswissenschaft: A Study of Muh{Ammad ‘Abd Al-Kar m Al-Shahrast n ’s Development of The Concept of The People of A Dubious Book (Ahl Shubhat Kitāb)
Muhammad Azizan Sabjan & Noor Shakirah Mat Akhir 304
35. Decentralization and Local Government In Iran
Hossein Alekajbaf & Jayum A. Jawan 311
36. The Beatific Vision Issue In Ibn Rushd’s Hermeneutics
Ibrahim Abu Bakar 316
37. Proses Kaunseling di Kalangan Pasangan Melayu Bermasalah di Wilayah Persekutuan Kuala Lumpur: Kaitannya dengan Pendidikan
Zainab Binti Ismail 323
38. The Ideal Model of Paternal and Maternal Roles in Muslim Family
Jariah Masud &Aqeel Norri Mohammed 329
39. Perspectives of Sunni and Shiite Theologians and Ordinary People About Family Planning in Sistan and Baluchistan Province-Islamic Republic of Iran
40. Perspektif Islam di Tanah Melayu Abad Ke-19: Analisis Terhadap Pemikiran Abdullah Munshi Melalui Karya “Kisah Pelayaran Abdullah”
Amnah Saayah bt Ismail & Farid Mat Zain 340
41. Prinsip Pengukuran Religiositi dan Personaliti Religiositi daripada Perspektif Islam
Jamiah Hj. Manap, Azimi Hamzah, Sidek Mohd. Noah & Hasnan Kassan 349
42. The Concept of Government in Islam
Hossein Alekajbaf & Jayum A. Jawan 356
43. Does Revelation Limit Reason in Islam? A Muslim Philosopher’s Response
Isham Pawan Ahmad 361
44. Krisis Intelektualisme dalam Pemikiran Malik Bennabi: Fokus Terhadap Karya
Musykilat Al-Thaqafah
Farid Mat Zain & Zulkarnain Mohamad 366
45. Perpaduan Ummah: Asas dan Tanggungjawab Pemimpin Mengikut Perspektif al-Sunnah
Jawiah Dakir 380
46. Jenayah dan Remaja: Satu Kajian dalam Perspektif Psikologis
Khairil Anwar & Khaidzir Hj.Ismail 392
47. Islam and a Culture of Tolerance: “Seek Knowledge Even Unto China”
John F. Quinn 407
48. Some Reflections on al-Ghazali Intellectual Development and Spiritual Crisis
Kamarudin Haji Salleh 412
49. The Islamic Religiosity and Religious Personality Index: Toward Understanding how Islamic Religiosity Among Young Malaysian Muslims Contributes to Nation Building
Abdul-Lateef Abdullah (Steven Krauss), Azimi Hj. Hamzah, Turiman Suandi, Sidek Mohd. Noah, Khairul Anwar Mastor, Hasnan Kassan, Rumaya Juhari, Azma Mahmood & Jamiah Hj. Manap 428
50. Post- Soviet Future of Islam in Central Asia and Caucasus
M.A. Karim 433
51. Pengaplikasian Kaedah Fiqh dalam Isu Muamalat: ke Arah Mewujudkan Pendidikan Berkualiti
Abdul Manan Ismail 439
52. The Unification: Government/ Regent, Islamic Center/ Venerator, and Community, Toward Balanced (Madani) Society in Bondowoso
ix
53. Dakwah Islamiah dalam Konteks Masyarakat Majmuk Britain: Peranan Muslim Council of Britain
Abdul Ghafar Don 451
54. Jihad vs Keganasan: dari Perspektif Islam
Nik Rahim Nik Wajis 457
55. Characteristics of Patriarchal System in Islam.
Aqeel Norri Mohammed 477
56. Discrimination of Women in the Syariah Court: Perceptions or Reality?
NoorAziah Mohd Awal & Mohamad Nizam Awang 482
57. Melantik Wanita Sebagai Hakim di Mahkamah Syariah: Kajian di Negeri Kedah
Nur Syakiran Akmal Binti Ismail, Md Zawawi Bin Abu Bakar & Asmah Bee Binti Mohd Nor 491
58. Al-Ghazali’s Epistemological Thought on The Sources of Knowledgeand Its Significance in The Development of Malay Thought
Mohd Nuri Al-Amin Endut, Mohd Fauzi Hamat & Shahrina Bt M Nordin 502
59. Islamic Pluralism in Malaysia
Azmi Aziz, Abdul Hadi Harman Shah & Mostafa Kamal Mokhtar 511
60. Islamic Ethics on Professional Values
A. O. Shuriye 519
61. Women In The Acehnese Society (A Lesson From History)
M. Hasbi Amiruddin 526
62. The Role of Divine Religion in Protection of Environment
Qorban Elmi 534
63. Paradigma Tradisionalism dan Kesannya Terhadap Pentadbiran Undang-Undang Islam di Negeri Kelantan
Rahimin Affandi Abdul Rahim, Noor Naemah Abdul Rahman & Mohd. Anuar Ramli 546
64. The Spiritual Dynamic Elements in al-Ghazali’s Theory of Soul
Noor Shakirah bt. Mat Akhir & Muhammad Azizan b. Sabjan 565
65. Decolonizing Modernity Ibn-Khaldun and Modern Historiography
Seifudein Adem 570
66. Moslem Community in Indonesian Politics Past, Present And Future
Soekarno HS 588
67. The Variance of Muslim Attitudes Toward Western Modernity: A Worldview Discourse
68. The Dimension of Islam And Environmental Ethics
Sulaiman Kadikon 602
69. Agama Dan Gender: Kesetaraan Gender Dalam Islam
Edy Sutrisno 611
70. Teknik Merawat Penyakit Kemurungan dalam Teori Kaunseling Al-Kindi (M.874)
Mohd. Nasir Bin Omar 619
71. The Nature and Psychological Aspects of Dreams From Western and Islamic Perspectives
Hussain Othman 627
72. Islamic Revolution in The View of Sayyid Mawdudi: An Objective Evaluation
Noor Mohammad Osmani 642
73. Memahami Emosi Remaja: Satu Keperluan Dakwah
Fariza Md. Sham 654
74. The Moslems Perspective Role in Economy Facing The Global Era In Indonesia
Yuliar Kartika Dra. MM 662
75. Peningkatan Komunikasi Sebagai Penyelesaian Masalah Dalam Kaunseling Perkahwinan dan Keluarga
Zaizul bin Ab.Rahman & Jaffary Awang 669
76. Legal Status Of Children in Islamic Law: A Comparative Study
Muhammad Zia Ul-Haq 680
77. Sistem Tutoran Pintar Feqah: Pembelajaran Multimedia Secara Tutoran Dalam Pendidikan Agama Islam
Nor Hamidah Mohamad, Zurina Muda, Shahrul Azman Mohd. Noah, Amirah Ismail, Tg. Siti Meriam Tg. Wook, Nazlena Mohd. Ali & Siti Fadzilah Mat Noor, 690
78. Kerajaan Nasriyyah di Granada (1238-1492M) dan Usaha Pengekalan Khilafah Islamiyyah di Andalus
Ezad Azraai Jamsari 695
79. Konflik (Ikhtilaf ) di Kalangan Aliran-Aliran Islam di Malaysia: Faktor dan Punca
Abdul Karim bin Ali, Mustaffa bin Abdullah, 715
80. Ibu Tunggal Muslim Desa di Pantai Timur: Beberapa Ciri Latar Belakang dan Implikasi ke Atas Perancangan Sosio Ekonomi
xi
81. Zakat Pertanian dalam Konteks Malaysia Satu Kajian dan Penilaian Semula
Mohd Rifqi b. Myibbin, Siti Zainab bte Hassan, Kamarul Azmi b. Jasmi dan Siti Fauziyani bt. Md Saleh @ Masrom 738
82. Ibu Tunggal Muslim Desa di Malaysia: Masalah dan Strategi Adaptasi
Wan Ibrahim Wan Ahmad 747
83. Metodologi Tafsir Imam Al -Bukhari dalam Sahih Al-Bukhari: Satu Pengenalan
Mohd Najib b. Abdul Kadir & Mazlan b. Ibrahim 755
84. E-learning in Islamic Studies: Possibilities and Challenges in Malaysia
Nik Salida Suhaila bt Nik Saleh & Syahirah bt Abdul Shukor 765
85. E-Fiqh: Foundations for ICT-Supported Fiqh
Abdulmajid H. Mohamed 772
86. Aplikasi Teknologi Multimedia Interaktif dalam Pendidikan Islam: Pakej Kisah Luqman Al-Hakim
Zurina Muda, Amnah Arifin dan Robiatul A’dawiah Jamaluddin 778
87. Boss-Subordinate Relation: An Islamic Paradigm
Abu Bakr Rafique Ahmad 784
88. Negligence and Indulgence from Viewpoint of Mowlana and Abousaeid Abolkhair
Mohammad Ali Khaledian 793
89. On Religiosity of Engineering Profession
Abdul Kabir Hussain Solihu 806
90. Tahap Pengamalan Tatacara Kehidupan Beradab Dalam Islam di Kalangan Mahasiswa Islam Tahun Empat, Fakulti Pendidikan, Universiti Teknologi Malaysia, Skudai.
Kamarul Azmi B. Jasmi, Norinah bt. Kinan, Siti Fauziyani bt. Md Saleh @ Masrom & Mohd Ismail b. Mustari 811
91. Pembentukan Generasi Melalui Seni
Mujani Tarimin & Fairuz el-Basri 822
92. Dakwah Dalam Menangani Isu-Isu Sosial di Kalangan Remaja
Ab. Halim bin Tamuri & Khadijah Abdul Razak 828
93. Reviewing The Solid Waste (Huwac) As Alternative Fuel in Brick Production Toward Rationality and Islam
Soeparjono 839
94. Puisi Islam dalam Minda Raja al-Nasir Dawud
95. Islamic Education and Akhlak Key to Academic Excellence
Che Zuina Binti Ismail 862
96. Just Retribution (Qisas) Versus Forgiveness (‘Afw)
Muhammad Amanullah 871
97. The Psychological Significance of Dream Messages: An Islamic Perspective
Sulayiti D. Kabali 884
98. Educating the ‘Pillar’ of the Home: The Role of Community-based Institution in Enhancing Non-Formal Learning Among Muslim Women
Maznah Hj Ibrahim 891
99. Institusi Masjid Dan Peranannya Ke Arah Membina Toleransi Beragama Dalam Masyarakat Majmuk
Ahmad Nawawi Yaakob, Sidek Abdullah & Zaluddin Sulaiman 901
100. Civilization in the Western and Islamic Cultural Traditions: A Conceptual Historical approach
Badrane Benlahcene 912
101. The Origin of the Medicine of the Prophet (al-Tibb al-Nabawi)
Nurdeen Deuraseh, Zaid Ahmad & Zarina Muhammad 923
102. Praktis Perbelanjaan Masyarakat Islam Bandaraya Masa Kini
Ezani Yaakub & Mohd Nor Mamat 931
103. Menjambatkan Masyarakat Majmuk di Malaysia Melalui Sikap Toleransi
Arena Bt Kasim, Muda @ Ismail Ab Rahman, Jaffary Awang, Rofizah Mohammad @ Mohammad Noor, Tengku Ghani Tengku Jusoh & Mohammad Khatim Hasan 948
104. Krisis Identiti Masyarakat Islam: Sorotan Wacana Intelektual Muslim Malaysia
Jaffary Awang 962
105. The development of the Health Sciences and Related Institutions During the First Six Centuries of Islam
Haji Hasbullah Haji Abdul Rahman 973
106. Pendidikan Islam dan Pembentukan Identiti Pelajar: Analisis dari Perspektif Kaunseling
Norazani Ahmad, Jaffary Awang & Hapizoh Talib 985
107. The Pre-Islamic Beliefs in Bugis Society: A Study on The I La Galigo
Suraya Sintang 995
108. The Experience of Islam and Politics in Indonesia
xiii
109. Insan: The Analysis and Design of a New System Development Life Cycle Methodology Based on the Islamic Concept of Human Life Development
Ibrahim Mohamed 1018
110. Moral Epistemology in Islamic Theology
Mohsen Javadi 1022
111. Akar Pemikiran Islam Liberal
Khalif Muammar A. Harris & Adibah Muhtar Abdul Aziz 1027
112. South African Muslim Thought: Hovering between Extreme Conservatism and Beyond Progressivism
Muhammed Haron 1040
113. Interdependence Between Human Rights and Human Development: A Comparative Study of Indonesia & Malaysia
Ataul Huq Pramanik 1049
114. Kitab Siyar al-Salikin oleh Abdul Samad al-Falimbani Mengelirukan
Abdulfatah Haron Ibrahim 1068
115. The Concept of the Muhammadan Light in Malay-Islamic Discourse in the Context of Sunni Sacred Narrative: An Early Observation
Muhammad 'Uthman El-Muhammady 1083
116. Pemikiran Kritis Islam Sebagai Pendekatan dalam Membangun Pemikiran Melayu Masa Kini
Mohd Fauzi Hamat 1111
117. An Islamic Response to Herzberg’s Two-Factor Motivation Theory
Yusof Ismail & Suhaimi Mhd Sarif 1125
118. Falsafah Occultisme dalam Kitab Melayu Klasik Taj Al-Mulk
Indriaty Ismail 1132
119. Bidang Kepintaran Buatan dari Perspektif Islam: Satu Kajian Awal
120. Carian Hadis Berasaskan Web: ke Arah Maklumat Hadis di Hujung Jari
Nurazmallai bin Marni, Ahmad Kilani bin Mohamed dan Wan Shaari bin Wan Alias
121. A Model of Islamic Securities Market
Prof. Madya Azlan Khalili Shamsuddin
122. Development of the Legal and Regulatory Framework for The Islamic Banking System in Malaysia
Muhamad Rahimi Osman & Ghafarullahhuddin Din
123. Islam dan Bahasa: Beberapa Pedoman Menggunakan Bahasa Untuk Berkomunikasi
Foreword
Assalamu’alaikum warahmatuAllah waBarakatuh and warm regards.
First and foremost praises be to Allah S.W.T. for His blessings and mercy in making the International Seminar on Islamic Thought 2004 a reality.
With pleasure, I on behalf of the organizing committee would like to give a warm welcome to all delegates and participants of the seminar which is jointly organized by the Department of Theology and Philosophy, Faculty of Islamic Studies, UKM and Jabatan Hal Ehwal Khas (Department of Special Affairs) Ministry of Information, Malaysia.
Having the golden opportunity to host such an ouspicious even, it is aimed that the seminar will serve as an intellectual platform for Islamic scholars worldwide to discuss and debate on multiple issues pertaining to Islam and its current development. The theme “Islam past, present and future” signifies how Islam is a complete and comprehensive religion applicable forever.
Recent political phenomenas happening in Afghanistan, Iraq, Sudan and the Southern part of Thailand has surely effected the position of muslims worldwide. False accusations that Islam is a religion promoting terrorism must be proven otherwise to ensure that Muslims no longer suffer and become victims of violence.
We must all stand together, hand in hand and stay united to maintain the stability and security of the Muslim Ummah. This can only be achieved by tolerance and understanding both between muslims and non muslims alike.
However, besides facing external pressure, the Muslim ummah is also experiencing challenges due to globalization. New issues and problems continously arise and require immediate responses and answers especially from Muslim intellectuals and scholars. Without delay, Muslims must be proactive and prepared to face the 21st century challenges without fear and hesitation.
Hopefully, this seminar will also strengthen our brotherhood ties and provide a good networking among us.
We are also very proud and grateful to have Dato’ Dr. Haji Shafie Haji Mohd. Salleh, Minister of Higher Education, Malaysia officiating this seminar. I would also like to extend my gratitude to our honourable Vice Chancellor of UKM Prof. Dato’ Dr. Mohd. Salleh Mohd. Yasin for giving the trust for us to organize this international seminar.
On behalf of the Department of Theology and Philosophy I would like to express my appreciation to Datuk Zainal Abidin Abdul Kadir, Chief Director of JASA and JASA itself for their financial support in jointly organizing the seminar.
Last but not least, I would like to congratulate the organizing committee that have worked very hard throughout the year in ensuring the smooth-running of this seminar. May Allah S.W.T. reward all of us with His blessings.
To all the presenters and participants of the seminar, thank you for contributing and enjoy the seminar. Thank You.
Prof. Dr. Muda @ Ismail Ab. Rahman Head
Department of Theology and Philosophy Faculty of Islamic Studies
xix
Patron
Vice Chancellor, UKMProf. Dato’ Dr. Mohd. Salleh Mohd. Yasin
Advisor
Prof. Dr. Muda @ Ismail Abd. Rahman Datuk Zainal Abidin Abdul Kadir
Chairman
Ahmad Sunawari LongDeputy Chairman
Dr. Jaffary Awang
Secretary
Kamarudin Haji SallehCommittee Members
Prof. Dr. Mohd Nasir Omar
Assoc. Prof. Dr. Tengku Ghani Tengku Jusoh Assoc. Prof. Dr. Ibrahim Abu Bakar
Assoc. Prof. Dr. Idris Zakaria Assoc. Prof. Dr. Mudasir Rosder
Assoc. Prof. Dr. Jawiah Dakir Dr. Faudzinaim Hj. Badaruddin
Mohd Napiah Abdullah Saharudin Sulaiman Hajah Anisah Zainal Abidin
Indriaty Ismail Abdull Rahman Mahmood
Muhammad Razak Idris Zaizul Ab. Rahman
The Responses of Sayyid Ahmad Khan to William Muir’s
Works on Islam
Muda @ Ismail Ab. Rahman
Sayyid Ahmad Khan (1817 – 1898) was an influential Indian scholar whose thought and activities helped to bring his Muslim community to closer contact with the West. He was a Muslim scholar and activist who led his community in India to a new era after the mutiny of 1857. He was interested in the study of Biblical Scriptures and Christian theology. His writings on Biblical scriptures became a turning point in the history of religions in India. Sayyid Ahmad Khan developed his views on Biblical scriptures on the basis of his study of Quranic passages. He also published books and articles on Islam as a response to works written and published by Western scholars such as William Muir.
The religious controversy that arose between Sayyid Ahmad Khan and William Muir of the Indian Civil Service was both theological and historical. Muir’s works on Islam and Sayyid Ahmad Khan’s writings on Biblical subjects and his reply to Muir’s works on Islamic subjects has something to do with a religious controversy that already occurred between Muslim ulamā’ and Christian missionaries in India at that time.
Writing in his controversial work on Islam called The Life of Mahomet, with introductory chapters on the original sources for the biography of Mahomet, and on the pre-Islamite history of Arabia, Muir says:
“The work was undertaken, and the study of Oriental authorities first entered upon, at the instance of the Rev. C. G. PFANDER, D.D., so well known as a Christian apologist in the controversy with the Mahometans, - who urged that a biography of the Prophet of Islam, suitable for the perusal of his followers, should be compiled in the Hindoostanee language, from the early sources acknowledged by themselves to be authentic and authoritative” (Muir, 1861, iii).
Muir’s work on Islam was first published in the Calcutta Review, volume XIX, January – June 1853 (The Calcutta Review, 1833, 1-80). This long eassay deals with the subjects of the Qur’an, Islamic tradition and earliest biographers of Mahomet. This essay also forms a part of his first volume of the Life of Mahomet published in 1861. The Life of Mahomet was published in four volumes. A few years later, Sayyid Ahmad Khan’s published his work called Tabyīn al-Kalām fī Tafsīr al-Taurāt wa al-Injīl ‘alā Mīllat al-Islām.
There is no evidence that Sayyid Ahmad Khan’s Tabyīn al-Kalām fī Tafsīr al-Taurāt wa al-Injīl ‘alā Mīllat al-Islām was a direct response to Muir’s The Life of Mahomet. But both Sayyid Ahmad Khan’s Tabyīn al-Kalām and Muir’s The Life of Mahomet were in a position of responding to a Muslim Christian religious debate that took place at that time. Both followed a debate between Carl Pfander on the one side and Rahmat Ali and Mohammad Qasim Ali on the other side. It is likely that the Agra debate between these scholars inspired Sayyid Ahmad Khan and Muir to publish their own works.
Ibn Hazm in his al-Milal wal Nihal had touched the fundamental arguments of Muslim Christian controversy, namely “the death of Christ, the contradictions in the Old and New Testaments, their corruption and the real sense in which the Muslims believe them to be revealed books” (Dar, op. cit.),. Al-Ghazali also deals with the same question by trying to prove the corruption of Biblical scriptures. (Dar, ibid) On the other hand, from the Christian side, Francis Xavier, the Portuguese missionary published a work called A’inah-i Haqq Numa
meaning “The Truth revealing Mirror”. In A’inah-i Haqq Numa, Xavier discussed several aspects of Christian theology including “the mystery of Trinity, the divinity of Christ, and the integrity of the Christian scriptures”. (Ibid) He also criticised the Islamic system of marriage, polygamy and divorce. (Ibid)
Henry Martyn, another Christian missionary who came to India in 1805 and then went to Shiraz was also engaged in a controversy with a Muslim scholar called Mirza Ibrahim. The controversy then was continued by Pfander and Rahmat Ali. (Mavello, op.cit. 89) Following a Muslim Christian controversy, both William Muir and Sayyid Ahmad Khan published The Life of Mahomet and Tabyīn al-Kalām fī Tafsīr al-Taurāt wa al-Injīl ‘alā Mīllat al-Islām
respectively.
There is no evidence to suggest that Sayyid Ahmad Khan’s writings on Biblical scriptures, became a major row between him and Christian missionaries in India at that time. But when Muir published his works on Islam, namely The Life of Mahomet, the controversy began.
Obviously, The Life of Mahomet was not like Pfander’s Mizan al-Haqq. The latter deals with the questions of divine revelation, the role of the prophets, the doctrines of Christ’s divinity and salvation through his crucifixion. (Weakley, 1867: 1-134) But Muir’s approach in his work The Life of Mahomet was semi-polemical as well as historiographical. (Aziz Ahmad 1970 : 260)
In some aspects, Mizan al-Haqq is similar to that of Sayyid Ahmad Khan’s Tabyin al-Kalam. Both works are concerned with the discussion of Christology, divine revelation, and the position of the prophets, but Tabyin al-Kalam goes further by discussing also the Old Testament. Both Mizan al-Haqq and Tabyin al-Kalam were published in order to face polemical theological challenges form Muslims and Christians respectively. Consequently, Mizan al-Haqq and some other works from Pfander namely Tariq al-Hayat (The Way of Life) and Miftah al-Asrar (The Key of the Mysteries) received a response from Maulvi Rahmat Allah through his work called Izhar al-Haqq, “Manifestation of the Truth”. It is not known
why Sayyid Ahmad Khan’s Tabyin al-Kalam did not receive any response from Christian
missionaries. Obviously, the work was carried out “primarily to understand the religious
mores of the rulers of his country, and secondly to pursue the counter-offensive against the Christian missionaries into their own territory”. (Ibid) Sayyid Ahmad Khan’s interpretation of Biblical scriptures is different from other Muslim scholars. His sympathetic views regarding Christianity in general led him to publish another work called Risalat Ahkam Ta’am Ahli Kitab in which he said that it is allowed for Muslims to eat with “people of the Book”. Referring back to the historical writings on the Life of the Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him), many scholars; Muslim and non Muslim, devoted their efforts to such works. Among them were Muir and Sayyid Ahmad Khan. What were the main factors that led Muir to publish The Life of Mahomet? Apart from Pfander’s call, Muir also felt that Dr. Sprenger’s work on the same subject contained some mistakes in regard to the condition of the peninsula of Arabia before the time of the Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him) and his character. Muir said:
Muda @ Ismail Ab. Rahman / 3
and suitable biography insensibly led me on to the compilation of the materials which I now venture to lay, in a digested form, before the public”. (Muir, op. cit. IV)
Muir’s book The Life of Mahomet, like other biographies of the Prophet, discusses in detail the story of the Prophet’s life from his childhood until his death. Within that period, the author also discusses social, religious and political conditions of the peninsula of Arabia before the emergence of Islam, the establishment of Islam and its spread from Mecca to Medina.
In the first volume of The Life of Mahomet, Muir deals with the questions of the collection and compilation of the Qur’an, the tradition and the early biographers of the Prophet’s life such as Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, ibn Hisham, Waqidi and Tabari. The aboriginal people of Arabia before the coming of Islam also were discussed. This historical exploration of the early history of Arabia led the author to trace the family roots of the Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him) and his ancestors and the history of Mecca where the Prophet was born. A small part in this volume was devoted to the birth and childhood of the Prophet which in fact forms the first chapter of the life of the Prophet.
In the second volume of The Life of Mahomet, Muir discusses the life of the Prophet from his youth to his fortieth year. Within that period, according to Islamic faith and history, Muhammad was not a Prophet yet. He became a Prophet when he was forty years old. Muslims believe that the angel of Revelation, Gabriel, appeared to the Prophet when the latter was in a cave called Hira’. According to Islamic belief, the first verse of the Qur’an was revealed to the Prophet Muhammad, when Gabriel, by the command of God, asked the Prophet to red. The Prophet replied that he did not know how to read. (The Quran, XCVI: 1-19) The second volume also touches the hijrah or the emigration of the Muslims from Mecca to Medinah. The third and the fourth volumes of The Life of Mahomet deal with among other things, the spread of Islam in Medinah after the arrival of the Prophet, the battles between Muslims and non-Muslim Quaraish who were very much opposed to Islam and the final days of the Prophet’s life including his farewell pilgrimage and his death.
Apart from Muir’s article which was published in the Calcutta Review on the subject of
the Life of Mahomet, these four volumes on the Life of the Prophet had been published in
London.
Sayyid Ahmad Khan followed all the historical events written by Muir concerning the life of the Prophet Muhammad. According to him, Muir’s writings on the Life of the Prophet
Mahomet were mainly based on al-Waqidi’s materials. Since Sayyid Ahmad Khan
considered al-Waqidi as “the worst author of all, and of the least credit, and all Mohammedan doctors and divines have declared him not to be, in the least degree, of any authority, and as being the least entitled to credit” (Syed Ahmed Khan, 1981: xiv), therefore, he thought that Muir’s work on the life of the Prophet needed to be replied to. As a result, he wrote A Series
of Essays on The Life of Mohammed and subjects subsidiary thereto. Regarding Muir’s The
Life of Mahomet, Sayyid Ahmad Khan says:
It is clear that a controversy between Sayyid Ahmad Khan and Muir began after the publication of The Life of Mahomet. The controversy that took place between them was not as fierce as the old one between Rammohun and Marshman. There is no word that could injure the feelings of either scholar personally used by either of them. There is no word such as “an Intelligent Heathen” or even a description of the Christian or Islamic miracles as fabricated tales used by Sayyid Ahmad Khan or Muir. Sayyid Ahmad Khan waited for several years after the publication of Muir’s Life of Mahomet in order to reply to Muir’s work. Possibly due to the lack of material he had that made him delay replying to Muir’s work soon after the latter published his work Life of Mahomet. Therefore, when Sayyid Ahmad Khan visited England in the late 1860s, he spent most of his time in the India Office Library in order to collect material for his reply to Muir’s Life of Mahomet. In his letter (it is not mentioned to whom he wrote that letter) of September 10, 1869, he said:
I am busy day and night in the writing of the book on the Prophet. I have suspended every other work. Continuous writing gets me a backache. I am now engaged in organizing the materials for the book, now given to the worries of answering the objections raised, and now to the anxiety of examining and correcting historical facts. Since there is in no one to assist me, the work has become all the more difficult. Further, the expenditure involved makes me miserable for the calligraphy and printing have been started but where is the money available. Muslims will surely come out to fight on the issue of dining with Englishmen but if you ask them to spend a penny in the name of religion, they will abstain. In my opinion, the best service of Islam and the most immediate need are to publish this book in English. The English translation has, therefore, been started. Urdu is postponed for the present …. If my book is completed, I must consider my coming to London equal to ten Hajj pilgrimages and also a source of my salvation. My God accept it. Amen.” (Syed Ahmad Khan, ibid).
In his preface to his book Essays on the Life of Mohammed, Sayyid Ahmad Khan mentioned several European writers on Islam and the Prophet Muhammad. Names like Edward Gibbon, Godfrey Higgins, Thomas Carlyle, and John Davenport were included among those who had sympathetic views on Islam and the Prophet himself. On the other hand, he also mentioned that among those European writers who had uncompromising and intolerant views on the above subjects were Dean Prideaux, Dr. Sprenger and many others. Although Sayyid Ahmad Khan considers Muir’s Life of Mahomet as the best of all the biographies about the Prophet ever published by non-Muslim writers, this work still received strong criticism from him (ibid). He points out furthermore, that despite Pfander’s urge for the authentic and authoritative biography of the Prophet to be written in the Hindustani language,
“but it is with much regret I have to state that this motive, notwithstanding the high ability and talents of Sir William Muir, exercised upon his mind the same influence which it would naturally have exerted over any other person under the same circumstances; so much so indeed, that the interesting and beautiful features of Islam appeared to him as deformed and repulsive, an impression the effect of which upon the reader was to make him consider it as exaggeration …. When this work appeared, the curiosity it excited among the reading public was only equalled by their impatience to persue it, but no sooner was it found that the simplest and plainest facts connected with Islam and Mohammed had been strained and twisted and distorted, in short, subjected to the Procrustes’ process in order to make them the indices or exponents of the author’s prepossessions and prejudices, than the interest created by the announcement of the work fell, instanter, to zero”. (ibid: xviii-xix).
According to Sayyid Ahmad Khan, these factors made him decided firmly to publish his own work on the Life of Muhammad, (peace be upon him). (ibid) Sayyid Ahmad Khan’s work on the life of the Prophet in fact is a collection of several essays relating to the Prophet’s life.
The titles of those essays are as follow:
1. Essay on the Historical Geography of Arabia.
Muda @ Ismail Ab. Rahman / 5
3. Essay on the various Religions of the pre-Islamic Arabs.
4. Essay on the question whether Islam has been beneficial or injurious to human society in general, and to the Mosaic and Christian dispensations.
5. Essay on the Mohammedan theological Literature. 6. Essay on the Mohammedan Traditions.
7. Essay on the Holy Koran
8. Essay on the History of the Holy Mecca. 9. Essay on the pedigree of Mohammed.
10. Essay on the prophecies respecting Mohammed as contained in both the Old and the New Testament.
11. Essay on Shakki-Sadar and Meraj, that is the splitting (open) of the chest of Mohammed; and his night journey.
12. Essay on the birth and childhood of Mohammed.
By publishing these essays, Sayyid Ahmad Khan hope that they might decrease misunderstandings about Islam and the life of the Prophet Muhammad as a result of Muir’s work.
Sayyid Ahmad Khan took about nine years after the publication of Muir’s The Life of
Mahomet to reply to the latter’s work. After he published his Essays on the Life of
Mohammed, he received no reply from Muir, and the controversy between them stopped.
A. Maiello points out that Muir’s critical biography of the life of Muhammad “proved to be far more insidious that the writings of the traditional polemicists” (Maiello, op. cit : 89). It is due to this reason that Sayyid Ahmad Khan had to reply to Muir’s work in order to remove misunderstandings on Islam and the life of the Prophet Muhammad.
Muir’s Life of Mahomet rejects the idea that the Qur’an was a deliberate forgery. In other words, although Muir’ Life of Mahomet was considered to be insidious, yet there are also some positive points presented by him in his writing on Islam and the life of the prophet Muhammad (Haykal, 1976: ixiii – ixx). But since the writing and the publication of Muir’s
Life of Mahomet had been considered by Sayyid Ahmad Khan as a new threat to Islam and
Muslims, he thought he must reply. According to Maiello again, Muir wrote his life of
Mahomet and other books on the history of Muslims (he does not mention which book) with
the clear intention
“of supplying missionaries the new material with which to tear the Muslims from their faith, realizing the past approaches, couched as they were in abstract Christian theological arguments, could not produce the desired effects.” (Maiello, op. cit: 90).
Commenting on several works published by non-Muslim writers on the life of Muslims, Sayyid Ahmad Khan says:
“These books about Muslim being written by Westerners are both unjust and full of prejudices, and there is no vice which has not been attributed to our nation. Our young people reasing and studying such English books will be greatly influenced since they are apt to accept such distorted views as true facts. Consequently, it is useful and necessary that books giving the true history of the Muslims be written in English”. (Maiello, ibid: 94).
For these reasons, Sayyid Ahmad Khan wrote and published Essays on the life of
Mohammed. On the other hand, one must also remember that Sayyid Ahmad Khan had
besides the above mentioned reasons of his writing of the Prophet’s life, might also think that Muir’s work Life of Mahomet does not help to promote good understanding and better relationship between Muslims and the British government in India.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Ahmad, Aziz. 1970. Islamic Modernism in India and Pakistan 1857 – 1964. London: Oxford
University Press, 2nd impression.
Dar, Bashir Ahmad. 1971. Religious Thought of Sayyid Ahmad Khan. Lahore: Institute of Islamic Culture, 2nd ed.
Maiello, Amedeo. 1976. “Sir Sayyid Ahmad Khan and the Christian Challenge” in Annali Del Instituto Oriental Di Napoli, vol. 36.
Muhammad Husayn Haykal. 1976. The Life of Muhammad. Translated from the 8th. Edition by Isma’il Ragi A. al-Faruqi. No place of publication: North American Trust Publications.
Muir, William. 1861. The life of Mahomet. With Introductory chapters on the Original Sources for the biography of Mahomet and on the pre-Islamite History of Arabia. London: Smith, Elder and Co. vol. 1.
Syed Ahmad Khan Bahador. 1981. A Series of Essays on The Life of Mohammed and Subjects
subsidiary thereto, vol. 1. Delhi: Idarah-I Adabiyat-I Delli. Prof. Dr. Muda @ Ismail Ab Rahman
Department of Theology and Philosophy Faculty of Islamic Studies
Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia 43600 Bangi
Strategi Pendidikan dalam Menangani Gangguan Seksual
Terhadap Organisasi dan Individu di Tempat Kerja
Sabitha Marican, Sharrifah Ali & Maznah Hj. Ibrahim
Abstrak
Gangguan seksual adalah satu gejala sosial yang semakin mendapat perhatian dari setiap lapisan masyaraka di Malaysia. Kesan gangguan seksual tidak terbatas hanya pada individu malah ia turut memberi kesan menyeluruh kepada organisasi tempat bekerja. Kertas kerja ini bertujuan memberi pendedahan terkini tentang kesan gangguan seksual dari dua aspek iaitu organisasi dan individu. Hasil dapatan dari gabungan kajian berbentuk kuantitatif dan kualitatif telah mendapati mangsa gangguan seksual mengalami pelbagai kesan iaitu dari segi emosi, sosial, dan fizikal. Hasil kajian ini juga merumuskan bahawa faktor jantina mangsa juga memainkan peranan di mana mangsa mengalami kesan emosi yang berbeza terhadap gangguan seksual. Kertas kerja ini mengutarakan beberapa langkah strategi pendidikan dari perspektif organisasi dan individu dalam usaha menangani gangguan seksual di tempat kerja.
Pengenalan
Agama Islam ialah agama yang sangat mementingkan sikap hormat menghormati dikalangan umatnya. Dalam mengaitkan fenomena gangguan seksual, bukan sahaja sikap hormat menghormati telah hilang malah ia kini dilihat sebagai satu masalah sosial dan bukan lagi dianggap sebagai masalah individu sahaja. Agama Islam sentiasa mengutarakan prinsip harmoni dan ketenangan menuntut penganutnya mencari jalan keluar dalam menangani gangguan seksual yang kian melanda masyarakat kini. Ini adalah disebabkan kejadian gangguan seksual berlaku semakin meluas dan mempunyai kesan negatif yang serius ke atas mangsa dan seterusnya memberi kesan terhadap prestasi individu di tempat kerja. (Backhouse & Cohen, 1981). Walaupun kes gangguan seksual telah lama berlaku, isu gangguan seksual di negara kita hanya mendapat perhatian dengan bermulanya satu kes gangguan seksual yang berlaku di Jennico Associates. Kes ini telah yang dibawa ke mahkamah oleh seorang pekerja wanita Lilian Therera de Costa di mana beliau telah diganggu secara seksual oleh majikannya (Wan Hazmir Bakar, 1999).
Sorotan Literatur Ganggual Seksual
Definasi Gangguan Seksual
Takrifan dan kefahaman mengenai gangguan seksual di Malaysia masih belum diketahui begitu meluas di kalangan pekerja organisasi mahupun masyarakat secara umumnya (Nor Affizar, 2001). Pada umumnya maksud gangguan seksual ialah sebarang tingkah laku yang tidak diingini, tidak disenangi, serta berlaku tanpa diminta atau dibalas balik oleh penerima, dan yang memberi kesan sebagai satu gangguan sama ada secara lisan, bukan lisan, visual, atau fizikal (Tengku Omar dan Maimunah, 2000; dan Kementerian Sumber Manusia, 1999). Menurut maklumat dari Kementerian Sumber Manusia (1999) dan Tengku Omar & Maimunah (2000) gangguan seksual mempunyai ciri-ciri yang berikut:
1. Gangguan yang terdiri daripada bentuk ugutan yang memberi kesan secara langsung kepada status pekerjaan seseorang.
2. Gangguan yang berbentuk ancaman kepada ketenteraman peribadi, contohnya tingkah laku seksual yang dianggap oleh mangsa sebagai ancaman, ugutan atau penghinaan yang tidak mempunyai kaitan langsung dengan faedah-faedah pekerjaan.
Kesan Gangguan Seksual Terhadap Mangsa
Gutek (1985) menyatakan bahawa ada kesan negatif hasil dari gangguan seksual iaitu dalam bentuk psikologi. Pengkaji tempatan Mat Saad Baki (1995) mengatakan di antara kesan psikologi yang dihadapi oleh mangsa ialah hilang keyakinan terhadap diri sendiri, merasa tidak selamat ketika berada di tempat kerja, mengalami ketegangan, gementar, marah, takut serta terasa seolah-olah mereka tidak mampu untuk berbuat apa-apa. Kajian dari Murell, Olson & Frieze (1995) mendapati mangsa akan mudah berasa rendah diri, merasa tercemar nama baik, kurang percaya pada diri sendiri, sentiasa menyimpan perasaan marah dan dendam yang akhirnya membawa kemurungan berpanjangan.
Gangguan seksual juga boleh membawa perbagai kesan negatif secara fizikal terhadap mangsa. Masalah kesihatan seperti gangguan dalam perut, masalah yang berkaitan dengan pergigian, sakit kepala, sukar untuk tidur, kelesuan, rasa loya, pengurangan dalam berat badan, hilang selera makan, sakit tengkok dan sakit belakang (Gutek, 1985; Loy & Stewart, 1984; Salisbury, Ginoria, Remick & Stringer, 1986; Mac Kinnon, 1979). Kesimpulanya mengikut Gutek dan Cohen (1987) dan Mat Saat Baki (1995) gangguan seksual boleh meninggalkan kesan traumatik yang menjejaskan kesihatan badan, mental dan psikologi simangsa.
Sabitha Marican et.al / 9
Kesan Gangguan Seksual Terhadap Organisasi
Gangguan seksual bukan setakat memberikan kesan kepada individu atau mangsa tersebut malah ia turut memberikan kesan ke atas organisasi dan ekonomi. Secara khususnya, menurut Terpestra dan Cook (1985), dari sudut ekonomi, ia merugikan dari aspek pasaran buruh. Ini disebabkan pusing ganti kerja yang berlaku akan menyebabkan sesebuah organisasi itu terpaksa mengeluarkan perbelanjaan yang lebih untuk mengambil pekerja baru dan terpaksa mengeluarkan kos untuk melatih mereka. Keadaan ini berlaku kerana pekerja lama yang mengalami gangguan seksual biasanya telah mempunyai pengalaman dan kehilangan pekerja yang berpengalaman akan menyebabkan organisasi turut terbabit rugi.
Selain dari itu organisasi juga terpaksa menanggung kos-kos terbabit dengan isu perundangan sekiranya organisasi tersebut didakwa dan masa yang diambil untuk menyelesaikan masalah itu akan memberi impak yang besar ke atas organisasi tersebut (Husbands, 1992). Antara contohnya yang pernah berlaku ialah kes pampasan yang pernah dibayar oleh Bibun dan AT & T sebanyak $3.1 juta kepada Moore. Organisasi tempat bekerja juga harus membayar kos perkhidmatan pakar psikologi dan kaunselor untuk membantu mangsa gangguan seksual (Crull, 1982). Kesan seperti ini memberi kesan ekonomi kepada organisasi disamping turut kehilangan sumber manusia yang berpengalaman (Khairunnisa, 1997b).
Kesimpulanya kesan gangguan seksual bukan hanya melibatkan kerugian dalam bentuk wang. Ia turut memberikan kesan emosi yang berlarutan. Ini adalah kerana gangguan seksual boleh membawa kesan yang mendalam ke atas mangsa, keluarga mangsa, penganggu, keluarga penganggu dan semua yang terlibat dengan keadaan tersebut. Kesan gangguan seksual meliputi mereka yang terlibat di dalam mahupun di luar organisasi. Pendek kata, gangguan seksual sama ada dalam bentuk yang serius atau sederhana tetap memberi kesan negatif ke atas psikologi dan prestasi pekerja jika dibandingkan dengan mereka yang tidak menghadapi masalah gangguan seksual (Fitzgerald, Swan & Fischer,1995).
Objektif Kajian
Kertas kerja ini membincangkan kesan gangguan seksual ke atas mangsa dan langkah awal dalam menangani gangguan seksual di sektor awam. Kajian ini berperanan untuk memaklumkan pihak organisasi terlibat dalam membuat langkah awal untuk membendung gejala sosial di tempat kerja sebelum ia melibatkan kos and imej pada organisasi pada jangka masa panjang.
Metodologi Kajian
Perbincangan dan rumusan kertas kerja ini adalah berdasarkan pada hasil dapatan dari dua buah kajian. Kajian pertama merupakan kajian tinjauan yang meneroka kesan yang dialami oleh mangsa gangguan seksual dan emosi yang mereka dilalui. Kajian ini dilakukan di 69 jabatan yang dipilih secara rambang dari 1243 jabatan kerajaan yang dari semua negeri di Semenanjung Malaysia. Kesemua pekerja dari kategori A dan B berjumlah 1 007 orang dari setiap jabatan diambil sebagai responden kajian. Soal selidik diedarkan oleh wakil di setiap jabatan yang dipilih.
Gangguan seksual dalam kedua-dua kajian ini mendapati ada 4 bentuk gangguan seksual iaitu bentuk lisan, fizikal, isyarat dan visual. Bentuk gangguan seksual ini adalah seperti yang termaktub dalam Kod Amalan untuk mencegah dan membasmi gangguan seksual di tempat kerja yang dibangunkan oleh Kementerian Sumber Manusia (1999). Gangguan seksual diukur dengan menggunakan Utara Sexual Harassment Perception Questionnaire (Sabitha, 2001).
Hasil Dapatan Kajian dan Perbincangan
Seperti yang telah dinyatakan, kertas kerja ini membincangkan kesan gangguan seksual dari dua sudut iaitu dari sudut organisasi dan individu.
Kesan dari Sudut Organisasi
Dalam kajian pertama terdiri daripada 66.7% lelaki dan 33.3% perempuan. 87.8 % responden adalah Melayu dan telah berkahwin. Dapatan kajian menunjukkan bahawa responden mengalami pelbagai tekanan yang berlarutan di organisasi tempat mereka bekerja.
Kesan sosial (20.6%) ialah kesan yang paling banyak dialami oleh responden. Antara kesan yang dilalui oleh responden ialah dari sikap cuba menjauhkan diri dari bergaul dengan orang lain, mempunyai perasaan takut pada orang yang tidak dikenali, kurang percaya terhadap orang lain, mengubah jalinan dan jaringan sosial.
Kesan kedua ialah prestasi kerjaya responden (15.6%). Kesan ke atas kerjaya yang dialami oleh mangsa yang dominan ialah perubahan pada tabiat kerja. Prestasi kerja menurun disebabkan oleh tekanan yang mereka dilalui, ponteng kerja, dan tidak mahu terlibat secara aktif dengan kerja. Mereka juga mengalami perubahan terhadap matlamat kerja yang menyebabkan mereka kurang bergaul dengan teman kerja lain. Mereka juga menjadi kurang minat terhadap kerja, yang kemudiannya merosakkan peluang untuk naik pangkat dan ada yang berfikir untuk bertukar tempat kerja.
Kesan seterusnya ialah perubahan dalam persepsi kendiri (13.8%). Responden yang mengalami gangguan seksual mendapati mereka mempunyai perasaan kurang percaya pada diri sendiri, tidak bermaya, rasa terasing, mempunyai perasaan kurang daya saing berbanding dengan teman sekerja yang lain.
Manakala sebanyak 9.9% responden mengalami kesan fizikal. Antara kesan fizikal yang dilalui oleh responden ialah sakit kepala, tidak dapat memberi tumpuan pada kerja, gangguan tidur, tidak bermaya, mengalami masalah penghadaman dan gangguan pemakanan, penafasan, fobia dan cepat panik, mimpi ngeri atau mengigau, mendapat penyakit kulit seperti jerawat dan sepertinya.
Jadual 1: Kesan Gangguan Seksual Terhadap Organisasi
Kesan gangguan seksual Peratusan Jenis Kesan Gangguan
Seksual
Kesan Sosial 20.6 % kurang atau tidak mahu
berinteraksi dalam team work – organisasi menghadapi tenaga kerja yang kurang mantap.
Kesan ke atas kerjaya 15.6 % Prestasi kerja menurun
Sabitha Marican et.al / 11
tempat kerja – organisasi kehilangan tenaga kerja yang berkualiti.
Perubahan dalam persepsi kendiri (13.8%).
13.8 % kurang percaya pada diri
sendiri, tidak bermaya, rasa terasing, mempunyai perasaan kurang daya saing berbanding dengan teman sekerja yang lain – hilang daya saing yang positif dalam organisasi.
Kesan fizikal 9.9 % sakit kepala, tidak dapat
memberi tumpuan pada kerja, gangguan tidur, tidak bermaya, mengalami masalah penghadaman dan gangguan pemakanan dan berbagai lagi – organisasi terpaksa menampung kos perubatan yang lebih tinggi.
Kesan Terhadap Individu
Untuk melihat kesan gangguan seksual terhadap jantina dan individu, temuduga telah dilakukan ke atas 40 responden. 20 orang wanita dan 20 orang lelaki melibatkan diri secara sukarela untuk ditemubual. Hasil temuduga menunjukkan bahawa kesan emosi terhadap gangguan seksual adalah berbeza antara lelaki dan wanita.
Analisis kandungan yang dilakukan ke atas temubual yang dilakukan menunjukkan bahawa perasaan wanita terhadap kesan gangguan seksual adalah lebih mendalam atau lebih emosional. Antara ungkapan perasaan yang diberikan oleh responden wanita yang mengalami gangguan seksual dari lelaki yang berpangkat lebih dari mereka ialah perasaan seperti, “meluat”, “malu”, “murah”, “perempuan jalanan”, “barang mainan”, “sedih”, “takut”, “perangai tidak senonoh”, “menyampah”, “benci”, “melampau”, “tak tau bahasa”, “kurang ajar”, “rasa terhina”, “jijik”, “rasa tak da harga”, “memperleceh kita”, “nak muntah”, “dibuli”, “takut”, “malu”, “sakit hati”, “perempuan joget”.
Sebagai perbandingan, emosi yang diperolehi dari responden lelaki yang mengalami unjuran seksual dari wanita yang berpangkat seringkali timbul dalam bentuk perasaan ‘terkejut’, ‘terperanjat’, ‘keliru’, ‘di luar dugaan’, ‘tak sangka’, ‘pelik’, ‘janggal’, dan ‘luar biasa’. “tidak sopan”, “tak profesional” dan “hairan”. Lebih menarik lagi, ada responden lelaki didapati sering melihat tingkah laku unsur seksual itu sebagai ‘satu pujian’. Sebagai contoh, “baguslah ini maknanya orang nak kat kita lagi” ataupun satu perkara yang lazim seperti “inikan perkara biasa” ataupun ‘gangguan’ ini dianggap menceriakan tempat kerja; contohnya “barulah syok tempat kerja”.
Malahan, perasaan tidak senang di kalangan lelaki yang diganggu oleh mereka yang mempunyai kuasa hirarki juga tidaklah seteruk perasan yang dialami oleh wanita (Fitzgerald et al., 1988). Ianya seiring dengan bukti dari kajian Fujita, Diener dan Sandvik (1991) yang merumuskan wanita mengalami kesan emosi yang lebih mendalam berbanding dengan lelaki sehinggakan wanita sering disalahtafsirkan sebagai ‘terlalu emosional’ dari lelaki.
Strategi Awal Menangani Gangguan Seksual
Hasil kajian di atas telah membuktikan bahawa gangguan seksual bukan setakat memberi kesan negatif kepada individu atau mangsa malah ia turut memberi kesan ‘kos berbentuk material dan emosi’ ke atas organisasi tempat bekerja. Ia merugikan dari aspek pasaran buruh kerana sesebuah organisasi itu mungkin terpaksa mengeluarkan perbelanjaan yang lain hanya untuk mengambil pekerja baru dan untuk melatih mereka.
Program Pencegahan Gangguan Seksual
Sehubungan dengan itu majikan disarankan mengadakan program pendidikan berbentuk pencegahan gangguan seksual secara menyeluruh di tempat kerja. Salah satu daripadanya ialah menubuhkan peraturan khas yang berkaitan dengan gangguan seksual di tempat kerja. Peraturan ini perlu memberi keadilan bukan hanya setakat masalah wanita tetapi ia merangkumi seluruh masyarakat pekerja. Antara langkah yang perlu diambil oleh pihak majikan mahupun pekerja adalah seperti berikut:
1. Pihak majikan mesti mengambil semua laporan secara bertulis. Laporan bertulis boleh bertindak menghentikan atau menghalang agar gangguan tidak terus berlaku. 2. Mengeluarkan satu pernyataan polisi yang jelas menentang tingkah laku tersebut.
Polisi ini turut mendefinisikan gangguan seksual agar ia dapat difahami dengan menyatakan tindakan tegas yang akan diambil terhadap mereka yang melakukan gangguan seksual.
3. Merekabentuk prosedur laporan gangguan seksual. Prosedur ini membolehkan pihak pekerja tahu apa yang perlu dilakukan bagi mengatasi masalah ini. Prosedur yang dibuat hendaklah praktikal, tidak terlalu ketat atau menyusahkan kerana ia akan membantutkan pekerja membuat laporan mengenai gangguan seksual.
4. Mewujudkan sistem tindakbalas pengurusan yang merangkumi reaksi segera dan penyiasatan oleh pihak atasan.
5. Menyimpan rekod laporan, penyiasatan dan juga tindakan yang diambil. Ini bertujuan bagi memudahkan rujukan pada masa akan datang.
Sabitha Marican et.al / 13
Kesedaran Pekerja tentang Gangguan Seksual
Dari sudut pekerja pula, mereka perlu diberi pendedahan bahawa mereka patut bertanggungjawab ke atas diri mereka sendiri untuk mengelakkan gangguan seksual di tempat kerja. Antara strategi yang boleh dilakukan oleh mereka ialah seperti berikut:
1. Memberi tindak balas dengan cara memaklumkan kepada pelaku bahawa apa yang dilakukan tidak wajar dan tidak sepatutnya dilakukan oleh orang yang waras.
2. Membuat kenyataan bertulis apa yang telah berlaku dan melahirkan rasa ketidakpuasan hati terhadap penganggu.
3. Melaporkan kepada pihak atasan yang dipercayai agar gangguan tersebut dapat dihentikan dan diselesaikan.
4. Sekiranya gagal, mangsa boleh melaporkan kepada pihak polis di atas apa yang berlaku.
Berkaitan dengan tindakan pekerja di atas, secara umumnya pekerja digalakkan untuk membuat aduan ke pihak atasan dengan menyediakan dan mengumumkan satu prosedur aduan yang diketahui umum oleh pekerja. Ini dengan sendirinya dapat membantu pembentukkan budaya sihat di tempat kerja. Sikap yang telus juga berkait rapat dengan etika, nilai-nilai murni dan gelagat individu dalam budaya tersebut.
Melalui pembentukkan budaya sihat ini maka pekerja akan dapat menghormati dan memahami antara satu sama lain dan berusaha untuk mengelakkan gangguan seksual dari berlaku. Secara keseluruhannya masalah gangguan seksual ini mencakupi aspek individu, organisasi dan masyarakat maka, usahasama untuk membasmi gangguan seksual harus dilakukan oleh semua peringkat masyarakat dan tanggungjawab ini bukan hanya tertakluk di pihak kerajaan semata-mata.
Kesimpulan
Tempat kerja yang bebas daripada gangguan seksual merupakan satu syarat pekerjaan yang berhak dinikmati oleh semua pekerja tanpa mengira jantina. Ini selaras dengan saranan Agama Islam yang menegaskan bahawa manusia perlu mengamalkan sikap hormat menghormati di mana mereka berada. Keadilan sosial menuntut layanan yang saksama dan penghormatan maruah diri mestikan diberikan pekerja daripada prinsip utama keadilan sosial. Oleh yang demikian, kedua-dua pihak iaitu pekerja dan majikan perlu memainkan peranan yang penting dalam membantu mewujudkan suasana budaya kerja yang sihat dan professional. Ini termasuk untuk mewujudkan satu prasarana kerja yang harmoni dan merangsang individu untuk bekerja ke tahap yang terbaik bebas dari gangguan seksual.
Rujukan
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Khairunnisa Hussin (1997b, Ogos). Pertubuhan wanita sedia membantu. Jelita, ms.102-103.
Kementerian Sumber Manusia (1999). Kod Amalan Untuk Mencegah dan Membasmi Gangguan Seksual di Tempat Kerja. Kuala Lumpur.
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Prof. Madya. Dr. Sabitha Marican (UUM) Sharrifah Ali (UiTM)
The Islamic Concept of World Division Based on
al-Nawawi’s
Minhaj al-Talibin
Mohd. Nasran Mohamad
Introduction
Although the notion of a world division is implicit in Shafi’i fiqh, the jurists do not discuss it as a separate issue. It is rather a term which appears in modern Muslim scholarship. However, there are technical terms relating to this topic appearing in the classical works of
fiqh which indicate that a basic concept of world division existed in the thought of early
fuqaha’. In the Minhaj al-Talibin and the Rawdat al-Talibin, the points which concern this concept of world division are scattered within two kitabs - kitab al-siyar and kitab al- jizyah.1 Al-Nawawi uses the terms baldatun lana, dar al-Islam and bilad al-Islam, to describe Muslim territory. He uses biladuhum, dar al-harb and dar al-kufr to describe non-Muslim territory, while the terms harbiyyah, ahl al-harb and al-kuffar are used to refer to the people of that territory. For example, in the kitab al-siyar, there are two types of territory mentioned in relation to the legal requirement (hukm) of jihad - Muslim and non-Muslim territory. Al-Nawawi says ;
After the death of the Prophet, the infidels can be divided into two categories. Firstly, those who reside in their own territory [i.e. who do not attack Muslims] . Secondly, those who enter Muslim territory...2
From this statement, one learns that al-Nawawi’s concept of world division is based on external political power. On this basis, he distinguishes the Muslims from the rest of the world and names their territory daral-Islam which is consistent with their belief. All other people of the world are considered to be infidels, regardless of their different beliefs, and he chooses a term suited to those nations’ territories - dar al-kuffar. Al-Nawawi, however, distinguishes Jews, Christians and Zoroastrians (al-Majus), who possessed a scripture, from other infidels, as they are ahl al-kitab, who are qualified for contracting dhimmah.
Dar al-Islam
Al-Nawawi provides no clear definition of the concept of dar al-Islam. However, references, from which one may reconstruct dar al-Islam, appear scattered throughout the works, but especially under kitab al-siyar and kitab al-jizyah. Under kitab al-jizyah, al-Nawawi, when imposing a poll-tax on the infidels, gives the following terms to be employed: “I establish you upon daral-Islam” (‘uqirrukum bidar al-Islam), or “I grant you permission to live there on condition of paying a poll-tax, and submitting to our laws” (‘uzintu fi `iqamatikum biha ‘ala `an tabzulu jizyatan wa tanqadu lihukmi al-Islam).3
1 Al-Nawawi seems to separate
jizyah from jihad, even though the concept of jizyah is justified by the concept of jihad.
2 For further details, see al-Nawawi, Yahya b. Sharaf 1992,
From this statement, it is understood that what al-Nawawi means by dar al-Islam is a territory ruled by Islamic law.4 Thus, it can also be understood that the decisive factor for ascertaining whether a region belongs to dar al-Islam is Muslim political power and the application of Islamic law.5 This type of territory, according to al-Nawawi and all other jurists, comprises Muslim and non-Muslim communities called ahl al-dhimmah (dhimmis), who prefer to hold fast to their own religion at the price of paying jizyah to the Islamic authority.
Under kitab al-jizyah, al-Nawawi states that an agreement for the payment of poll-tax may be made only with Jews, Christians, and Zoroastrians (al-Majus), provided the peoples concerned already practiced their religion before the mission of the Prophet Muhammad, or at any rate at some uncertain date. This benefit, according to al-Nawawi, extends also to those who think themselves in possession of holy books (suhuf) revealed to Ibrahim or of the Psalms (zabur) of Dawud. Al-Nawawi adds that it even extends, according to the Shafi’i school of law, to individuals one of whose parents is an adherent of a religion founded upon some holy book, and the other an idolater6. In addition, al-Nawawi maintains that dhimmis have to submit to Islamic law (tanqadu li hukmi al-Islam)7. In short, they must accept what is decided by the Muslim authority, and they must not transgress in matters of behaviour forbidden under the shari‘ah.
This means other infidels who are not mentioned above, are ineligible to the contract of
dhimmah or to become dhimmis. Otherwise, they have no choice either to become Muslims
or possibly to be attacked immediately.
Division of
Dar al-Islam
In his chapter of jizyah, al-Nawawi goes a considerable way in explaining his concept of the division of dar al-Islam. He divides the Muslim territories into four categories, viz. :
(1) Territory which was founded by Muslims (fi biladin ‘ahdathnahu). Al-Sharbini adds ‘such as Baghdad, Kufah, Basrah and Cairo’.
(2) Territory whose inhabitants converted to Islam of their own free will (aslama ahluhu ‘alayhi).8 Al-Sharbini adds ‘such as Yemen and Medina’.
(3) Territory which is conquered by force (wama futiha ‘unwatan). Al-Sharbini adds, ‘such as Isfahan and Morocco’.9
3
Ibid, p. 314.
4 This seems to be a very important point in Muslim ‘political theory’. It is the application of Muslim
law, rather than the rule of a particular sovereign, that distinguishes the dar al-Islam.
5But many countries where Islamic law was Islamic law was not put into effect although ruled by
Muslim rulers who professed Islam were regarded as dar al-Islam.
6
Qur’anic in origin, the term ahl al-kitab or People of the Book refers mainly to Jews and Christians. There were known books associated with them: al-Tawrah (the Torah), al-Zabur (the Psalms), and the al-Injil (the Gospel). The use of this term was later extended to the Sabeans (al-Sabi’in), both the genuine Sabeans, who are mentioned in the Qur’an alongside the Jews and Christians, and the spurious Sabeans (star-worshippers of Harran) to the Zoroastrians, and in India, even to idolaters. In the Qur’an, the term does not occur before the end of the Meccan period. A possibly slightly earlier expression is
ahl al-dhikr (posessors of edification), witnesses of previous revelations (Q.17:43; 21:7). For further details, see Encyclopedia of Islam,EI(2), 1979. p. 264.
7Sharbini
,Shams al-Din Muhammad 1991, Mughni al-Muhtaj, Vol. VI , Beirut: Dar Kutb
al-‘Ilmiyyah. p. 77.
8Al-Nawawi,
op cit, p.314.
9 Al-Sharbini,
Mohd. Nasran Mohamad / 17
(4) Territories which are conquered by Sulh (peace agreement). With regard to these territories, al-Nawawi states that the following cases must be distinguished.
(a) Territory owned by Muslims. Al-Sharbini adds, ‘in exchange for payment of jizyah, such as Jerusalem10 and Mecca’. Al-Nawawi states that if the composition (sulh) is to the effect that the land shall be owned by Muslims (bi shart al-ardlana), the infidels are permitted to remain in residence (washart iskanihim).
As to the question of jizyah, if we compare the legal rule for the payment of jizyah
between al-Nawawi and another Shafi’i jurist, al-Mawardi (d.450/1058), we notice a considerable difference in the status of the infidels in these territories. Al-Mawardi gives the opinion that the infidels can pay it if they wish for an unspecified period but that the Muslim authority cannot force them to pay it, since they are ahl al-‘ahd and not ahl al-dhimmah.11
In this case, it seems that al-Mawardi tends to consider these territories as dar al-‘ahd, which have only to pay kharaj, whereas al-Nawawi maintains that these territories are dar al-Islam and its non-Muslims inhabitants are ahl-dhimmah, who have to pay jizyah. With regard to al-Mawardi’s own point of view concerning the payment of jizyah, we notice that he is not very careful in clarifying this matter, since the decisive factor for ascertaining whether a region belongs to dar al-Islam is Muslim political power and the application of Islamic law.12 Thus, infidels in these regions should be treated as dhimmis and should pay jizyah.
(b) Territory owned by non-Muslims (bi shart al-ard l