Comptroller, and Local Auditing Agency) Nugroho (2013). To be more specific, ACA should focus to coordinate and supervise in processing the corruption crime with Policeand Prosecutor. Nugroho (2013) found that the coordination and supervision functions of ACA as enacted in Article 6 point a and b Law No. 30, 2002 has been implemented and even getting better from year to year. However, investigators from attorney institution andPolice in Central Java mentioned that functions of coordina- tion and supervision of ACA are not properly accomplished yet. ACA only undertakes coordination and supervision functions when ACA obtains reports from the society. Next, the constraints faced by ACA to perform its coordination and supervision func- tions in local level lay on legal factor, legal officer factor, and facilities factors. ACA encounters human resources shortages to accomplishe its corruption indictment coordination and super- vision functions. Consequently, the main task to cover coordi- nation and supervision functions all over Indonesian regions is not optimally undertaken.
president of the International Association of Chiefs of Police, established goals of eliminating political influence and partisan public service, raising personnel standards, and increasing the educational level of police officers (Walker, 1992, p.12). Ethics is central to any profession, andpolice work is no exception (Abadinsky and Winfree, 1992:328, 329). In policing, ethical concerns range from the basic police mission, public trust, discretion, corruption, character, leadership, and use of deadly force (Delattre, 1989). Education would appear to play a substantive role in officer exposure to ethical practices; however, the volume of research into police professionalism and education, while considerable, lacks consensus as to education’s exact role. For example, Vogel and Adams (1983) found a positive association between educational commitment, as a measure of professionalism, and organizational rank; they failed to report any association between educational level and rank. Miller and Fry (1976) similarly determined that there was no relationship between education and law enforcement rank.
Only one of the police characteristics we examined significantly influenced victim participation; specifically, male detectives had higher rates of victim participation than did female detectives. This finding goes against previous research and conventional wisdom supporting the idea that domestic violence is a women's issue and subsequently one best handled by female officers. For example, Kennedy and Homant (1983) found that victims of domestic violence viewed the police more favorably when female rather than male officers responded to the scene, perhaps because male police officers ``identify more readily with the husband than with the female victim'' (Martin, 1976, p. 96). Instead, our findings regarding male detectives suggest two alternative, albeit not mutually exclusive, explanations. First, male detectives may have engendered greater victim participation because of their perceived authority or capacity to protect. As Martin (1980) suggests, ``both of his statuses [male andpolice officer] imply superordination and lend him greater control'' (p. 168). Another view is that male detectives may have appropriated, similar to the community policing movement itself, more ``feminine'' skills that were historically rejected by traditional policing (e.g. communication, caring, connection, empathy, etc.) (see Miller, 1999). Owing to either of these reasons or a combination thereof, male detectives were more successful at getting victims to cooperate than were female detectives. Research should further explore the relationship between the sex of police (both officer and detective) and victim satisfaction and participation in order to understand why this demographic characteristic might make a difference.
The theoretical and empirical data presented here illustrate that interpretations of community policing do exist, but must be teased out of the literature. In developing categories and ways in which community policing is seen, a theoretical framework was developed in which to analyze the responses of police leaders andpolice officers to the question: “What is community policing?” This framework illustrated that the police leaders’ andpolice officers’ interpretations of community policing are limited in that they focused on policeand community adopting closer ties, but did not identify organizational change as a vehicle by which this should be achieved. In striving to make recommendations for the successful implementation of community policing, efforts have to be made to inform both police leaders andpolice officers of the broader comprehensive philosophical interpretation incorporating structural and organizational change. In addition, in British Columbia (and probably elsewhere) there are a number of police officers who need to be better informed of what community policing actually entails.
problem is more of an institutional and societal problem than an individual and group problem (Kumssa, A. 2015). The sig- nificant and sustainable reform was achieved in East Germany, Eastern Slavonia, El Salvador, Mozambique, Namibia, Northern Ireland and South Africa (Bayley, D. H. 2001). Those success- fully reforms were affected by the reform with considering the personal and institutional interests, a evidence-based policing that involves developing a new management style as well as reliable information systems (Bayley, D. H. 2001). By analyzing conflict between ACA andpolice, paper summarizes that the dynamic relational problems between ACA andpolice embody many con- straints. The constraints derive from formal institutional aspects due to the existing overlapping authorities of each institution. In addition, the constraints are also rooted in informal institu- tional aspects signified by the shortages of effective coordination and supervision as well as the strong institutional egoism in en- forcing the law to fight against corruption in Indonesia
It is interesting to look at conflict tense of ACA (KPK) andpolice in 2009, there was the public face-book movement to support the Corruption Eradication Committee, also known as the “Gecko vs. Crocodile” case. This case exemplifies the conver- gence of participatory culture and civic engagement that resulted in two of the most successful online collective movements in the last decade in Indonesia. The Gecko vs. Crocodile case (or KPK case) started in April 2009 when Susno Duadji, the National Police chief of detectives, found that the ACA (KPK) had tapped his phone while they were investigating a corruption case. Fur- thermore, Lim (2013) noted that the KPK had indeed armed itself with tools such as warrantless wiretaps to confront the en- demic corruption among high rank public officials. In a press conference, Duadji expressed his anger and compared the KPK to cicak, a common house gecko, fighting buaya, a crocodile, which symbolised the police. In September 2009 two KPK deputy chair- men Chandra Hamzah and Bibit Samad Rianto, who had been suspended in July, were arrested on charges of extortion and brib- ery (Lim, 2013). The two men denied the charges, saying they were being framed to weaken the ACA (KPK). Most Indonesians perceived these charges as fabricated ones; some showed their support through an online campaign. In July 2009 immediately after the case against KPK appeared in the mainstream media, especially television, Movement of 1,000,000 Facebookers Sup- porting Chandra Hamzah & Bibit Samad Riyanto)was launched (Lim, 2013). By August 2009, the group had surpassed its goal of one million members in support of Bibit and Chandra. That particular Facebook support page was not the only one. YouTube videos about the case quickly emerged, including one with a Javanese rap song that was also distributed as a downloadable ring-tone. Online cartoons, comics and posters with depictions
Ambiguity exists in policing functions, which are also attached to the Immigration Office. Thus, if there is even the POLRI support task associated with the handling of illegal immigrants more because of the effect of the presence of illegal immigrants themselves are not in the settlement, as was done by the Bareskrim of POLRI and the Office of Immigration on the handling of drug smuggling who use illegal immigrants as intermediaries and couriers. 19 The interesting thing is precisely the counter terrorism, there is no cooperation in writing as in narcotics eradication. This situation would require assertions that the POLRI perspective, especially Densus 88 AT and BNPT that illegal immigrants have the potential for increased radicalization that lead to terrorism. 20 Different interests and perspectives in seeing illegal immigrants between the POLRI and the Immigration Office are understandable given the constraints and corridors roles and functions of each institution has not been fully integrated. Gray area that should be undertaken together between the POLRI and the Immigration Office became crucial point violations and actions taken advantage of corrupt immigration officials andpoliceand other enforcement agencies such as the military in the handling of illegal immigrants. The gray area in which arrests of illegal immigrants, sending illegal immigrants to Immigration Detention House (Rudenim), supervision and maintenance of illegal immigrants in Rudenim, escort the deportation of illegal immigrants and or shipment to third countries, to the involvement of organizations such as IOM and UNHCR that do not involve the policeand other institutions in the process.
The empirical study of citizen attitudes toward the police has a rich tradition and is regarded as important for several reasons. Some authors such as Murty, Roebuck, and Smith (1990) have suggested that positive images of the police are necessary in order for the police to function effectively and efficiently. Decker (1981) has argued that the police organization as a public sector organization needs community support to meet its goals. He identifies the “attitude-effectiveness” link as especially important in an urban society where the police are primarily reactive and dependent on the public for initiating police activity (p. 80). Dunham and Alpert (1988) have pointed out that citizens in neighborhoods that reflect distinct cultures have different values concerning the appropriateness of different police practices. These values are reflected in attitudes toward the police, andpolice practices that are incompatible with culturally-based attitudes may result in ineffective policing (p. 506). Murty, Roebuck, and Smith (1990) echo a similar proposition. In their view and that of others (Radelet, 1986 and Skolnick and Bayley, 1986), negative attitudes toward the police result in “mutual ill feelings, lack of respect, disorder, and inefficient police functioning” (Radelet, 1986:280). Greene and Decker (1989) point out that the nature of citizen attitudes toward the policeandpolice attitudes toward citizens is an important determinant of whether the two groups can work together to set up crime control programs. They note that this is an especially important consideration given the contemporary emphasis on policing strategies that strive to bring “the policeand the community into greater interaction.”
Again, I return to my experiences in the classroom to illustrate. Specifically I recall endeavours to introduce senior police management to what I perceived to be the delights of qualitative research. The same class that read Craib (1992) were subsequently exposed to the various research paradigms ± broadly, the positivist, interpretivist and critical perspectives. From there, various qualitative research methodologies were explored: ethnography, phenomenology, ethnomethodology, grounded theory, and case-study research. Research methods of interviews, questionnaires, observation, participant observation, focus groups and sociometry were also canvassed. The students were divided into small groups, each planning to deal with a ``practical police problem''. With much discussion and suggestions as to how each group might approach their chosen problem, I could see the students' interest rise as they could connect in their minds the theoretical, philosophical and methodological options with their problems at hand. I recall that one group wanted to investigate the impact of ``community policing'' in their particular jurisdiction. Another wanted to study the problems of race relations between police officers and community members within a localised Vietnamese immigrant community. Still another wanted to explore the culture of the police department where they were working, especially in relation to race discrimination. The projects were developed over the intensive seminar series, and students made contact with me at regular intervals after the seminars ended to discuss issues as they arose.
which appears to be unlawful, the matter would be referred to the President for settlement but the Constitution has not vested such power of review in any person or body in case the relationship between the President and the Inspector General of Police breaks down. The question is: suppose an unlawful directive regarding public safety or public order is given to the Inspector General of Police by the President who employed him and has power to dismiss him, what happens, if the Inspector General disobeys? The answer is obvious. This constitutional chain on the leg of the police will continue in the years ahead and if care is not taken certain unlawful orders (for example, police collusion with a political group to rig elections or arrest political opponents of the President's party), could plunge the country into chaos or civil war (Inyang, 1986, p. 10). Commenting on this, the Nigerian Tribune says:
Task analyses performed by police departments in developed nations all indicate that there is a core of essential job-related physical abilities and motor tasks that must be performed in the regular course of duty (Anderson and Plecas, 1999; Bonneau and Brown, 1995). Police work is generally quite sedentary; yet, police are called upon to apprehend (which may include running, tackling, pushing, pulling and wrestling), arrest and contain criminals (perform take-downs and handcuffing), remove people from damaged vehicles (lifting, carrying, pulling), control large crowds, and separate individuals who are arguing or fighting (pushing, pulling, restraining). Several of these tasks are extremely physically challenging. Further, the inability to perform these duties would clearly endanger their fellow officers, themselves, and the general public.
Over the last 30 years a growing body of evidence suggests that the role of the campus police has evolved from a position predominately focusing on property protection and student regulation to one of a more full-service professional policing model. The presence (or absence) of policies that help to guide police decision making in critical, high liability areas such as vehicle pursuits, is important to review. Given the size of many of today's campuses and the likelihood of traffic infractions or other more serious criminal events, it is important for campus police departments to have comprehensive vehicle pursuit policies in place. The present study reviewed the content of the vehicle pursuit policies obtained from the largest campus police agencies throughout the country. Objectives for this inquiry involved the development of baseline information and a profile of content areas most often included in campus police vehicle pursuit policies. It was also a goal to describe the data as analyzed in
Because information from business owners was obtained in a focus group rather than by survey, responses of the business owners are not directly comparable to those of community residents and the area's law enforcement officers. Still, it appears that the business owners share many of the concerns of the other two groups. For example, in no particular order there appears to be a relative consensus about the problems of robbery, transients (strangers on the street), illegal drug use, the bad reputation of the area, prostitution, drug dealing, inadequate county police services (business owners focus on lack of building code enforcement), and lack of political support. The three groups differ only about two issues. First, a majority of law enforcement officers believe that the adult entertainment businesses are a problem, while a majority of residents and business owners do not. Second, law enforcement officers and residents believe that officers are more committed to solving the area's problems than the business owners believe the officers are. The list of problems cited by the business owners is also much shorter than the list of problems identified by either residents or law enforcement officers, probably reflecting the more narrow interests of the business owners and the data collection method.
The New South Wales Police Association (NSWPA) argued strongly that these initiatives were ``unacceptable'' on the grounds that ``officers have to be satisfied that their employment futures cannot be determined by rumour or pernicious and capricious behaviour by line and senior management but rather by objective assessment of their performance and competence''. The Association contended that the process would cease to be an open and accountable one, reminding the Commissioner of Australia's obligations under international treaty ``requiring fair and equal treatment of employees in dismissal situations''. The Association did not regard the administrative review process as satisfying this obligation. However, the Association's arguments were disregarded and legislation to implement these and other recommendations was tabled in parliament one week after the Report was made public (NSWPA, 1996). Since then, the Association has continued to make similar arguments, with varying levels of success.
Generally, prior studies of police innovation have used the requirement that an innovation must be new to the field of policing, or ``state-of-the-art.'' Unfortunately, these same studies have not always been clear how ``state-of- the-art'' for policing was ascertained. Weiss's (1992) definition of police innovation required that the innovation be new to policing, but it is not clear how Weiss ascertains what is ``new to policing'' and why there are only seven such innovations (one radical, two administrative, and four technical). Likewise, Mullen (1996) appears to use the criterion that an innovation is ``state- of-the-art'' for policing, but like Weiss it is not clear who deemed some items as being innovative. Two recent studies of police innovation have described their process for determining state-of-the-art more carefully. Zhao (1995) conducted a review of the literature to ascertain what is ``state-of-the-art'' for policing. Likewise, Moore, et al. (1996) utilized panel interviews of police experts, a survey of practitioners, and literature review of journals to identify police innovations. The innovations identified by Moore et al. (1996) were subsequently used by Spelman et al. (1992) and King (1998).
At present, one of the main arguments in sociology is related to policing in a democratic society. A free society is possible with law enforcement and social order (Cox, 1996; Reiner, 1992). On the other hand, in general, there are social structural obstacles which challenge democratization of societies. Namely, they are street crimes, or conventional crimes and organized criminal groups. Street crimes, or conventional crimes mostly generate female victimization, fear of crimes and violence. That means breakdown of democracy, since fear, threat, and violence become part of everyday life. At this point, we should keep in mind that criminal democracy, or totalitarian liberalism, also, cannot present a free society. On the other hand, criminal organized groups oppose integration of the legal system with the rules of market economy. That means, also, a breakdown of democracy, since illegal economy, or immorality becomes part of the reality of everyday life. Unless the legal system is integrated into the principles of market economy, sources of making wealth are the consequences of immorality and breaking laws. Consequently, street crimes and organized criminal groups must be minimized in order to maintain democratization of society. That is possible; at least democratic institutionalization of policing is maintained. In other words, politicians' anti-democratic interventions into policing must be eliminated. On the other hand, the issue of the proper extent and nature of police intervention into the lives of citizens is also a constant source of controversy (Roberg and Kuykendall, 1993). The aim is to maintain a balanced relationship between citizens' constitutional rights and policing, in the name of crime prevention, law enforcement and maintaining social order (Walker, 1983). This is possible; at least the control of police is established by democratic principles. In other words, politicians' antidemocratic
It is apparent, however, that substantial variation exists in the amount of time devoted to training in American police departments and academies. For instance, a 1990 survey of municipal and county police agencies with 500 or more sworn personnel (N = 72) found that the number of hours of defensive tactics instruction for recruits ranged from a low of ten to a high of 148 hours. Only seven agencies (10 per cent) reported that officers received any in-service training in defensive tactics (Strawbridge and Strawbridge, 1990). The consequences of the observed variation in training times for dealing with resistive and forceful encounters are unknown, but at the extremes variation in the amount of training may be associated with the likelihood of force being used by officers or suspects in the first place, the probability that officers or suspects are injured given that force is used, and the magnitude of the injuries sustained. Until research is conducted on this and related aspects of training, however, such arguments will remain speculative, and law enforcement administrators may be left to adopt training methods without the benefit of objective and empirically based criteria.
In October 1999, Tayside police in Scotland introduced the use of CS spray, based on the findings from an independent committee report carrying out a Department of Health inquiry, which asserts no real concerns regarding the health implications of the spray (Bell, 1999). However, it is argued that the full medical implications of the use of CS spray remain unknown (Liberty, 1997). There is evidence that using CS spray can cause permanent lung damage at comparatively low doses (Jason-Lloyd, 1991, pp. 1043-5) and secondary burns with blistering and severe dermatitis (Parneix-Spake, 1993, p. 913). ACPO Guidelines also recognise particular risks to the safety of contact lens wearers who are sprayed with CS spray (ACPO, 1996, p. 7). In situations where high exposure to CS spray has occurred, heart failure and death have been reported (Liberty, 1997).
works of Bittner (1970), Reiss (1970, 1971), Sherman (1978), Van Maanen (1978), and Westley (1970), Lundman (1980, p. 141) argues that ``police misconduct is organizational deviance when actions violate external expectations for what the department should do. Simultaneously, the actions must be in conformity with internal operating norms, and supported by socialization, peers, and the administrative personnel of the department.'' Applying this thesis to the study of citizen complaints, police departments may have different rates of citizen complaints, and these vary with the particular departmental characteristics. Recognizing the complex nature of controlling police in a democratic society, Lundman believes that the police, as one public-serving organization, ``are to be monitored and controlled so as to insure that the persons being served are those intended by reference to the commonweal mandate of the organization.'' The public has a right to spell out the criteria and insist in their application through competent police administrators or through various civilian organizations.