in the journey of Arab women towards political, social and economic empowerment and the protection of women’s rights (Ghazaleh, 2010). he work of the conference culminated in the formulation of the ‘Arab Plan of Action for the Advancement of Women to the year 2005’. his Plan was later adopted by the Council of Arab Ministers of Social Afairs of the LAS. he uniied Arab Plan of Action included objectives, policies and measures aimed at enabling women to fully exercise their rights, emphasizing the elimination of the remaining obstacles to the integration of women into a sustainable development process. Among these obstacles, the Plan identiied inequality between men and women in the sharing of power and decision making at all levels, insuicient mechanisms at all levels to promote the advancement of women, and the permanent and increasing burden of poverty on women. he Plan also mentioned as particular areas of concern inequality of access to education, health care and employment, and violence against women. he 2005 Plan was based on the international covenants related to human rights and the rights of women and children, and on national reports and plans of action submitted by the Arab countries. he Plan also took into consideration the recommendations and comments of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and CSOs. he plan urged Arab governments to establish policies and take action to overcome the challenges and obstacles hindering the empowerment of Arab women. It also exhorted Arab governments to establish and strengthen central mechanisms for dealing with women’s issues at the highest level. In order to implement the Plan, governments and regional and international organizations, as well as inancial institutions and funds, agreed to join together to make the necessary inancial arrangements. Budgetary resources were allocated and priority was given to supporting NGOs working in the ield of empowering Arab women.
growing political interconnectedness can be seen as facilitator for the spread of policies because it increases the opportunities of policy diffusion. In the era of globalisation, state interests are becom- ing significantly shaped by global norms and institutions, which influence actors at the national level. Through their participation in international organisation, states are assumed to be socialised in norms that prescribe a certain form of appropriate behaviour (Finnemore, 1h993). They become embedded in a regime of global norms that shapes their domestic conduct thus limiting their sover- eignty (Checkel, 1999; Florini, 1996). Those norms are embodied in treaties, declarations and recom- mendations of international organisations (True and Mintrom, 2003). Hence, global non-state actors operate on a global scale as agents capable of having influence on states. The linkage of the national and international makes it impossible for governments to act on their own and governments have less possibilities to influence and control information within their own borders. Domestic policy making hence takes place in a world system as well as in national political systems (Dolowitz and Marsh 2000). Thereby, international norms and networks are expected to matter and influence policy-making.
Second, as an incumbent, they had easier access to campaign budget and government resources that could be indirectly used to boost campaigns. Accelerating the improvement of public services and activities down to the grass root to interact with the community then formed a positive image to the public. hird, special attention was paid to social and cultural movement as long as she took oice. his movement was very efective in boosting the voting at the elections. Interviews with members of the KPUD South Tangerang Municipality example, states: “Airin oten attend any invitation of ‘hajatan’ of residents, although the villagers had no kinship with her. He congratulated and greeted the family who celebrate the ‘hajatan’ and even see the process of cooking the dishes in the kitchen, a place where women generally gathered. Even if she couldn’t attend it, she would leave a wreath on the family’s celebration. In addition to the way it was, Airin was relatively active in women’s recitation organizations”
time, had re-activated a political bond based in a previous form of political and labor control exercised by those in power, is a classic exemplar of the approach and sensibility we are aiming to highlight. His article BThe Moral Economy of the English Crowd^ questions the usual portrayal of eighteenth-century food riots as Bspasmodic episodes^ bereft of deeper, sustained political consciousness and activity. Against an account of popular history composed of occasional social disturbances spurred by some sort of economic stimuli that caused Brebellions of the belly^—a bad harvest, unfavorable weather, trade disruptions—Thompson offers his own views based on the B moral economy of the poor. ^ Thompson traces the contours of the bread- nexus during a period in history in which B profit ^ was still negatively seen by standard communal relations. Millers and bakers were seen as servants of the community and middlemen were immediately suspect characters. Underwritten by ideas of customs and rights, the paternalist model tightly controlled economic practices and relations around food. People subject to dwindling access to food began mobilizing literally to set the price of wheat or bread. As evidence of the political undercurrent of the crowds, Thompson notes that violent actions against millers rarely looted supplies: sometimes they reset the price of purchase, other times the actions were wholly punitive against profiteering, so there was a disciplining effect at work more lasting than the fleeting action itself. Occupying positions that allowed them a near-bird’s-eye view of the economy—porters, dock workers, mill workers—the poor could easily monitor move- ments and production of grain. Thompson also notes the key role of women as instigators of the revolts.
Canice Esidence, Erunke, Umar Abdul, Shuhaibu. 2013. The role of women in Nigerian Politics: Addressing the Gender Question for an Enhanced Political representation in the Fourth Republic, dalam International Journal of Gender and Women’s Studies Vol. 1, No. 1.
Human`s sexuality is influenced by the conditions of sociocultural and pluralistic, which covers a wide range of sexual attitudes and values. Human being have desire to be attracted to opposite sex. Sex refers to the genetic and physical sexual identity of person. Talking about physical activities, which may or may not involve sexual organs, like hugging, kissing, masturbation, and sexual intercourses for proposes of pleasure or reproduction is considered sex. By this research, the researcher wants to reveal sexual taboo in SAMAN (1998) novel. SAMAN (1998) novel was written by Indonesian female writer, Ayu Utami. SAMAN (1998) was published in May 1998 and translated into English in 2005 by Pamela Allen considered as a controversial Indonesian novel. This was due to the reason that this novel depicts sexual freedom and women sexual openness. It was a story exposed the oppression of plantation workers in South Sumatra, political represent, spirituality, religion, relationship between human, elf and God, exploration of female sexuality and revealed sexual taboo. That was the reason of the attraction of the novel.
After analyzing the movie, the study comes to following conclusion, as follows. First, in The Whistleblower movie (2011), Larysa Kondracki wants to convey the message of this movie through the life of Larysa Kondracki. The message is the woman ’s effort to get the freedom of women because it is a right that should be struggled without considering their status and background. From The Whistleblower movie, the viewer will know how women are ever faced difficult era in Bosnia post-war, where men dominated in the society. It is based on the reality in the Kathryn Bolcovac’s life when she joins in police department. It can be seen from Kathryn Bolcovac’s effort to do her job as Police women in U.S. and then she joins in Democra Security as International Police as a representative of the United Nations in Bosnia, and finally she becomes Head of Gender Affair. Based on the structural element, it shows that the character and characterization, casting, plot, setting, point of view, and theme are related to each other. So, it can tell the story of the movie clearly.
Table 3.1 Example of Data Classified...................................................................................... 19 Table 4.1 Data of the Causes of Maud Struggle to gain Women Social Equality ................... 23 Table 4.2 Data of the Causes of Maud Struggle to gain Political Social Equality .................. 24 Table 4.3 Data of the Struggle of Maud to gain Women Social and Political
needed for accumulation but will not own what is accumulated. Since capitalism is not a state of nature, it can only exist on the basis of reciprocity in some form or other; if this is not present, the question then unavoidably arises as to why one kind of people should work forty and more hours a week for the enrichment of the other kind. This implies that problems of justice and distributional fairness in capitalism are not the discovery of irresponsible political troublemakers, but lie in the nature of a capitalist social order itself. They are mastered to some extent as long as high growth makes it easier for the owners of capital to cede a part of the collectively produced increase to the non-owners. When growth declines, as after the end of the reconstruction phase in the 1970s, distributional conflict sharpens, and it becomes correspondingly more difficult for governments to secure social peace. A political-social equilibrium is then typically achieved only at the price of an economic disequilibrium: as I have said, initially in the shape of high inflation, then in the form of rapidly growing non-Keynesian (that is, cumulative) state debt, and subsequently by way of an unsustainable extension of private credit driven to excess. As depicted in Buying Time, however, such problem shifting can only be provisional: it only works until the economic imbalance created or allowed for the sake of social peace is too great, meaning that it becomes counter-productive and itself begins to cause a social imbalance: as with the inflation in the late 1970s, the runaway public deficits in the 1990s, and the collapse of overstretched private financial markets in 2008. Then a new stopgap must be found, presumably once again temporary, such as today’s unlimited money production by the central banks: politically responsible , in the sense of securing, however temporarily, social cohesion and the stability of the accumulation regime, and at the same time economically irresponsible, in that it will predictably become a cause of yet another crisis in the longer term. 22
Nowadays, women are taking a part in various fields including in political fields, but there are different opinions about women involvement in politics. Many people in Aceh are thought not anly based on Islamic teachings but also they thought that men are the leader when women are not allowed become leader and involve their self in the political filds. Obviously in Aceh’s society that can not be separated from the rule of ulama. This research aims to find out how far the women involvement in politics in South Aceh, what are the affective factors in Ulama’s opinions about women involvement in politics in South Aceh, and how are their perceptions about women involvement in politics in South Aceh. This research was conducted by the qualitative field research method with interview, and observations method, and literature research (library research). The data and information were interpreted by descriptive analysis.
9. Kisung (1998) also finds (for the United States) that the income elasticity is greater for women’s and chil- dren’s clothing than for men’s and boy’s clothing, suggesting that the rising women/men expenditure ratio could merely be the result of rising family incomes with more women working. Recall, however, that the sig- nificant impact of the later time period on this expenditure ratio was found holding family income constant. 10. In addition, the greater increase in labor force participation of women between 1985–90 (5.9 percentage points) versus the increase between 1980–85 (4.7 percentage points) is consistent with the finding that most of the rise in women’s/men’s clothing expenditure ratio came in the late 1980s.
Another manifestation of this political elite orchestra in the context of NU is the Islamic boarding schools in Jombang. Four historically related large Islamic boarding schools are Tebuireng, Tambakberas, Denanyar, and Peterongan. Since the New Order regime, the political preferences of the NU elites affiliated to those boarding schools has tended to be different. The Tebuireng families are active in the PPP, PKB and PKNU; Tambakberas families tend to join the PKB, and recently the PPP and PDIP, particularly Kiai Hasib, who is currently a member of the House of Representatives from the FPDIP. Peterongan has long been tied to Golkar through the Kiai Musta`in, although some figures are also active in the PKB, PPP and PAN. Meanwhile, Denanyar is still connected to the PKB through the family of Iskandar, who has a large influence, both at a national and local (Jombang) level. These conditions back up the view of Tadjoer Rizal, in his research in Sumber Arum Jombang, who states that cultural hybridism may truly have an impact on other aspects of transformation, as well as on the complicated political culture of Arek (including in Islamic Boarding Schools culture). It may also cause deviations in political preference due to the strength of cultural hybridism into political sector.
Horowitz dan James D.Long (2006) fenomena ini terutama yang dihadapi negara-negara miskin dengan struktur politik dijalankan oleh jaringan elit yang berbasis pa- tronase etnis. Dalam praktiknya, struktur politik yang dikendalikan oleh patronase etnis ini lebih cenderung mendistribusikan kemampuan penguasaan sumber daya publik kepada kelompoknya masing- masing dan tid ak p ernah me mikirkan kelom po k- kelompok etnis lainnya. Dalam arena kontestasi pemi- lihan, struktur p olitik clie nte lism ini juga s eringkali dijadikan perangkat politik untuk melakukan mobilisasi dan dukungan terhadap kandidat dan partai. Ketiga, problem etnisitas akan semakin menguat ketika sistem demokrasi dijalankan oleh struktur partai politik dan elit politik—yang berbasis patronase etnis—yang menjadi pemenang tidak mampu be rsikap mo derat dalam kebijakan publik yang dijalankannya kepada pihak yang kalah dalam kontestasi pemilihan. Fenomena ini terutama dapat dijumpai pada negara-negara demokrasi dimana partai-partai politik terbentuk dari jaringan etnis— kadangkala aliran keagamamaan dan dinasti politik. Persoalan kian rumit ketika partai dan kandidat yang menang tersebut terus menimbulkan sejumlah provokasi dan sentimen yang mengundang reaksi balasan dari pihak yang kalah. Fenomena kekerasan seringkali muncul karena hal ini.
While, in Java society where Java is the mother of feudalism system, Java has unique system of movement. Java regards that dominant patriarchal system does not gives negative interpretation for woman. The patriarchal system in Java society dominantly gives knots of woman position in domestic area that gives a life order harmoniously. Because women in patriarchy are regarded as weak women especially when they include in public sphere, they are not believed to participate in public sphere because of their famine characteristic as human who are always dominated. Patriarchal system regards that woman participation in public is affraided by the woman image that become bad, but that fear is an importance of patriarchal system to endure her position in public sphere.l0The stereotype of patriarchy regards that woman sits on the public sphere that will shatter the rule of harmonious life. The patriarchal system is influenced by feudal system as inherits of colonial government of Dutch that a greatly influences of woman movement in public sphere.11 That feudalism system oppressed woman being unable to get pivot strategic position in public sphere.12
Perlu dipahami bahwa suatu konflik yang pelik akan cukup sulit untuk penyelesaianya. Didalam konsep ini akan menjelaskan bagaimana sebuah lembaga atau institusi membantu pengupayaan penyelesaian suatu konflik. Ada tiga prosedur yang diperlukan suatu lembaga atau institusi untuk mengatur perundingan dan resolusi sebuah konflik melalui institusi (Holsti, 1992) yaitu Negosiasi bilateral dan multilateral, Mediasi, serta ajudikasi. Konsep ini dapat membantu dalam menjelaskan tentang peran International Women Commision dalam upaya perdamaian nya di Israel Palestina. Melihat peran yang di lakukan IWC dapat di jelaskan melalui dua prosedur dari ketiga prosedur diatas. Yaitu negosiasi dan Mediasi. Sehingga untuk lebih jelasnya terbentuklah definisi konsep dan definisi operasional dalam masing-masing penjelasan kedua prosedur tersebut :