CHAPTER 4: Disasters, Crises and Risks in Durban
4.6 Political violence 118
The study does not by any means attempt to provide an exhaustive account of political violence given the broad dynamics around it. This form of violence is another feature of life in South Africa (Kynoch, 2003). Masango (2004:993) argues that “there is little doubt that aggression and violence are true realities that are experienced by South Africans and the rest of the world”.
The author points out that there are three major types of aggression that manifest themselves in the country, and draws on some theories to illustrate his argument: firstly, the “frustration-
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aggression theory of aggression” that stresses that aggression is always an inevitable result of frustration (ibid.:996). The occurrence of aggressive behaviour is a pointer to the existence of frustration and frustration always breeds aggression; secondly, an “over-generalisation hypothesis”, which postulates that the instigation of some form of aggression is an invariant response to frustration (ibid.:996). This scholar argues that the Soweto’s 1976 student uprising was the result of the extreme frustration caused by structural violence that claimed the lives of many people; thirdly, “Freud’s 1915 theory”, which presupposes that aggression arises when the ‘ego-instincts’, or the “ego’s struggle for self-preservation” are impeded (ibid.:997). The theory further asserts that the ego “hates, abhors and pursues” with the intent to destroy all objects which is a source of pain. Masango (2004) emphasises the point that in the case of the Soweto’s 1976 uprising, the students destroyed whatever structures they thought were owned by the defunct apartheid regime.
Bruce (2013:8), captures the brutality of the apartheid regime and political killings in this way:
“During the apartheid period political violence and killings took multiple forms.
The circumstances in which deaths happened included numerous open clashes between armed groups, massacres in which large numbers of people were killed, as well as demonstrations , disappearances, incidents of ‘neck lacing’ and others”.
The killings reflected above were carried out by the so-called ‘covert hit squads’, such as the Civil Cooperation Bureau (CCB), under the auspices of the South African Defence Force (SADF), and the C10 unit of the South African Police Force (SAPS) that was based at the infamous farm called Vlakplaas (Bruce, 2003). Their targeted victims comprised members of
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the African National Congress (ANC), Pan Africanist Congress (PAC), and members of other political formations, which were opposed to the apartheid system (Bruce, 2013).
South Africa (2014) argues that even though there are many important social, economic and political changes that have occurred in the country since the advent of formal democracy in 1994, there is a myriad of significant factors that continue to cause political violence in South Africa, and they are, the effects of colonialism and institutionalised apartheid. It points out that the slow pace of reform is not in a position to transform this legacy, and in some instances, the economic policies have worsened the problem. The serious risks that continue to pose a threat to peace and security in the country comprise, inter alia, poverty, unemployment, poor education, crime and pervasive inequality (South Africa, 2014). The on-going marginalisation of the rural people and the poor (IRMSA Risk Report, 2015), coupled with the legacy of class and race discrimination (Sowetan, 20 January 2017) also present serious threat to both social and political security in South Africa (South Africa, 2014). Other grave risks (IRMSA Risk Report, 2015) include: escalating food prices; the gap between the rich and the poor; conditions which caused the Arab Spring; disenchantment with the present government; income disparities; declining global competitiveness indices; low levels of Foreign Direct Investment (FDI), and political corruption. The latter will be dealt with separately in the subsequent sections of this study. The report asserts that other additional risks encompass poor economy, unemployment, poverty, and a high number of disenfranchised youth. The report puts forward the following contextual factors to highlight the fact that most people are not satisfied by the present-day government: the increasing number of people who join the ranks of the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF); the birth of the Association of Mineworkers and Construction Union (AMCU); the growth of Democratic Alliance (DA) members in 2014 general elections; and the birth of the National Union of Metalworkers South Africa (NUMSA) which broke away
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from the Congress of South African Trade Unions (Cosatu). The factors enumerated above have a negative bearing on the economic sectors such as mining, tourism, manufacturing, innovation and the like.
South Africa’s 2016 crime and safety report maintained that violent and disruptive labour strikes occur frequently in South Africa. It points out that Gauteng is the epicentre of more labour unrest than other provinces. The protests involve disruptions along traffic routes between Johannesburg and Pretoria (coloquially termed a ‘go-slow’). They affect mining, farming, retail, civil service, public transportation, private trucking, and manufacturing industries. The report (2016) expounded that unlicensed protests usually lead to deaths, injuries, assaults, and massive damage to property, and cautions people to avoid them.
KwaZulu-Natal is also a frequent host to African National Congress’ (ANC) political rallies, and big gatherings. This carries with it an implication of public disruptions in the city centre and the areas around the Durban City Hall (ibid.: 2016).