In response to the Council's request, the Commissioner agreed to fund research into the impact of sexual trauma on women's pathways to crime and the role of corrections in supporting women offenders with these histories. Current theory and practice around offending risk and rehabilitation suggests that dominant frameworks of rehabilitation have not adequately addressed the specificity of women's offending. There is evidence to suggest that women's pathways into—and out of—offending are qualitatively different from those of men, and that individual, interpersonal, and social understandings of gender differences shape women's offending pathways.
The overall purpose of the following literature review was to advise CSNSW on how the effects of sexual victimization relate to women's offending and recidivist pathways. The Effects of Child Sexual Abuse on Women's Participation in and Outcomes of Offender Programs. The effects of a history of sexual abuse on the well-being of women in correctional settings; and The best ways to address both dimensions in a corrections context.
In addition to the research literature on the profile of women in correctional institutions, we reviewed the national and international literature on the following four areas: the consequences of child sexual abuse, and chronic and multiple victimization; trauma interventions; current debates on women, crime and rehabilitation; and current approaches to addressing the history of victimization of women in correctional institutions. In particular, while there is widespread recognition by correctional systems of women's specific paths to crime (gender routes), and that the trauma of child sexual abuse is part of this, there is rarely an integration of trauma and gender sensitive frames into a holistic approach to women's rehabilitation (e.g. K. Blanchette & Taylor, 2009).
The profile of women in corrections and their offending pathways
The consequences of sexual abuse and multiple victimisation: “Complex trauma”
For men, this was reversed: for 17.8%, the most serious crime was acts intended to cause injury, followed by illegal drug offenses (14.0%). A higher number of people with mental illness are in the criminal justice system compared to the general community. Two other factors are identified: the rise in drug addiction among offenders and the shift in "penal welfare" policies, which have blurred the distinction between the purpose and philosophy of these systems, shifting policy and decision-making in both arenas related to vulnerable populations.14 These are pertinent observations given the link between victimization and drug use, and the high percentage of women in the criminal justice system who are the primary caregivers of dependent children.
Despite the relatively consistent findings regarding the prevalence of victimization, mental illness, and substance abuse among female offenders described above, and that histories of sexual abuse are associated with greater involvement in the criminal justice system and poorer post-release outcomes (McCartan, 2010), the causal role of CSA and other victimization in criminal trajectories has not been investigated: “the processes underlying this association have remained speculative due to the inherent difficulties in empirically establishing causality” (K. P. Moloney, Van den Bergh, B.J. & Moller, L.F., 2009, p. 428). For many women in the criminal justice system, welfare is the main source of income. Complex trauma differs from the “memory imprint” of PTSM in two respects—the circumstances surrounding the traumatic events and the effects this has on fundamental aspects of the individual's sense of self (eg, cognitions, mental health, emotional stability, and personality). .
These two elements together—the nature of the abuse and the context in which it occurs—actively shape the construction of the self—emotionally, cognitively, and relationally: repeated trauma in adulthood "erodes the structure of the already formed personality" while repeated trauma in childhood it "shapes and deforms the personality", due to the many adaptations developed by survivors to cope with sexual abuse by a caring figure (Herman, 1992, p. 96). This has important implications for treatment approaches, and regarding what is the most important element to treat and at what point – the trauma of sexual abuse, the mental health problem or substance use.
Key debates in women’s offending and rehabilitation
Women's well-being is thought to be related to their connections and valued relationships with others27 (Covington 2007). Pathway theory also recognizes that "offending against women often develops through relationships with family members, friends and significant others" (Department of Justice, Victoria 2007). Social issues such as class, gender, and race are recognized as sites of critical concern for offending women.
However, previous criminal behavior and antisocial attitudes were not relevant in explaining a path of women's recidivism. The above theories, although not exhaustive, include an illustrative example of the ways in which women's offending has been conceptualised. Addiction theory and trauma theory are unable to form a framework for understanding women's offending individually.
The LSI-R was more accurate for men than women, except when women's offending was similar to men's (one study found that embezzlement for women was unrelated to poverty or abuse histories); and. In-depth interviews revealed “the gendered links between physical and sexual abuse, drugs and crime” that are overlooked in a risk and needs assessment (Davidson & Chesney-Lind, 2009). Or more precisely, claims that the RNR framework is gender neutral are implausible since "the bulk of the research used to support claims of gender neutrality is based on men" (Holtfreter & Cupp, 2007, p. 363 ).
Shearer goes on to say that women's substance abuse is usually linked to a traumatic history such as sexual abuse. The Gender Responsive Framework (GRF) for the rehabilitation of women offenders is a direct response to the growing number of women in correctional facilities and seeks to address "the realities of women's lives through gender-responsive policies and programs ... [that are] ... fundamental to improved outcomes in all criminal justice phases" (Covington & Bloom, 2004, p. 3). Recognize women's relational needs and recognize the need for women to create healthy and respectful relationships;.
Van Voorhis et al (2008) conclude that there are gendered risk factors and gendered protective factors for women's misconduct and recidivism and that a combination of gender-neutral (RNR) and gender-responsive (GRF) items constitute optimal prediction of the offender's recidivism. (Van Voorhis et al 2008). It is dangerous to assume that a Gender Responsive Framework is the be-all and end-all of policy change required in women's prisons. Ward and Brown argue that "risk management is a necessary but not sufficient condition for the rehabilitation of offenders" (T Ward & Brown, 2004, p. 244).
Addressing women’s victimisation histories in correctional settings: Issues and approaches
In 2011, the Australian Institute of Criminology published a literature review on good practice in women's prisons (Bartels & Gaffney, 2011). Geographic and community isolation is often more pronounced in women's prisons and needs to be addressed. Management philosophies and operating standards are informed by and reflect an understanding of women's needs.
Case managers and workers should be trained in women's specific needs and their practices should be trauma-informed. The correctional environment, and custody in particular, presents significant tensions for efforts to address women's trauma histories. 35 This refers to the body of research that examines women's specific pathways into the criminal justice system.
The trauma of child sexual abuse and subsequent victimization is a core feature of women's offending pathways and not an easily separable issue for them to manage. It is noted that each of the women's institutions in Canada offers counseling services for survivors of abuse and trauma (use of which is completely voluntary). Key considerations: What is the meaning of trauma and gender for women's offending and needs in conservation settings.
In the North American context, a Gender Responsive Programming Framework [GRP] has emerged to reflect what is known about women's offending pathways. The Gender Responsive Framework (GRF) seeks to "address the realities of women's lives through gender responsive policies and programs ... [that] ... are fundamental to improved outcomes at all stages of criminal justice". How does the impact of child sexual abuse affect women's participation in and outcomes of offender programs.
Get a sense of what the evidence base suggested about the relationship between women's experiences of sexual victimization. Research by Women's House found that 70-80% of women in adult prisons in Queensland were survivors of incest (Kilroy 2004). Women's pathways to offending and the nature of their offending are qualitatively different from men's.
Although women's offending tends towards property crimes rather than people, there are still a number of women in prison for violent offences. Gender-related factors, such as the status of women in modern society, may also play a role. Further, women's violence is more likely to be "driven by self-defense and fear" (Swan et al 2008).
There is very little Australian research that explicitly addresses sexual abuse trauma and its relationship to women's offender trajectories, or its impact on offender program participation.
