This type of research was undertaken to gain a systematic understanding of the social system operating in rural Bangladesh that underpins the village's resource structure. To this end, BRAC decided to gain insights that could be developed, analyzed and documented through detailed studies of resource distribution in specific villages. It is essentially a cataloging of the distribution of resources in the village, and it tries to uncover some of the most basic processes by which this distribution takes place.
In this study we have been able to pursue only the first two of the forces in detail, while the latter two elements have been examined in more general terms. The study is thus a descriptive analysis of all the resources utilized in the village and of the distribution of these resources between different sectors of society. In doing so, we inevitably uncover elements of the power structure in the village, and the data reveal how this power structure relates to the flow of resources.
The fieldwork for this study was carried out by a member of the team over two periods in 1977. Case studies were taken on the critical institutions of the village: kinship, family, faction, religion, shalish.
ENVIRONMENT AND INSTITUTIONS
As a result, people from the village (and the surrounding area) rarely feel the need to apply for a job. One of the most important features of the area compared to the rest of the district is the size of its agricultural holdings. The abundance of fish in the monsoon ensures that they dry fish for consumption for the rest of the year.
He played a role in the Pakistan movement and gained enough support to become the leader of the village. None of the historical changes in the village had any effect on their state of affairs. The cooperative quickly grew into an organization of central importance for improving the lives of the poorest people in the village.
Reciprocal services exist between people of the same economic level in the neighborhood groups with few exceptions. In the celebration of the domestic functions and festivals, each of the neighboring groups invites their relatives;. Markets are always an important institution connected with the village and the Dhall is the nearest market available to the villagers of the Ashram.
Another educational institution, established in 1955, is a madrasa located in the center of the village.
RESOURCE HOLDINGS
Furthermore, 42% of the households, in the rich stratum, own 29.1% of the arable land, which reflects a very unequal distribution. This inequality is also characteristic of the amount of residential land owned, as revealed in table 1. A reconstruction of the position of land ownership in the town in 1951 is presented in the following Tables (Tables 2A and 2B).
The significance of the new scheme, we believe, lies in the fact that it adds a new dimension to the five land ownership strata that we have been using. First, it must be remembered that the stratification of the households into five classes is an arbitrary division. He moved into the moneylending business with the help of the rich Hindus he had helped under.
In this way he increased his property to 40 ares and is now one of the largest landowners in the village. In this section we will try to estimate the yield value of a given amount of land. The quality of the soil is also an important factor in determining the size of the yield.
We now examine and explain the pattern of land use in the context of landowner groups. The rich's higher expenditure on technology is also due to the fact that they produce more HYV than other groups, which need more fertilizer and irrigation. The trend or pattern followed in the amount of value added reflects the size of the operational unit of land holding.
The only exception is the landless, who have stored 85% of their harvest. The rest who sell outside the home do so in markets outside the region. In the previous chapters, we presented relevant information about the land - the pattern of its proprietary use and the distribution of the resulting crops.
The only responsibility that remains in the hands of the wealthy non-fishermen is total management. They are therefore dependent on the constant and regular supply of the local population for their basic needs. These peculiarities of the region create many mobile traders who can often be seen in the village.
The table also shows that the total number of public resources exploited by this village is not distributed based on the landowner positions of the people.
INFLUENCES OF RESOURCE HOLDINGS ON BEHAVIOUR
On the other hand, for the landless category, 50% of their operational holding is under share crop and hence they get only half of the production. Generally, this processing (which includes drying and extraction) and storage is done by the female members of the households assisted by some male members. The female members of the rich households do not participate in these processes, but they employ a few female workers for the purpose, while they spend their time in pastimes such as embroidery and knitting.
There are some families who, due to status reasons, are reluctant to employ their family workers in the process of agricultural activities. In the case of the rich class of land owners, of the total wages paid by them, 36% is enjoyed by their relatives, while the majority (54%) is received by clients or followers. Fishermen's Cooperative Societies lease the fishery from the government, but due to lack of funds and internal conflicts, they sell this fishery to the rich and work in the fishery as paid fishermen.
The thana level board (the Circle Officer, (Rev.), the Thana Co-operatives Officer, the Fishery Officer) has direct control over the F.C.S. It appears that the female members of the top two tiers are less interested in commercial poultry and duck farming due to the regular flow of other income. In the wealthy tier, there are four individuals who currently work in England and send large amounts of income back to their neighborhoods and relatives back home.
What the others have gained from their employment is status and power in society. People involved in paddy supply do so by virtue of their own surplus production from land, connections with outside traders and ownership of transport boats. People in small strata usually do business because of their connections and because of the low income they earn from land.
These people are engaged in business only for a living, except for three who may invest in land in the form of leases or mortgages. On the other hand, we have "the two opposite categories which are, however, the "vague" sale of labor and large-scale agriculture. Needless to say, the reins of political power are also concentrated in the same hands.
