Felipe Carrera Aguayo graduated from the Brandt School in 2009 and soon after joined the Mexican Foreign Service. Grigoriy M Grigoryev graduated from the Brandt School in 2017, with an emphasis on educational policy and non-formal methods. Ushree Barua is an alumna of the Helmut Schmit program and graduated from the Willy Brandt School in 2018.
Populism and a New Age of International Fragility: Seeking Policy Innovations 40 Years After the Brandt Report. The Willy Brandt School of Public Policy is uniquely positioned to reflect on the Brandt Report 40 years after its publication and discuss its implications for the present.
Africa: the Enduring Brandt Spirit,
International Social Development Policies, and the Resurgence of Populism in Germany
Global Inequality and the Rise of Populism
Risks and Opportunities of Contemporary Debates
Peace and Security in Africa: 40 Years After the Brandt Report
Abstract: Forty years since the publication of the Brandt Report in 1980, this article examines the progress made by Africa through a peace and security lens, based on the development indicators suggested in the report. The analysis shows that Africa's overall development outcome, as predicted in the report, is a mixed bag showing both progress and regression. While progress includes the end of many intrastate conflicts, Africa must now face a new security challenge in the form of jihadist terrorism.
Although the Brandt report advocates North-South partnerships to solve North-South problems, the main solution to jihadi terrorism is to be found in the management of Africa's internal affairs. It is rooted in the idea that Africa is rapidly moving towards increased development outcomes and self-reliance. Taken together at a time of steady deterioration of North-South relations and the overall economic state of the world, the Commission's main agenda was to promote a "North-South dialogue" based on the principle that both North and South have "mutual interests" in the solutions of the North -southern problems (Sneider, 1980).
However, in the final analysis, based on the principles of equality, fair balance and mutual benefit, most of In the 1980s, the most significant terrorist threat facing Africa came from the long-running Israeli-Palestinian conflict (Kagwanja, 2006). Beginning in the late 1990s, jihadist terrorism, which is inspired by jihadist ideologies propagated by radical interpretations of Islam, has become the most serious and complex security challenge in Africa today.
Forty years since the publication of the Brandt Report in 1980, the outcome of Africa's overall development as predicted in the report is a mixed bag of progress and regression. Many of the conditions that facilitate the spread of jihadist terrorism are the same that fueled many of the conflicts that emerged on the African continent in the first two decades after the publication of the Brandt Report in 1980. Although the Brandt Commission attempted to solve such problems through a partnership international North-South, the main solution to jihadist terrorism in Africa is based on the management of its internal affairs.
Governance of Global Migration in the Age of Populist Nationalism: A Case Study of the
Central American Crisis
The Way Forward
- Governing with Twitter: Is the Future of Decision-Making to be Written in 280
Therefore, there is no doubt that the countries of the Northern Triangle are responsible for providing better opportunities for their populations, but the Central American crisis has shown that it is in the best interest of the United States - as well as Mexico - to contribute to success. The Northern Triangle Prosperity Alliance Plan was created in the wake of the 2014 unaccompanied minors crisis as a thoughtful and forward-looking response. In it, Guatemala, Honduras and El Salvador - with the technical and financial support of the USA.
The Brandt report reminds that it is primarily people who are at stake in the international migration debate. Retrieved from Unaccompanied Immigrant Children Report Serious Abuse by US https://www.aclu.org/news/unaccompanied-immigrant-children-report-serious-abuse-us-officials-during-detention. SCOTUSblog, producer) Retrieved June 9, 2020 from www.scotusblog.com:. https://www.scotusblog.com/2020/03/court-grants-governments-request-to-enforce-remain-in-mexico-policy/. COVID-19 and Mexico Residence Policy/Migrant Protection Protocols. https://www.humanrightsfirst.org/resource/covid-19-and-remain-mexico-migrant-protection-protocols-policy HRW.
InterAmerican Development Bank: Regional Plan Prepared by El Salvador, Producer) Retrieved January 30, 2020, from. http://idbdocs.iadb.org/wsdocs/getdocument.aspx?docnu m=39224238. Committee, Producer) Retrieved April 20, 2020, from https://www.afsc.org/blogs/news-and-. comment/dangers-trumps-security-third country- agreements-central america. Violation of the law and the diversion of taxpayer resources: An examination of the Central American Juvenile Administration's Refugee/Parole Program.
Condoleezza Rice's speech to the Republican National Convention. https://www.realclearpolitics.com/articlesco ndoleezza_rices_speech_to_the_republican_national_co nvention_115263.html. The Brandt report highlighted the need for inclusive development strategies that give citizens around the world a voice on the agenda. Populists claim to directly address the needs of citizens and bypass institutions that actually or supposedly have special interests and allow the elites to shape the agenda to the detriment of the masses.
No Longer only Observant, but Co-Creator?
- Populist Rhetoric in the Peace Process
These presidents have an inseparable relationship with social media, which has played a decisive role in their campaigns and communications.16 They tweet frequently (on average more than five tweets per day during the period covered), share government-related content on their accounts, and , such as illustrated, can sometimes incorporate social media into their decision-making. Among these investments was a greater presence in social media (Jackson, 2008; Maciel, 2020; McCann, 2012; Small, 2012; . Wigand, 2010), part of a movement with the potential to promote citizen participation and responsibility. Governments can use social media to promote engagement, participation and debate on policy decisions (Small, 2012; . Wigand, 2010) through online consultations, webinars and live debates, for example.
Having understood how social media can promote participation, we now turn to how social media can influence policy-making by increasing accountability. Social media increases the transparency of decision-making and empowers the public to monitor the activities of their governments (Bertot, Jaeger, & Grimes, 2012; US Department of State, 2009). Some of Trump's tweets quoted other users' content along with his comments, the kind of dialogue we hoped to find on social media.
One reason may be that social media is increasingly considered a source of information (Shearer, 2018), which traditionally belongs to the one-to-many communication style (e.g. radio, print newspaper). Social media platforms integrate the wave of innovation that is sweeping over governments in the wake of the digital revolution. With a focus on interaction, social media can be a powerful tool to promote transparent and collaborative policymaking.
Populism and social media popularity: how populist communication benefits political leaders on Facebook and Twitter. Trump on Twitter: “The young leaders here today (@TPUSA) are part of a movement unlike any in the history of our nation. Social media for openness and accountability in the public sector: Cases in the Greek context.
Defending a Peace Without Impunity or Spreading Fear?
Ethnic Marginalization and Statelessness of Rohingyas: Policy Conundrums for Repatriation
Abstract: Persecution of the Rohingya in Myanmar by radical military and Buddhist groups has been recorded in several cases in Rakhine State. Rakhine is one of the poorest states located on the west coast of Myanmar (Mohajan, 2018). The operation forced about 200,000 Rohingya to take refuge in neighboring Bangladesh, although most refugees returned to Myanmar under pressure from the Bangladeshi government (ICG, 2014).
After the second wave, most Rohingya refugees left and returned to Myanmar, although some remained in Bangladesh. This element of the crisis is linked to the agenda of the Brandt report, as poverty in this part of Myanmar has been deep for a long time. Promulgating the Citizenship Act in 1982, the Myanmar government refused to recognize the Rohingya as a tribe, like the 135 other tribes that exist in the country.
The term "Rohingya" as the name of the Muslim tribal community in Rakhine State is not recognized by the Myanmar government or its constitution. Myanmar's government still does not recognize the Rohingya as early invaders of the state, despite centuries. Several countries have sharply criticized the Myanmar government's failure to remedy the protracted Rohingya crisis.
Despite restrictions from the government of Myanmar, OIC managed on several occasions to send representatives to Rakhine State to obtain a clear picture of the atrocities (Radio Free Asia, 2013). Since the beginning of the crisis in the 1990s, UNHCR has tried to provide humanitarian aid and facilitate the repatriation process. Comparative Study of the Roles of ASEAN and the Organization of Islamic Cooperation in the Response to the Rohingya Crisis.
Bridging the North-South Gap through
Localization: The Humanitarian Response to the Rohingya Refugee Crisis
As the Rohingya refugee crisis enters a protracted phase, there is a growing recognition of the importance of. In this context, the purpose of the study is to analyze how the North-South divide in the humanitarian efforts of the Rohingya hinders the localization of humanitarian efforts in Cox's Bazar in the light of the Brandt Commission report. In the context of the humanitarian response to the Rohingya crisis, we can identify positive mutual interests, as suggested by Brandt.
However, bridging the North-South divide through localization efforts depends on a number of factors, as the Brandt report shows: (a) reduction in distrust between North and South, (b) solidarity, partnership and international humanitarian cooperation effort (c) transfer of resources, capacity building and sharing of know-how, and (d) inclusion of the Global South at the decision-making table. Here, localization is defined as a process that strengthens and strengthens local leadership, as well as a process that increases the responsibility of local actors in the humanitarian response. However, this changed the dynamics of the humanitarian response, as did the deep divide between local actors.
In addition, the nature of the humanitarian response in the protracted phase of the crisis differs significantly from the emergency phase. As the Brandt report says, "the coexistence of the great needs in the South and the underutilized capacity in the North suggests the scope for large-scale transfer of resources based on mutual interests". On the other hand, the rise of right-wing populist leaders in Western democracies poses a clear challenge to the transfer of humanitarian resources from the global north to the south.
40 years after the Brandt report: Making the Best out of the Populist Challenge to Policy-making. Some contributions are therefore more curious about the real effects of the Brandt report (see, for example, the contributions of Bastian Becker and Jalale Birru). In this edited volume, we looked at the consequences of the rise of populism for the Brandt agenda.
