New Directions in Identity Theory and Research

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New Directions in Identity

Theory and Research

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1

New Directions in Identity Theory and Research

E D I T E D B Y

J A N E . S T E T S R I C H A R D T . S E R P E

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1

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Identity Conference 2015. Photo courtesy of Jan E. Stets.

Back Row (left to right): Peter Burke, Fritz Yarrison, Bridget Welch, Emily Asencio (top of head), Ryan Trettevik (top of head), Kristen Marcussen (top of head), Will Kalkhoff, Brennan Miller, Ben Fitzpatrick, Steve Hitlin, Mark Walker, Scott Savage, David Merolla, Jason Martinez, Michael Harrod, Zachary Sommer, Michael Carter, Matthew Grindal. Front Row (left to right): Richard Serpe, Sheldon Stryker, Jan Stets, Robin Stryker, Leia Belt, Brooke Long, Jessica Leveto, Elena Fox, Matthew Pfeiffer, K. Jill Kiecolt, Peter Callero, Philip Brenner, Allison M. Cantwell, Hans Momplaisir, Chris Biga, Mary Gallagher, Alicia Cast, Phoenicia Fares, Yasmiyn Irizarry.

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CONTENTS

CONTRIBUTORS xi

PART I Introduction 1

1. New Directions in Identity Theory and Research: Looking Back and Moving Forward 3

Jan E. Stets and Richard T. Serpe

PART II Theory 29

2. Does Mead’s Framework Remain Sound? 31 Robin Stryker and Sheldon Stryker

3. Some Effects of a Stroke on Identity Change: An Autobiographical Account 59

George J. McCall

4. Identity and Social Capital: How to Advance Democracy at the Level of Interaction 75

Peter L. Callero

5. Identity and Exchange: Person Identities and Power Use 107 Scott V. Savage and Jan E. Stets

6. Identity Theory in a Digital Age 137 Jenny L. Davis

PART III Method and Measurement 165 7. The Emergence of Status Structures 167

Peter J. Burke

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8. Neural Processing of Identity- Relevant Feedback: An Electroencephalographic Study 195

Will Kalkhoff, Richard T. Serpe, Joshua Pollock, Brennan Miller, and Matthew Pfeiffer

9. The Role of Identity Commitment and Selective Interaction Strategies on the Drinking Behavior of Simulated Agent Interactions 239

Jason Martinez and Ben G. Fitzpatrick

10. Time as a Situational Constraint to Role- Identity Performance 279 Philip S. Brenner

11. Distinguishing Obligatory and Voluntary Identities 309 Mary Gallagher

12. Contextualizing Proximate Social Structure in Identity Theory 343 Fritz W. Yarrison

PART IV Social and Group Identities 367

13. Racial Identity, Racial Discrimination, and Depressive

Symptoms Among African Americans and Afro- Caribbeans 369 K. Jill Kiecolt, Hans Momplaisir, and Michael Hughes

14. The Dynamics of Ethnic Identity and Personal Well- Being:

A Multigroup Comparison 395 Yasmiyn Irizarry and Matthew O. Hunt

15. Reflected Appraisals and Stereotype Threat: The Relationship Between Role and Social Identity Feedback 417

David M. Merolla

16. Social Movements and the Construction of Queer Identity 443 Shaeleya D. Miller, Verta Taylor, and Leila J. Rupp

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PART V Stigmatized Identities 471

17. Stigma Resistance and the Mental Illness Self- View 473 Kristen Marcussen and Emily K. Asencio

18. Deaf Identity and Depression 509 Michael J. Carter and Danielle C. Mireles

19. Stigmatized Identities: Choice, Accessibility, and Authenticity 539 Brooke L. Long

PART VI Emotions 569

20. Dispersion of Identity Meanings, Negative Emotion, and Identity Discrepancy 571

Allison M. Cantwell

21. The Ideal and Ought Self- Guides and the Affective Consequences of Identity Verification 601

Ryan Trettevik and Matthew Grindal 22. Happiness and Identity Theory 627

Jessica A. Leveto

PART VII Conclusion 655

23. Identity Theory: Progress in Relating the Two Strands 657 Peter J. Burke and Sheldon Stryker

INDEX 683

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CONTRIBUTORS

Emily K. Asencio

Department of Criminology and Criminal Justice Studies Sonoma State University Rohnert Park, CA Peter J. Burke

Department of Sociology

University of California, Riverside Riverside, CA

Philip S. Brenner Department of Sociology University of Massachusetts,

Boston Boston, MA Peter L. Callero

Department of Sociology Western Oregon University Monmouth, OR

Allison M. Cantwell Institutional Research

Michael J. Carter Department of Sociology California State University,

Northridge Northridge, CA Jenny L. Davis

Department of Sociology James Madison University Harrisonburg, VA

Ben G. Fitzpatrick Tempest Technologies and Department of Mathematics Loyola Marymount University Los Angeles, CA

Mary Gallagher

Department of Sociology Kent State University at Stark North Canton, OH

Matthew Grindal Department of Sociology

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Michael Hughes

Department of Sociology Virginia Tech

Blacksburg, VA Matthew O. Hunt Department of Sociology Northeastern University Boston, MA

Yasmiyn Irizarry

Department of African and African Diaspora Studies University of Texas at Austin Austin, TX

Will Kalkhoff

Department of Sociology Kent State University Kent, OH

K. Jill Kiecolt

Department of Sociology Virginia Tech

Blacksburg, VA Jessica A. Leveto

Kent State University at Ashtabula Ashtabula, OH

Brooke L. Long

Kristen Marcussen Department of Sociology Kent State University Kent, OH

Jason Martinez RAPP

El Segundo, CA George J. McCall Department of Sociology University of Missouri–St. Louis St. Louis, MO

David M. Merolla Department of Sociology Wayne State University Detroit, MI

Brennan Miller

Shaeleya D. Miller Department of Sociology California State University,

Long Beach Long Beach, CA Danielle C. Mireles Department of Education University of California,

Riverside Riverside, CA

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Hans Momplaisir Department of Sociology Virginia Tech

Blacksburg, VA Matthew Pfeiffer

Joshua Pollock

Leila J. Rupp

Department of Feminist Studies University of California, Santa

Barbara

Santa Barbara, CA Scott V. Savage

Department of Sociology University of Houston Houston, TX

Richard T. Serpe

Jan E. Stets

Robin Stryker

Department of Sociology University of Arizona Tucson, AZ

Sheldon Stryker

Department of Sociology Indiana University Bloomington, IN Verta Taylor

Department of Sociology University of California,

Santa Barbara Santa Barbara, CA Ryan Trettevik

Department of Psychology University of Utah

Salt Lake City, UT Fritz W. Yarrison Department of Sociology Kent State University Kent, OH

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New Directions in Identity

Theory and Research

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PART I

Introduction

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1

New Directions in Identity Theory and Research

Looking Back and Moving Forward

J A N E . S T E T S A N D R I C H A R D T . S E R P E

INTRODUCTION

In August 2011 at our annual American Sociological Association meet- ings, the two of us began a serious dialogue about the future of identity theory. The main concern was that identity theory was being conceptual- ized as two separate theories: identity control theory and structural identity theory, even though both theories are rooted in structural symbolic interactionism and share ideas about the nature of the self. After the perceptual control system approach to identities originally appeared in the literature (Burke 1991), scholars began, over time, to refer to this strand of identity research as “identity control theory,” and all other research was labeled “identity theory.” This naming was unfortunate because it

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began to create the impression of two distinct theories in the literature (identity control theory and structural identity theory) even though they were two strands of a single identity theory (Stryker and Burke 2000). close to 20 years after the original ideas on the perceptual control system approach to identities were developed, scholars are returning to one label, identity theory, to de- scribe the full set of ideas held within the theory (e.g., Burke and Stets 2009).

This volume represents an effort to bring together scholars from the two strands of identity theory, illustrate how the ideas within each branch can be advanced through empirical work, show areas of integration, and identify new directions in identity theory. We emphasize that both the perceptual control and structural approaches to identities are important in understanding the self, interaction, and the social structure within which self and interaction are embedded. For example, examining how people control their perceptions in a situation to match their identity standard cannot be understood to the exclusion of the surrounding social structures, which affect the likelihood that different identities are perceived and are maintained over time. understanding how identities are maintained requires a lens at both the micro level, with an eye toward the processes involved in identity verification, and at the macro level, with a focus on the ties and networks of others that support, or undermine, the identities within and across situations. Essentially, to study the processes discovered in one approach without incorporating the processes identified in the other approach provides only a partial understanding of the mechanisms and dynamics that we need to address in developing good science on the self.

This volume is based on an identity conference we co- organized and convened at the university of california, riverside, november 13– 15, 2014.¹ There were two purposes to this conference. First, we wanted to bring together scholars who were working within the different strands of identity theory and who were at different stages of their research career.

We wanted them to exchange ideas, begin to refine identity theory, and work on expanding the theory. Young scholars could benefit from the lessons learned by more senior scholars, and senior scholars could benefit from the developing ideas of the next generation of identity scholars. In arranging this conference, we saw it as setting the stage for future

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conferences in identity theory every two years, and in different places around the country. Given the rapid rate at which research is being carried out in identity theory, a biannual conference would provide an important venue for identity researchers to share their findings and receive critical feedback to improve their work, and thus would help in disseminating their work more efficiently and effectively. The second biannual identity conference was planned for october 2016 at Kent State university.

A second purpose of this conference was to celebrate the retirement of Peter J. Burke from academia, though not from his research, which continues to date. The conference provided the opportunity to commemorate his 50 years of contributions to the field of social psychology and, more specifically, identity theory. during the conference, scholars were free to show how their work applied or extended Burke’s ideas, which formed the basis of the perceptual control program of research in identity theory.

Some of the application and development of the perceptual control approach emerges in the pages of this volume.

Forty- five researchers nationwide attended the conference at our in- vitation. The inside cover shows a picture of conference participants and identifies them by name. Irrespective of whether they were working within the perceptual control or structural program of identity theory, invitees were asked to present new and original scholarship that advanced identity theory beyond its current boundaries. At the conference, each paper presentation was followed by a discussion of the research, thereby providing useful feedback to improve the scholar’s work.

outside of the paper sessions and throughout the conference, scholars gathered together for meals and continued their exchange of ideas about current and future directions in identity theory. After the conference and when the researchers returned to their home institutions, they revised their papers for this volume. As editors, we asked for further revisions on papers when we saw that the science of the work could be improved.

Some conference papers do not appear in this volume because of our timetable. We hope to see these remaining papers appear in scientific journals in the near future. All but one contributor to this volume is a conference participator.

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What emerged from the collective body of work of the conference were five areas of investigation that serve to organize this volume: (1) theoretical advances in identity theory, (2) progress in the method and measurement of identities, (3) an examination of social and group identities, (4) a focus on stigmatized identities, and (5) developments in the study of emotions in the theory. The final chapter in the volume is written by Peter Burke and Sheldon Stryker. over 15 years ago, they reviewed the state of identity theory and outlined challenges for its future development (Stryker and Burke 2000). In their chapter for this volume, they assess whether researchers have met the challenges that they outlined years ago, and they highlight work that is still needed to advance identity theory.

We emphasize identity theory as approached in this volume has developed as a systematic program of research for almost 50 years (Mccall and Simmons 1966; Stryker 1968). over the past 25 years, there have been major advances, such as the development of the perceptual control system into the theory, new views of social structure, the expansion of different bases of identities, and the incorporation of emotions into the theory (Stets and Burke 2014). There is still much more work to be done, and this volume uncovers new research that is advancing identity theory. We offer a glimpse as to what lies ahead in the pages that follow.

THEORETICAL ADVANCES

The papers in the first section of the volume address different ways in which identity theory can develop. The first two papers are by two of the earliest contributors to identity theory: Sheldon Stryker (1968) and George Mccall (Mccall and Simmons 1966). About 50 years ago, Stryker and Mccall independently developed very similar ideas about how to understand self and identities within and across situations. to date, we credit the beginnings of identity theory to their work.

In chapter 2, robin Stryker and Sheldon Stryker return to the roots of identity theory in symbolic interaction and reexamine the theoretical relevance of Mead for identity theory in the light of new research in

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structural linguistics, cognitive psychology, and evolutionary neuroscience. They make the case that these developments do not undermine Mead’s theorizing. rather, they argue that while these research areas can now explain how and why humans come to have a self and identity, a Meadian understanding is still needed to explain the content of the self and identities within situations, social structures, and cultures that these new research areas do not address. We still need to understand the content of the mind, how the self emerges through social interaction, how the social structures and cultural content of societies influence how individuals come to see themselves, and how these self- views and identities guide behavior. Mead addressed these issues, making his ideas still relevant for contemporary identity theorists.

While there has been some theoretical development on identity change (Burke 2006), more work is needed. In chapter 3, George Mccall employs an autobiographical account of identity change by discussing his recent experience of a stroke. Given the brain damage associated with his stroke, he has experienced deficits in his identities such as those of “professor”

and “athlete.” Suffering the stroke provides the insight that some invol- untary changes to one’s identities can result in “partial death” or “partial loss of self.”

Mccall argues that “hangover identities” and disidentification with current identities are important in understanding the “partial death/

loss of self.” on the one hand, we retain former identities as part of who we are; they hang on. on the other hand, we do not identify with these former identities as we once did, and rather than denying them as a part of ourselves, we simply avoid enacting behaviors associated with those identities. We begin to think of ourselves as a person apart from these former identities. The “partial death/ loss of self” conceptualization is a rich avenue for future work on identity change.

chapters 4 and 5 challenge the rational choice perspective by incorporating the influence of self and identity. Peter callero focuses on the political arena of social life and examines the social- capital/ democracy hypothesis. This hypothesis assumes that the relationship between social capital (a network of social relationships) and democracy occurs through

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the emergent property of generalized trust. on the one hand, trusting relationships can enhance cooperation, civic engagement, and democratic institutions, thus trust at the micro level can influence trust at the macro level. Alternatively, citizens may come to have faith in their institutions and the state, generalized trust is enhanced, and this, in turn, bolsters democratic governance. This latter relationship shows how trust at the macro level can influence trust at the micro level.

callero argues that rather than seeing trust and trusting relationships as key to social cooperation and democracy (a rational choice perspective), we consider identities as important. If social capital is a durable network of relationships, since identities are maintained through a network of others, identities can be seen as a form of social capital. Identities can be a resource for actors to use in situations in which democratic deliberation takes place. callero identifies five aspects of an identity that are relevant to democratic deliberation. The identity should (1) be recognized as a legitimate resource for defining the self in situations where political preferences are deliberated, (2) represent a politicized group identity, (3) serve as a resource in other deliberative forums, (4) be a salient identity, and (5) be open to the expression of emotion. Importantly, callero highlights the role that identities can play in political interaction to help advance democracy.

A democratic state does not guarantee equality for all, and in chapter 5, Scott Savage and Jan Stets examine how the identity process may affect power use and social inequality in interaction. rather than adopting the view that actors are motivated only to accrue benefits and avoid costs in exchanges (a rational choice perspective), they argue that actors also are motivated to verify their identities. While the former assumption is consistent with exchange theory, the latter conjecture is consistent with identity theory.

using the insights from each theory, Savage and Stets discuss how one’s control identity and fairness identity may affect whether actors use their position of power to maximize their material rewards. depending on the level of one’s control identity (high or low) and fairness (high or low), and one’s position of power in an exchange network (high or low), the identity

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process may intensify or attenuate power use and the material benefits that ensue, thus resulting in more or less inequality in the exchange network. While they see these effects as particularly relevant in certain kinds of exchange networks, research is needed to examine the identity process in many different kinds of exchange networks. More generally, examining behavior at the intersection of exchange theory and identity theory allows us to see how both social structure and identities may contribute to or reduce social inequality.

The last chapter in the theory section uses identity theory to explain a new form of sociality: digital communication. Jenny davis discusses how digital connectivity encourages us to think differently about key compo- nents in identity theory, including the situation, identity processes, and identity outcomes. While situations activate an identity, situations over social media extend beyond one’s geographic locale to include a wide range of people nationally and internationally. Additionally, the networks have expanded and frequently overlap (we may now interact with friends, family, and coworkers simultaneously) causing potential conflict in terms of the identity that is enacted in any one situation.

once an identity is activated, the identity process of verification (en- suring that others see us in the same way that we see ourselves) becomes important. How individuals present themselves over social media including what they post, tag, or comment on, how they revise and refine their presentation through pictures and text, and how others collaborate and co-construct their identity presentation provides new ways of understanding how identity verification either fails or succeeds.

Persistent identity nonverification can lead to the identity outcome of inauthenticity. Feeling authentic or experiencing one’s “true” or “real” self online is important because it produces positive feelings and, in turn, behavior that is authentic. However, behaving truthfully over social media becomes challenging given that sometimes carefully crafted images online may contradict offline presentations. Audience members may censure images that appear “fake” or “phony,” thus not supporting one’s identity. More generally, the ever- developing area of digitally mediated communication provides an arena to both apply and expand identity

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theory, and davis’s chapter provides insights into the rich avenues that are available to do both.

ADVANCES IN METHODS AND MEASUREMENT

Any theory that aims to develop beyond its current boundaries needs to examine the methods and measures that are currently in use to assess whether they are adequately operationalizing and testing the central ideas, relationships, and processes. In the second section of the volume, the contributors use new methodological tools or new analytic strategies to study identities. The result is that we obtain new insights into the identity process. We begin with chapter 7, in which Peter Burke examines the emergence of status structures in task- oriented groups. Along with Stryker and Mccall, Burke is the third key player in the development of identity theory.

Previous research has studied how one’s position in the social structure influences identity process. For example, those higher in the social structure are more likely to experience identity verification than those lower in the social structure (e.g., cast, Stets, and Burke 1999). Burke investigates the reverse, that is, how an identity (in this study, the identity of being a leader who is task- oriented) and the verification of this identity may influence the development of a hierarchical status structure. He supplements this analysis by drawing on expectation states theory. Alongside the task leadership identity, he examines individuals’ status characteristics and how those with higher status characteristics (such as being male, white, and upper class) may be more likely to rise to positions of influence in the group, thereby structuring the status system.

Burke uses survival analysis to study a person gaining or losing the top position in the status structure in task- oriented groups. When one holds onto the top position in the structure, then a stable social structure has emerged. Analyzing the task leadership identity and actors’ status characteristics (gender, assigned group coordinator, and age), he finds that those higher in the task leadership identity are significantly more likely to gain

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the top position in the group and hold onto it. This both verifies their task leader identity and structures the status system. This effect occurs independent of the effect of one’s status characteristics, and here only the assigned group coordinator has a positive influence on the status structure.

Thus, his findings reveal how the identity process importantly influences the development and maintenance of social structures.

Identity verification is a central process in identity theory. There has been some debate as to whether individuals feel good or bad following feedback in which others see one in more positive terms than they see themselves. Identity theory predicts, and evidence supports the idea that people feel bad when others underrate them or see them more negatively than they see themselves. Identity theory also hypothesizes that people will feel bad when others overrate them or see them more positively than they see themselves, although the empirical evidence is conflicting. Some research finds that people feel bad for being overrated (e.g., Burke and Harrod 2005), and other research finds that people feel good (e.g., Stets 2005). Feeling good for being overrated is an enhancement effect rather than a verification effect.

In chapter 8, Will Kalkhoff, richard Serpe, Joshua Pollock, Brennan Miller, and Matthew Pfeiffer revisit the enhancement versus verification debate by analyzing electroencephalography (EEG) data, which provides a measure of neural activity that is occurring in the brain in the form of weak electrical signals. to detect the signals, individuals are asked to wear a cap over the scalp. on the cap are small electrodes that are situated in particular places (sites), designed to pick up electrical signals in different parts of the brain. The signals from each electrode site are then amplified and appear separately on a computer monitoring during EEG recording.

While the EEG results suggest that people see underrated evaluations of themselves as more aversive than overrated evaluations, and that they appear to “welcome” overevaluative feedback (an enhancement effect), the delayed emotional reactions gathered a few minutes after individuals receive nonverifying feedback reveals that they are bothered by the overevaluation (a verification effect). Kalkhoff and his colleagues also test some other aspects of identity theory. For example, they predict that

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the dorsolateral prefrontal cortex may be a key region in the conscious processing of identity nonverification. Their results reveal there is greater activation in this region of the brain when individuals are exposed to nonverifying information compared with verifying information. This supports the idea in identity theory that identity nonverification involves more effortful, conscious processing. neurological results such as these can offer evidence regarding important claims made in identity theory.

More generally, neurosociology has value for theory- testing and theory- building, and more research using this approach is needed in identity theory.

Another test of identity verification is Jason Martinez and Ben Fitzpatrick’s research. In chapter 9, they use agent- based simulation modeling to study the drinking behavior of college students. Alcohol consumption is high on college campuses, and we need intervention strategies to curb it. Martinez and Fitzpatrick use insights from identity theory to examine the dynamics involved in drinking behavior by simu- lating a party and examining, among other things, agents’ responses to the feedback they receive from other agents. These other agents in the social world would be peers at the party.

They find that an agent modifies his/ her drinking behavior at the (simulated) party until other agents (peers) are satisfied that the agent’s behavior is consistent with how the peers view the agent’s identity. For example, if the agent saw himself as a heavy drinker, and if peers provided an evaluation that indicated that he was not drinking enough to be a heavy drinker, then the agent would continue to drink until other agents’ evaluations verified him as a heavy drinker. This illustrates a core idea in identity theory, that is, that people modify their behavior in order to get others to confirm their self- view. This is one of several findings that Martinez and Fitzpatrick discuss. Thus, we see how agent- based modeling techniques can be a useful methodological tool in showing how insights from identity theory can be tested and applied to understanding a social problem.

Most identity theorists have used survey research to study the identity process (Stets and Serpe 2013). In chapter 10, Philip Brenner examines

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how self- reports of identity behavior on a survey (with the behavior often used as a measure of the salience of the identity for a person) may be inflated from reports of the same behavior from a time diary, which may more closely approximate a person’s behavior. When filling out a survey, individuals may not be under the normal situational constraints that they otherwise would experience if they were enacting a specific behavior, so they report an idealized view as to how they would act, which may seldom be realized in actual situations. A time diary is more sensitive to time constraints because within a short period of time (often within 24 hours), people can recall how they behaved, and whether they experienced other demands/ constraints in the situation that made them unable to perform their behavior.

Brenner uses the religious identity as a case study to understand how survey self- reports of church attendance (the salience of the religious identity) are related to time diary reports of actual religious attendance (the actual performance of the religious identity), given time constraints that respondents experience in their everyday lives. The results reveal that experiencing a time crunch does reduce reports of church attendance (religious identity role performance as reported in the time diary), but the survey of self- reports of church attendance (religious identity salience) are unaffected by a time crunch. Thus, in the face of increasing time constraints and a reduction in religious attendance in diary reports, survey self- reports of attendance do not change, thereby producing an inflated view of respondents’ behavior. This chapter is a reminder of the biases in- herent in survey measures that researchers need to be aware of and guard against.

The religious identity is a voluntary identity. Voluntary identities are those identities that people freely enter or exit based on their likes or preferences. other voluntary identities might include the golfer identity or volunteer identity. In contrast, obligatory identities are identities that are more compulsory given the positions and roles people are expected to assume over the life course. Examples of obligatory identities include the worker identity, spouse identity, and parent identity. While researchers have made a distinction between voluntary and obligatory identities, there

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is a paucity of empirical work that has investigated whether the average person differentiates these identities in the same way as do researchers.

In chapter 11, Mary Gallagher uses a series of measurement strategies that capture key theoretical features of obligatory and voluntary identities to see whether individuals will classify three identities (spouse/ partner, worker, and family) as obligatory identities and three identities (friend, religious/ spiritual, and volunteer/ social) as voluntary identities. She uses data from a national survey on about 500 individuals. Her results show that people do distinguish between obligatory and voluntary identities in ways that are consistent with researchers’ conceptualizations. This helps provide some baseline information as to how individuals in the general population see these identities.

Additional work is needed to replicate these findings and investigate key identity processes that may expand our understanding of voluntary and obligatory identities. regarding the latter, for example, it would be important to study whether accumulating more voluntary identities im- proves one’s mental health, or whether it is the verification of voluntary identities (and not the accumulation of them) that influences positive mental health. Indeed, current research is examining this issue (Burke and cerven 2015).

We end the method and measurement section as we began it, by examining the relationship between social structure and the identity process. However rather than studying how the identity process influences an emerging social structure, in chapter 12, Fritz Yarrison studies how features of proximate (local) social structures (in contrast to larger or in- termediate social structures such as organizations [Stryker, Serpe, and Hunt 2005]) influence the prominence, salience, and behavior associated with the religious identity. Since proximate social structures are those interactions and relationships that are closest to individuals and that provide the context for individuals to enact their identities, Yarrison at- tempts to isolate some of the aspects of proximate social structures that may be particularly relevant. He investigates three features as they relate to the religious identity: (1) the level of homogeneity in religious beliefs, (2) the reflected appraisals or how individuals think significant others

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view them given their religious beliefs, and (3) the knowledge that others have about the identity meanings individuals hold for their religious identity. Because interpersonal interactions with close others are key in proximate social structures, Yarrison studies the influence of two groups of significant others: family and friends.

Yarrison draws on a national representative sample of about 1,500 respondents obtained from an online survey. He finds that a more homo- geneous set of others (that is, others who share one’s religious beliefs), positive feedback from others given one’s religious beliefs, and increased knowledge others have about the meanings of one’s religious identity increases the prominence and salience of one’s religious identity, and the frequency of enacting religious behavior. Friends appear to have a stron- ger influence on this process than the family. This is somewhat surpris- ing, as the family typically sets the foundation for religious beliefs. It is unclear whether it is the act of choosing one’s friends, the amount of time spent with them, or something else about friendship that takes on signifi- cance for one’s religious identity. Further, whether the greater influence of friends is unique to the religious identity compared with other identities requires further research.

SOCIAL AND GROUP IDENTITIES

Most research in identity theory has examined role identities, that is, those identities associated with the roles that individuals enact in society, such as being a student (the student identity), spouse (the spouse identity), parent (the parent identity), and worker (the worker identity) (Burke and Stets 2009). to develop identity theory, we need to examine other bases of identities such as those rooted in categorical membership and group membership. Social identities are those meanings associated with individuals’ identification with a particular social category (Ellemers and Haslam 2011). Social categories serve to stratify people in society. People are born into social categories such as a particular gender or race/ ethnicity, for example. The ensuing categorization helps in understanding

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people’s status in the social structure, with those categories higher in the status structure having more power and resources than those lower in the status structure. Individuals identify with their social category and come to see themselves as members.

The alternative to a social identity is a group identity in which the meanings that form the basis of the identity are not about membership in a particular category but about interacting with others for a common purpose (Stets and Serpe 2013). It is involvement with other group members with each trying to fulfill the expectations of the other. Identification is not based on the definitions outlined by category membership, but in participating in the group’s activities and being a part of something larger than oneself. This third section of the volume presents empirical research in both of these areas: social and group identities. While most of the research papers focus on the social identity related to race/ ethnicity, the last paper in this section examines the queer identity as a group identity since involvement in the LGBt movement influences the emergence of this identity.

In chapter 13, Jill Kiecolt, Hans Momplaisir, and Michael Hughes test competing predictions from identity theory, social identity theory, and the internalized racism perspective to study whether positive and negative racial/ ethnic identity meanings interact with racial discrimination to influence feelings of depression among African Americans and Afro- caribbeans. relying on a national survey of over 4,500 African Americans and Afro- caribbeans, they find that positive racial identity meanings prevail over negative racial identity meanings for African Americans and Afro- caribbeans. Thus, in the face of having a minority status and experiencing discrimination, African Americans and Afro- caribbeans see themselves more positively than negatively. This is consistent with prior research.

When trying to predict depression, positive and negative identity meanings did not interact with racial discrimination to produce more or less depression. However, they do find that if respondents see their in- group as intelligent, this acts as a buffer against symptoms of depression when they are treated as not smart. Thus, this particular positive evaluation of

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one’s in- group serves to offset the negative consequences associated with racial discrimination. This finding is not consistent with identity theory.

According to identity theory, when a group has positive meanings associated with their identity, discriminatory treatment would not verify these positive meanings. consequently, this would lead to higher depression and not lower depression, as was found in this study. The researchers acknowledge that there were limitations in how the identity theory process was measured in this study, making tests of the theory less than ideal.

They offer suggestions on how to improve future research in this area using more appropriate identity measures. For example, racial identity meanings need to be directly measured along with reflected appraisals, or how individuals think that others see them given their racial identity meanings.

In chapter 14, Yasmiyn Irizarry and Matthew Hunt investigate how individuals’ ethnic identity influences their self- esteem. They draw on a sample of over 1,400 students pursuing a degree in science and study four different ethnic groups: Asians, Blacks, Latinos, and Whites. only Asians and Blacks reveal a significant relationship between their ethnic identity and self- esteem. For Asians, when they affirm their ethnic identity and feel a sense of belongingness, their self- esteem rises. For Blacks, affirm- ing their identity and having a sense of belongingness also increases their self- esteem, but only when they are also actively exploring their ethnic identity, as in trying to find out about their ethnic group. As Irizarry and Hunt note, the very exploration that Blacks engage in may trigger the positive influence that affirmation and belongingness have on their self- esteem.

In chapter 15, david Merolla uses the same data that Irizarry and Hunt draw on in their study to examine not the ethnic identity but the science identity of Black and Latino college students. He examines two theoretical processes: the reflected appraisal process in identity theory and stereotype threat that social identity theorists have used in research on education. In the context of the science identity, reflected appraisals are how minority students think others view them as science students.

The stereotype threat is the view by minority students that they are ill

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equipped to perform well in science, which causes anxiety for minority students and leads to their poor performance. Merolla investigates whether both processes influence a salient science identity for minority students and their intention to pursue a scientific career.

Interestingly, the results reveal that students who think that others see them as strong students are less vulnerable to the stereotype threat.

Further, when students think that others view them positively as a student, this increases the salience of their student identity and their intention to pursue a scientific career. Alternatively, the stereotype threat serves to reduce their likelihood of pursuing a science career, which may partially explain why many minority students leave the science pipeline.

Thus, Merolla advocates for interventions that ensure that high- achieving minority students receive positive views from others about their abilities, which should decrease their anxiety associated with school performance and increase their interest in pursuing science as a career. For identity researchers, this study shows how the reflected appraisal process is an important mechanism in understanding identity outcomes such as achieving one’s goals.

The last chapter in this section, by Shaeleya Miller, Verta taylor, and Leila rupp investigates the “queer” identity as a group identity. They reveal how the nonbinary, fluid sexual identity of queer is constructed from social movement activity. The researchers discuss several aspects of the queer identity, including the fact that it refers both to one’s sexual identity and to other identities such as being lesbian, gay, bisexual, or pansexual; it is highly politicized; and it signals a rejection of dominant gender and sexual binaries. Theoretically, they combine ideas from collective identity theory and identity theory to show how queer politics and the LGBt movement influence the construction of this new sexual identity. Social movement participation is an important source both for learning the identity standards for the queer identity and for obtaining identity verification. In this way, social movement activity fosters the development and maintenance of the queer identity.

Their data for this study come from interviews with queer women students at the university of california, Santa Barbara. The qualitative

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analysis is rich, and the reader gets a sense of the complexities surrounding identity construction, the work involved in transforming a stigmatized identity into a positive identity, and the challenges it poses given current views about gender and sexuality. As we have discussed elsewhere (Stets and Serpe 2013), more research is needed that shows how identity processes at the individual level can be combined with collective identity processes at the group level to better understand emergent features of social movement participation. This chapter nicely illustrates a response to this call.

STIGMATIZED IDENTITIES

Most research in identity theory has studied positive, nonstigmatized identities such as the student, friend, worker, spouse, and parent identities, and more research is needed on identities that are stigmatized based on the strength of the negative reaction they receive by the majority in society (Stets and Serpe 2013). Identities in which the negative reaction is weak may be labeled counternormative identities, while those that are strong in terms of a negative response may be identified as stigmatized identities. This section of the volume examines negative identities on this continuum. of concern is whether the identity process operates in the same way for negative identities as it does for positive identities. In the first two chapters in this section, the researchers examine this issue by studying two stigmatized identities: having a mental illness and being deaf. The third chapter in this section investigates the counternormative identities of being nonreligious, single, and childless.

In chapter 17, Kristen Marcussen and Emily Asencio develop a model that incorporates identity theory and labeling theories of stigma to study people who see themselves as having a mental illness. They focus on stigma resistance and the deflection processes of distancing (a cognitive strategy) and withdrawal (a behavioral strategy). distancing involves dissociating oneself from a mental illness self- view, and withdrawal is avoiding interactions to hide one’s mental illness. They study whether these deflection

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processes minimize the negative effect that the label of having a mental illness has on individuals’ self- view and their self- esteem. Additionally, because in identity theory, how individuals think others see them (reflected appraisals) influences how they see and feel about themselves, Marcussen and Ascencio examine the impact of reflected appraisals from four different sources (the general views of others; coworkers; one’s partner; and one’s family) on people’s mental illness self- view and self- esteem.

Their analysis is based on about 200 respondents who identified themselves as having a mental illness from a random area cluster sample drawn from census tracts in northeastern ohio. We highlight two important findings from their research. First, the stigma- resistance strategy of distancing appears to be effective in minimizing the influence of potentially stigmatizing perceptions when those perceptions come from a partner or a family member. Thus, by denying a mental illness self- view, that is, this is “not me,” one can reduce the impact of a partner or family member’s view. Second, the resistance strategy of withdrawal increases self- esteem.

Thus, different stigma resistance strategies appear to improve different dimensions of the self for those who have a mental illness, and the views of others are only somewhat relevant in this process.

Marcussen and Asencio’s research opens the door for more work on the stigmatization of mental illness from an identity perspective. For example, as they indicate, we need a measure of the mental illness identity and the meanings associated with it. We also need to study how individuals feel when their mental illness identity is verified. In general, research on individuals who have a mental illness is a rich area for future identity research.

In chapter 18, Michael carter and danielle Mireles investigate individuals who are deaf. They are particularly interested in why those who are deaf tend to suffer from depression at a rate that is nearly double that of the hearing population. They use identity theory as a way of explain- ing this mental health problem by obtaining identity measures related to being deaf to test the association between the deaf identity and depression. relying on a sample of over 300 people who are deaf, they find that those who are involved in the deaf community (an aspect of their

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proximate social structure) are less likely to be depressed. recall that proximate social structures represent specific contexts where individuals can enact their identities. Additionally, those who experience verification of their deaf identity are less depressed. carter and Mireles’s findings suggest that when treating depression in the deaf community, it is not only important to keep deaf individuals actively involved in their community, for example, encouraging them to participate in local deaf events, but it is also important that deaf individuals surround themselves with others who verify their deaf identity. Thus, we see the potential contribution of identity research in attenuating the serious mental health problem of depression in the deaf community.

The last chapter in this section is Brooke Long’s analysis of counternormative identities. Her research examines the conditions under which those who claim to be nonreligious, childless, or single experience shame and embarrassment. She studies several contextualizing factors that may influence these emotional experiences. The first is whether individuals see their counternormative identity as temporary or permanent, for example, whether single people see themselves as eventually marrying or being permanently single. The second factor is the amount of choice going into the counternormative identity, for example, whether childlessness is due to a fertility problem or a decision to not have children. The third factor is how accessible the identity is to individuals in terms of the amount of time they spend thinking about it. Finally, she examines how authentic individuals feel in their counternormative identity.

Long analyzes data from a national representative sample of adults who were surveyed on these counternormative identities. The results show several interesting patterns. Those who see their identity as temporary and desire change report higher levels of shame and embarrassment than those who see their identity as permanent. This occurs regardless of the counternormative identity. Long argues that shame and embarrassment is felt because while the counternormative identity is temporary, it is un- wanted and it is that which they negatively evaluate.

The findings also reveal that those who choose the counternormative identity of being nonreligious report less shame and embarrassment; the

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choice of being childless or single does not reduce reports of shame and embarrassment. Greater accessibility to the counternormative identity and the negative meanings associated with it are related to an increase in shame and embarrassment, but only for the nonreligious and childless.

Those who are single may have fewer negative meanings associated with this identity. Finally, those who felt authentic in the counternormative identity reported less shame and embarrassment than those who did not feel authentic. This occurred regardless of the counternormative identity.

Long’s research is a step forward in showing how contextual factors influence one’s emotions in counternormative identities. The next section of the volume more fully focuses on the advances that have been made in identity theory on emotions.

ADVANCES IN EMOTIONS

For over 25 years, researchers have been studying the role of emotions in identity theory. In this last major section of the volume, the researchers move the study of emotions in new directions by investigating new mechanisms that influence the experience of emotions. This begins with Allison cantwell’s study. She studies how those with more tightly controlled identities experience more negative emotion when identity nonverification occurs compared with those with more loosely controlled identities. A more tightly controlled identity is one in which there is less dispersion (fewer meanings) associated with an identity. consequently, for identity verification to occur, it requires a more exact match between the identity standard meanings and the meanings of the self in the situation. A more loosely controlled identity accepts a larger set of meanings to verify the identity standard, thereby allowing greater flexibility in how an identity is verified in situations.

using a sample of students and focusing on the student identity, cantwell finds that when individuals experience identity nonverification, those with more dispersion in their identity meanings feel less negative emotion than those with less dispersion. More generally, she suggests

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that if individuals have more meanings associated with their identities, it allows them more ways to verify their identity, and they become less emotionally reactive when identity verification does not occur. This research is innovative. It reveals that it is important to identify not only the meanings that people associate with an identity but also the dispersion of those meanings.

In chapter 21, ryan trettevik and Matthew Grindal also examine the emotional consequences of identity verification. However, rather than studying how the dispersion of meanings in one’s identity standard re- lates to identity verification and emotions, they study the emotions following identity verification when the meanings in one’s identity standard differ from, or alternatively are similar to, the meanings in either one’s ideal or ought self- guide. While identity verification confirms who one is, simultaneously it also may confirm (or disconfirm) whom one wants to be (the ideal self) or whom one thinks s/ he should be (the ought self).

trettevik and Grindal anticipate that when identity standard meanings differ from the ideal or ought self- guides (they label this difference an identity gap), the positive emotions resulting from identity verification will be tempered. The larger the identity gap, the more the reduction in positive emotions.

They test these relationships by surveying college students and examining the student identity for almost 350 individuals. They find that when there is a sizable gap between identity standard meanings and either the meanings in the ideal self- guide or ought self- guide, the positive effect of identity verification on emotions is reduced. Alternatively, when no gaps exist, identity verification reaffirms that one’s identity standard meanings are the same as the meanings defining whom one wants to be or whom one should be, and the positive effect on emotions is augmented.

More generally, their study reveals that researchers may need to study the meanings that reflect multiple self- views (actual, ideal, and ought) that individuals develop and seek to maintain within and across situations.

In the last chapter in this section, Jessica Leveto answers the call to move beyond studying positive and negative emotions in identity theory and examine specific emotions (Stets and trettevik 2014). She studies

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happiness, an emotion that has come to the attention of researchers given the positive psychology movement. She examines whether happiness is a cause or consequence of the identity process. In other words, she investigates whether happiness is a social force shaping the identity process or a social product of the identity process. She examines the frequency, dura- tion, and intensity of happiness for 1,100 college students when they claim the friend identity and the identity of family member. Her findings reveal more evidence for happiness as a social force rather than a social product for both the friend and family identity. For example, longer lasting happiness increases the salience of the friend and family identities, and more frequent and more intense happiness increases commitment to the friend and family identities. As Leveto concludes, and we concur, studying emotions is an unfinished agenda item in identity research.

CONCLUSION

The concluding chapter is by two leading figures in identity theory, Peter Burke and Sheldon Stryker. They review the advances that have been made in identity theory since they first reviewed the theory in 2000 and outlined the challenges in its development (Stryker and Burke 2000).

Fifteen years later, they discuss how advances have been made in several significant areas. These include merging the different approaches to identity theory (the structural and perceptual control approaches); studying multiple identities, increasing our understanding of the different bases of identities (person, role, and social/ group identities); achieving a better understanding of the role of emotions in the theory; and developing better measures of identities and the identity process. Burke and Stryker specify issues that need development in the theory such as better measures of identities and the identity process. We offer two future developments of our own that we think provide fertile avenues for research.

Given our increasing digital environment, communication today is less face- to- face than in the past, and it is more meditated through computer technology. We are connected to a wider network of actors, often

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instantaneously through platforms such as Facebook, twitter, Skype, Google chat, and Instagram. Social media provides a rich avenue to study new ways in which individuals present their identities, develop new identities, negotiate identity claims, verify identities, and enact multiple identities. This line of research will provide insight into the changing nature of identities in a technologically advancing society.

We are also living in a more global economy. The increasing connec- tions that we have with others around the globe means that we will be interacting with individuals from different cultures. The impact that this will have on the identity process will require some study. For example, will globalization make it more difficult for us to experience identity verification given the varying expectations from a more diverse group of others? In a related manner, how will identities change as a function of transnational migrations and immigration into the united States? Will new identities develop given the blending of cultures? Will multicultural identities be more commonplace?

While the papers in the edited volume push identity theory into new directions theoretically and empirically, there is still much to learn and more work to do. What identity scholars cannot do is continue to use samples, measures, concepts, and mechanisms that are limiting and that do not move the theory beyond its current boundaries. researchers con- stantly must try out new ideas, test the ideas with more refined measures, use samples that are representative yet racially and ethnically diverse, and employ methods (perhaps mixed methods) that capture the different dimensions of the identity process. We are excited about what the future holds for the development of this very rich theory. We look to our colleagues, including the next generation of scholars to conduct their research in a systematic way that builds on the work of one another, with an eye to the cumulative development of identity theory.

We are grateful to the contributors of this volume, who worked tire- lessly to produce good papers in a timely manner. We look forward to seeing their continuing research develop and reading it in our scientific journals. We will continue to work to advance identity theory beyond our colleagues in this volume to other scholars in the discipline, outside

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of the discipline, nationally, and internationally. Identity theory can be integrated with other theories as well, and we will work to promote this.

We hope that you, the reader, will learn something from this volume.

We have, and we look forward to many more years learning and growing from the identity research community.

NOTE

1. We acknowledge the university of california, riverside, and Kent State university for their generous support of the conference.

REFERENCES

Burke, Peter J. 1991. “Identity Processes and Social Stress.” American Sociological Review 56:836– 849.

Burke, Peter J. 2006. “Identity change.” Social Psychology Quarterly 69:81– 96.

Burke, Peter J. and christine cerven. 2015. “Emotional outcomes from Identity Accumu- lation and Verification.” Presented at the International Society for research on Emotion, Geneva, Switzerland.

Burke, Peter J. and Michael M. Harrod. 2005. “too Much of a Good Thing?” Social Psychology Quarterly 68:359– 374.

Burke, Peter J. and Jan E. Stets. 2009. Identity Theory. new York: oxford university Press.

cast, Alicia d., Jan E. Stets, and Peter J. Burke. 1999. “does the Self conform to the Views of others?” Social Psychology Quarterly 62:68– 82.

Ellemers, naomi and S. Alexander Haslam. 2011. “Social Identity Theory.” Pp. 379–

398 in Handbook of Theories of Social Psychology, edited by P. A. M. Van Lange, A. W. Kruglanski, and E. t. Higgins. Thousand oaks, cA: Sage.

Mccall, George J. and J. L. Simmons. 1966. Identities and Interactions. new York: The Free Press.

Stets, Jan E. 2005. “Examining Emotions in Identity Theory.” Social Psychology Quarterly 68:39– 56.

Stets, Jan E. and Peter J Burke. 2014. “The development of Identity Theory.” Advances in Group Processes 31:57– 97.

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Stets, Jan E. and richard t. Serpe. 2013. “Identity Theory.” Pp. 31– 60 in Handbook of Social Psychology, edited by J. deLamater and A. Ward. new York: Springer.

Stets, Jan E. and ryan trettevik. 2014. “Emotions in Identity Theory.” Pp. 33– 49 in Handbook of the Sociology of Emotions, Volume II, edited by J. E. Stets and J. H. turner.

new York: Springer.

Stryker, Sheldon. 1968. “Identity Salience and role Performance.” Journal of Marriage and the Family 4:558– 564.

Stryker, Sheldon and Peter J. Burke. 2000. “The Past, Present, and Future of an Identity Theory.” Social Psychology Quarterly 63:284– 297.

Stryker, Sheldon, richard t. Serpe, and Matthew o. Hunt. 2005. “Making Good on a Promise: The Impact of Larger Social Structures on commitments.” Advances in Group Processes 22:93– 123.

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PART II

Theory

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2

Does Mead’s Framework Remain Sound?

R O B I N S T R Y K E R A N D S H E L D O N S T R Y K E R

INTRODUCTION

clearly, the dominant intellectual figure in sociological social- psychological investigation of self and identity in the past century has been George Herbert Mead. currently, however, Mead’s position as dominant figure is undergoing serious challenges that arise out of relatively recent innovations in structural linguistics, cognitive psychology, and neuroscience. Given that the contemporary social and intellectual world is very different from that in which George Herbert Mead developed the ideas that have been labeled “symbolic interactionism,” we ask whether that framework continues to serve a sociological social psychology well.

our answer to that question is a resounding YES! We ground that answer in the evidence reviewed in subsequent sections of this chapter.

Still, we admit that we approached what we hoped could be objective inquiry with strong priors. Mead’s views of social persons and society and of the relationships between them are consonant with the history

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of sociology as an intellectual discipline. As well, the initiators of major theories of identity, including one of this chapter’s authors, ground their work in Mead.

Sheldon Stryker (1968, 1980) argues that Mead provides a perspective and not a theory that can be tested. He then uses that perspective to develop identity theory as a partial explanation for how the social structures of the external social world get into self and mind, further specify- ing Mead’s framework to build research hypotheses amenable to rigorous empirical testing. These hypotheses have to do especially with the impact societal structures have in either facilitating or making more difficult access to role- related social relationships and interaction.

Peter Burke’s perceptual control theory (1991, 1996) accepts the prior development of identity theory for what it does (see Stryker and Burke 2000) but then seeks to make “visible” and to empirically examine the internal processes in the mind that are represented by Mead’s concepts of the “I” and the “Me.” Influenced by William Power’s (1973) cybernetic control process, the perceptual control approach to identity emphasizes the import of perceptions for behavior. In particular, it provides and tests hypotheses predicting the implications of the degree of correspon- dence between self- perceptions and reflected appraisals. As others have noted, at this point it makes sense to view the social structural variant of identity theory developed by Stryker and the perceptual control variant developed by Burke as complementary research programs within an overarching, unitary terrain of identity theory (Serpe and Stryker 2011;

Stets and Serpe 2013).

david Heise’s affect control theory (1979, 1989) also can be viewed in terms of the development of an overarching identity theory. Affect control theory begins with the recognition that Mead’s theoretical frame and the work by others who follow Mead to that point had two very significant gaps. First, the emphasis on the social structural determinants of role- related interaction neglected the impact of cultural determinants.

Second, there existed a virtually total neglect of emotion in discussions of identity. Affect control theory sought to remedy both of these prob- lems. Heise also developed a method, absent in sociology to that point,

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of measuring the cultural meanings attached to persons, others, and their interactions, thus enabling sophisticated analyses of how changes in the cultural meaning of one aspect impacted the other aspects (see also Smith- Lovin and Heise 1988).

notwithstanding Mead’s firm institutionalization within sociological social psychology, identity theory, and our own biases, our intent is to provide an objective review of the evidence that allows us to give the enthusiastic affirmative response to the question raised by our title. We provide that review to the best of our ability, and to that end, in the re- mainder of this chapter, we discuss and evaluate the arguments offered by proponents and opponents for their yeas or nays. We do so in the following segments: “Mead, (relatively) Briefly,” “Structural Linguistics and the Mind,” “cognitive Psychology and the brain,” “Evolutionary neurocognitive Science and the ‘Affective revolution,’ ” “cognition and Sociology of culture,” and “conclusion.”

MEAD (RELATIVELY) BRIEFLY

rather than assuming that “everybody knows Mead,” we think it is useful to share our view of Mead as a preface to what follows. We offer seven general observations.¹

The first is that Mead is attractive to many sociologists because, through an “I- Me” dialectic, he views human beings as having the capacity for shaping their own behavior independent of classical conditioning or operant conditioning processes. Put otherwise, there is in Mead’s view an important degree of indeterminacy in social life. This is inconsistent not only with the idea that operant conditioning determines behavior but also with a structural sociology that offers an oversocialized view of persons—

something for which durkheim often is critiqued, whether fairly or not.

Second, Mead shares with Max Weber the idea that “meaning” is a central characteristic of social life. true, for Mead “meaning” inheres in the person, though individual attributions of meaning emerge in the course of social interactions and are thus a social product. For Weber, meaning is