and performance of
women-owned
businesses: some
implications for
training and advisory
services
Sara Carter
Although there has been a substantial increase in the number of self-employed women over the past 20 years, the female share of self-employment in the UK (about 26 per cent of the self-employed population) has remained relatively constant (Labour Force Survey, 1999). Low business start-up rates for women in the UK are replicated across many northern European countries (Reynoldset al., 1999), but are in stark contrast with those of North America where women now account for 38 per cent of small business ownership (Brush and Hisrich, 1999). The UK figures are particularly disappointing given the range of trends expected to stimulate female entrepreneurial activity, such as:
. the growth in the number of working
women;
. unprecedented levels of female rates of
remuneration;
. an overall expansion in the services
sectors;
. the fragmentation and growth of local
markets;
. the increase in ``feminised'' markets; and . the development and diffusion of
home-based communications technologies.
These trends appear to have had little impact on rates of female self-employment.
Research which has explored the motivations and experiences of female entrepreneurs is scarce in comparison with the volume of research that has examined the small firm (Bakeret al., 1997). Nevertheless, studies that have been undertaken have started to reveal clear and unequivocal differences in women's experience of self-employment and business ownership (Carter, 2000). Gender differences which may act as constraints on both business start-up and growth are apparent in many aspects of female entrepreneurial activity and include women's pre-venture experience of the labour market, the financing of female owned firms, the use of networks in the management of firms and the overall under-performance of female owned firms.
This article discusses these gender-related differences and examines their implications for training and advisory services dealing with women-owned businesses. Following this introduction, the article starts by
documenting the increase in the numbers of women entering self-employment and The author
Sara Carteris a Reader in the Department of Marketing, University of Strathclyde, Glasgow, UK.
Keywords
Women, Entrepreneurs, Start-ups, Training, Advisory services
Abstract
The importance of women as a largely untapped pool of entrepreneurs has been widely recognised by economic development agencies. However, despite a number of initiatives designed to stimulate female self-employment, relatively few women are starting in business. Research has shown that the experience of business ownership for women is very different than for men. While early studies of female entrepreneurship suggested that the start up period posed particular constraints for women, it was assumed that these barriers were resolved once trading commenced. The use of more sophisticated
methodologies and sampling strategies has revealed profound gender differences in both women's experiences of business ownership and the performance of women owned firms. Some of the key research findings which have emerged from gender based studies of business ownership are outlined, and the implications of these findings for training and advisory services dealing with the small business sector are examined.
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business ownership. The article then reviews some of the extant research indicating gender differences in the management of small firms. The article concludes with a discussion of how training and advisory services can assist in improving the experience and performance of women in business.
Female business ownership: numbers
and trends
Between 1979 and 1997 the number of self-employed women in the UK increased by 163 per cent, from 319,000 to 840,000. In the same period the number of self-employed males increased by 67 per cent, from 1,449,000 to 2,421,000 (see Table I). While these figures appear to indicate a rapid and dramatic growth in the participation of women in business ownership activities, more detailed analysis of the UK Labour Force Survey suggests that this interpretation should be treated cautiously (Curran and Burrows, 1988; Daly, 1991; Brooksbank, 2000). In particular, the absolute rise in female self-employment appears to have been largely caused by an increase in the number of women in the labour market as a whole. The rate of female self-employment has increased less, but is still a substantial growth, from approximately 3.12 per cent of total females
economically active in 1979 to 6.76 per cent in 1997. During the same period, the rate of male self-employment increased from 9.27 per cent of total males economically active in 1979 to 15.43 per cent in 1997.
Further insight into national trends can be seen through the example of one UK region. In Scotland, between 1990 and 1999, the number of self-employed women increased by 6,830, from 47,957 in 1990 to 54,787 in 1999 (see Table II). As in the UK as a whole, growth in female self-employment was not consistent over the ten-year period.
Throughout the decade, there were marked fluctuations in the numbers of self-employed women, including an overall decline in 1992 when numbers dropped below the 1990 base year. In every other year, however, the numbers of self-employed females in Scotland showed a growth over the 1990 base-year, and a period between 1995 and 1998 when numbers exceeded 60,000. The female share of self-employment also increased, but by a relatively modest proportion. In 1990 female share of self-employment was 23.08 per cent. By 1999, this had increased to 25.73 per cent. Although fluctuations were also seen in the female share of self-employment over the ten-year period, since 1993 they have marginally exceeded 25 per cent.
During the same period, male self-employment in Scotland also demonstrated
Table IUK male and female employment and self-employment 1979-1997
Year
Male employee
Male self-employed
Percentage self-employeda
Female employee
Female self-employed
Percentage self-employeda
1979 13,381 1,449 9.27 9,220 319 3.12
1981 12,427 1,753 11.12 9,147 438 4.16
1983 11,672 1,759 11.35 8,774 533 5.07
1984 11,643 1,988 12.65 9,030 619 5.65
1985 11,683 2,039 12.90 9,207 664 5.91
1986 11,583 2,057 13.07 9,399 661 5.79
1987 11,487 2,231 14.11 9,522 727 6.25
1988 11,836 2,375 14.86 9,872 761 6.43
1989 11,984 2,626 16.30 10,285 803 6.62
1990 12,082 2,647 16.39 10,406 824 6.75
1991 11,803 2,535 15.77 10,329 784 6.43
1992 11,363 2,374 14.96 10,214 773 6.36
1993 11,154 2,321 14.79 10,217 788 6.47
1994 11,209 2,414 15.40 10,265 806 6.61
1995 11,380 2,480 15.84 10,357 795 6.52
1996 11,551 2,403 15.34 10,534 810 6.58
1997 11,817 2,421 15.43 10,690 840 6.76
Note:aSelf-employed as percentage of total economically active
marked fluctuations, and ended the decade with an overall decline in numbers (±1,720) in 1999, compared with 1990 figures. This, however, was the only year of the ten-year period when male self-employment dipped below the 1990 base. Although there was no consistent growth in male self-employment over the decade, every other year saw a growth over the 1990 base, and figures in excess of 170,000 in four of the years (1991, 1992, 1995 and 1998). Over the ten-year period, the mean growth in male self-employment was 4.73 per cent. The mean growth in female self-employment was 19.06 per cent.
Similar trends in business ownership have been seen in many other northern European countries. In Sweden, for example, women represent 23 per cent of all business start ups and account for around 25 per cent of all private firms in the country (Nilsson, 1997), a proportion common to many European states. In the USA, however, there has been strong growth in the number of women starting in business and women now account for 38 per cent of business owners, employ 25 per cent of company workers and contribute more than US$2.3 trillion in sales (Carter and Allen, 1997; Brush and Hisrich, 1999).
Women's experience of business
ownership
Prior to the mid-1980s, the contribution women made to the small firms sector either as business owners in their own right, or more commonly as providers of labour to family owned firms, was largely unrecognised by academics and policy makers alike (Goffee
and Scase, 1985; Watkins and Watkins, 1984). The growth in interest in the small business sector, coupled with a rise in the number of women moving into
self-employment, triggered a number of important research studies investigating the issue of gender and enterprise.
Influenced by the existing small business literature, early studies of female
entrepreneurship concentrated mainly upon the motivations for business start up
(Schreier, 1973; Schwartz, 1976; Goffee and Scase, 1985; Hisrich and Brush, 1986) and, to a lesser extent, the gender-related barriers experienced during this phase of business ownership (Watkins and Watkins, 1984; Hisrich and Brush, 1986; Carter and Cannon, 1992). In Europe, researchers focused their attention on trying to establish linkages between motivations for female self-employment and the overall position of women in the labour market (Goffee and Scase, 1985; van der Wees and Romijn, 1987; Cromie and Hayes, 1988; Carter and Cannon, 1992). As Berg (1997, p. 259) highlighted, however, the aim of the majority of the studies was ``mainly to make
comparisons with male entrepreneurs and to make women entrepreneurs visible''.
Overall, these studies presented a prima facie picture of businesswomen with more similarities than differences to their male counterparts. Like men, the most frequently cited reason for starting in business was the search for independence and control over one's destiny (Goffee and Scase, 1985; Hisrich and Brush, 1986). The greatest barriers to business formation and success were access to capital and mobilising start up resources (Hisrich and Brush, 1986). Few of
Table IISelf-employment in Scotland by gender 1990-1999
Year
Total self-employed
Males self-employed
Females self-employed
Females self-employed (percentage of total)
1990 207,777 159,820 47,957 23.08
1991 223,851 173,798 50,054 22.36
1992 216,373 171,447 44,927 20.76
1993 217,708 160,737 56,971 26.16
1994 225,216 166,764 58,452 25.95
1995 234,630 174,133 60,497 25.78
1996 224,997 161,394 63,603 28.26
1997 230,915 168,146 62,769 27.18
1998 233,883 172,042 61,842 26.44
1999 212,888 158,100 54,787 25.73
the early studies developed sophisticated taxonomies, preferring to identify female proprietors as a homogeneous group (Allen and Truman, 1993), and there was an implicit acceptance by researchers that, beyond the start-up phase, few significant differences existed between male and female owned and managed companies (Birley, 1989).
More recent studies have continued to explore the issue of management of female owned businesses and the field has developed to encompass more sophisticated
methodologies, larger scale samples, and more robust sampling procedures.
Importantly, the focus of investigation has evolved to concentrate on the effect of gender on both the experience of self-employment and the relative performance of small
businesses (Kalleberg and Leicht, 1991; Rosa and Hamilton, 1994; Rosaet al., 1996; Berg, 1997; Carter and Allen, 1997; Marlow, 1997). As a consequence, clear gender related differences are emerging in women's
experience of self-employment and business ownership. These differences are apparent in many aspects of female entrepreneurial activity from pre-venture experience:
. the level of constraints in accessing
finance and other resources required for start-up and business growth;
. the use of networking in the management
of the ongoing venture; and
. the performance of female owned firms.
Pre-venture experience of the labour market
Women's experiences of self-employment in part reflect their individual experiences of, as well as the overall position of women in, the labour market. Despite the increase in both the number of working women and in the continuity of their working lives, most women still hold low-paid, unskilled or semi-skilled positions. Employment is often part-time and concentrated in the service sectors and, on average, women still earn only 80 per cent of what their male counterparts earn (Engender, 1999). At the executive level, only 10 per cent of the UK's 200 largest companies have female board members (Brush, 1997). Discrimination in the workplace is often assumed to be associated with older generations, but remuneration inequalities still adversely affect women soon after labour market entry (Breitenbach, 1999).
Some authors have suggested that self-employment for women is both a reaction to, and a means of escaping, the persistent inequalities and the occupational confines of the labour market (Goffee and Scase, 1985; Carter and Cannon, 1992). Starting a business has frequently been seen as an obvious means of circumventing the ``glass ceiling'' experienced by many women (Buttner and Moore, 1997). While there is little empirical evidence to support this thesis, there is a growing body of research indicating that pre-venture experience of the labour market has an effect on the ability of individuals to mobilise the appropriate resources to start in business. In comparison with men, when women enter
self-employment they do so with fewer financial assets, less experience in management and under-resourced in terms of their human and social capital.
The financing of female-owned firms
Previous studies into gender and business ownership have resulted in conflicting evidence about whether finance poses problems for women starting and running businesses. Four areas of the financing process have, however, been consistently noted as posing particular problems for women. First, women may be disadvantaged in their ability to raise start up finance (Schwartz, 1976; Carter and Cannon, 1992; Johnson and Storey, 1993; Koper, 1993; Van Aukenet al., 1993). Second, guarantees required for external financing may be beyond the scope of most women's personal assets and credit track record (Hisrich and Brush, 1986; Riding and Swift, 1990). Third, finance for the ongoing business may be less available for female owned firms than it is for male enterprises, largely due to women's inability to penetrate informal financial networks (Olm et al., 1988; Aldrich, 1989). Finally, female entrepreneurs' relationships with bankers may suffer because of sexual stereotyping and discrimination (Hisrich and Brush, 1986; Buttner and Rosen, 1989).
related to current value of capital assets, sales turnover, total number of employees and number of core full-time employees. It appears, therefore, that shortfalls in initial capitalization can set women at a
disadvantage in being able to grow their business, and that the extent of this
disadvantage may have been under-estimated in previous studies. The sources of start-up capital were, however, common to both men and women with greatest use being made of personal and family savings, bank overdrafts and bank loans. Similarly, no significant gender differences were found in the use of guarantees for business financing. An analysis of financial arrangements for the ongoing business revealed both gender and sectoral differences in the sources used for ongoing finance. Men, particularly those in the hotel and catering sector, were more likely to make use of bank loans and overdrafts. Conversely, women were less likely to use institutional arrangements, such as bank loans and overdrafts, and were also less likely to take advantage of cheaper sources, such as extended supplier credit. Relationships with institutional lenders were generally reported as being good, although men operating in business services were more likely to describe their relationship as ``very good'' (Carter and Rosa, 1998, p. 237).
Other research studies have extended the gender and finance debate further by considering the role of banks in providing finance to female business owners. In a development of an ``asymmetric information'' approach (Fletcher, 1994), gender researchers have attempted to determine whether banks have (unstated) differential lending policies to male and female business owners and, if so, whether these policies are a result of unwitting socialisation or outright discrimination (Fay and Williams, 1993; Koper, 1993). In a study
undertaken in New Zealand, Fay and Williams (1993) found some evidence that women encounter credit discrimination in seeking start-up funding, although the study concluded that this was not necessarily the fault of the banks. Nevertheless, Fay and Williams emphasise (1993, p. 365) that:
. . .the existence of discriminatory behaviour as a
consequence of prejudice and stereotyping can be demonstrated only when all relevant factors up to the point of loan application have been equalised.
Researchers of female entrepreneurship are still a long way from being able to control factors so precisely. As Brush (1992) points out, this area has been studied insufficiently to enable firm conclusions to be reached.
Networks and female-owned firms
Research that has investigated the
management of female owned enterprises has often alluded to the important role of networks in the survival and success of individual firms (Olmet al., 1988; Aldrich, 1989; Rosa and Hamilton, 1994). Gender differences in the way networks are created and used have been cited as having an influence on certain aspects of the
management process; for example, enabling improved access to finance and the
development of strong relationships with financial backers (Carter and Rosa, 1998). Researchers such as Rosa and Hamilton (1994) have argued that networking is both more critical to, and should be greater among, female entrepreneurs than male
entrepreneurs. This approach is, however, countered by research conducted by Aldrich (1989) which suggested that women's networking levels are lower than men's. Irrespective of the precise nature of the influence which gender has upon networking, it is clear that profound gender differences exist. As Brush (1997, p. 22) concluded:
. . .women are less welcome in social networks
. . .and are left out of some of those loops,
meaning they do not have access to as much information. So social structures and the way that women socialise influence the human and social capital endowments with which they start their businesses.
The performance of female-owned firms
The performance of small businesses, that is their ability to contribute to job and wealth creation through business start-up, survival and growth, has become an important area of
Table IIIMedian starting capital by sex of respondent (to the nearest £500)
Median (£) Women Men Textile/clothing 1,000 3,000
Business services 1,000 2,000
Hotel/catering 15,000 25,000
Single owners 2,000 5,500
Multiple owners 3,000 6,000
Total sample 2,000 6,000
recent policy and academic debate (Storey, 1994; Smallbone and Wyer, 2000). Very little of this work has, however, focused on the issue of gender and business performance. In a longitudinal study of 298 UK businesses, of which 67 were female owned, Johnson and Storey (1993) found that women proprietors in their study had created more stable enterprises than had their male sample, although on average the sales turnover for women was lower than for males. Kalleberg and Leicht (1991) also found only slight and inconclusive differences in key performance measures in their sample of 400 businesses from three industrial sectors in Indiana. Rosa et al.'s (1996) study outlined four different measures of performance:
(1) primary performance measures (number of employees, growth in employees, sales turnover, value of capital assets);
(2) proxy performance measures
(geographical range of markets, VAT registration);
(3) subjective measures (including the ability of the business to meet business and domestic needs); and
(4) entrepreneurial performance measures (the desire for growth, the ownership of multiple businesses).
The results of the primary performance measures suggested that women's businesses employed fewer core staff, were less likely to have grown substantially in employment (more than 20 employees) after 12 months in business, had a lower sales turnover, and were valued at a lower level than male owned businesses (Rosaet al., 1996). The analysis of proxy performance measures also indicated that women-owned businesses were more likely to serve only local markets, although gender differences in export sales were non-significant. Subjective measures of
performance, however, were less clearly divided by gender. Women, however, appeared less optimistic than men in their expectation of future business success and were also less likely to believe that their business created sufficient income to meet domestic needs. The entrepreneurial performance measure demonstrated more marked sex differences. Men were significantly more likely to own other businesses (19.6 per cent compared with 8.6 per cent) and also to have strong growth ambitions in so far as they wanted to expand
their businesses ``as far as they could (43 per cent versus 34 per cent)'' (Rosaet al., 1996, p. 469).
Collectively, the results of the various studies that compare male and female performance differences offer mixed results. It appears, however, that the determinants of performance (i.e. the measures that are used by owners to assess their business
performance) are similar by gender. Contrary to many initial studies of gender and
enterprise, there is no evidence to suggest that men are more profit orientated than women, or less likely to value intrinsic goals. Although Rosaet al. (1996) found some marked sex differences in performance indicators, they concluded that complexity of the overall pattern of results suggests that a more sophisticated interpretation was required than simply attributing differences to gender alone.
Conclusions: implications for training
and advisory services
The results of the various studies that have examined the number and experiences of women in business suggest that there are many implications for training and advisory services. The issues for training and advisory services can be divided according to stage of business development: start-up and growth and development. To encourage larger numbers of women into self-employment, there is a clear need to widen access to business start up training and advice. In practice, this implies offering a wide range of start up and support services which encourage women into business. Women enter business from a wide variety of backgrounds and with a wide range of experience. The provision of business start up training and advice needs to accommodate these very different
Not only is there a need to widen access and accommodate typically female experiences within start up training programmes, there is also a need to amend the content of these programmes to address the weaker financial position that many women start from. Research has shown that women not only have fewer financial resources than men, they are also more reluctant to take on large sums of debt when starting a business. Their particular experience and attitudes towards finance strongly differentiates them from their male counterparts. It is now also clear that initial under-capitalisation has a long-term effect on business survival and success. Capitalisation issues, in particular women's access to and usage of capital, need to be addressed by start-up programmes and business advisers.
A long running debate in the development of start up training programmes and services for women, has been concerned with the need for single sex provision (Richardson and Hartshorn, 1993). Interestingly, many women business owners tend to be dismissive of women-only start-up services and training programmes. A frequently voiced view is that as women have to trade and compete in mainstream markets, they should also be prepared to participate in mainstream start-up programmes. In contrast, those women who have participated in women-only programmes are overwhelmingly supportive of such schemes. The key issue in single-sex provision lies in the fact that women come to business ownership from a wide variety of backgrounds and experiences. Some women may require greater nurturing of self-confidence and esteem, as well as business skills. For this reason, it seems clear that if there is a demand for such services, there should also be provision.
A concentration on improving the numbers entering self-employment has resulted in little emphasis on the provision of after-care training and advisory services for the ongoing firm. Arguably, as many women lack the management experience and access to networks, they have a greater need for on-going support. Many women identify
personal skill shortages such as marketing and sales skills, management skills and acquiring skilled labour, as constraints on the
development of their firms. Innovative after-care schemes can be provided which are both better suited to the needs of individual
women and less resource intensive. These mechanisms do not, however, necessarily require heavy investment. Most start-up programmes offer formal training that ends after a pre-determined time. The continuation of self-help groups, or peer mentoring, after formal start-up programmes have finished is an innovative and low cost means of providing ongoing support to new firms. Peer-mentoring is an example of a particularly valuable form of self-help for women, which requires only basic resources to initiate and encourages a self-help approach to developing business ownership skills.
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