Rumours and Realities of Marriage Practices in Contemporary Samin Society | Rohman | Humaniora 990 1815 2 PB

HUMANIORA

VOLUME 22 No. 2 Juni 201 0 Halaman 113-124

RUMOURS AND REALITIES OF MARRIAGE

PRACTICES IN CONTEMPORARY SAMlN SOCIETY

Arif Rohman

*

ABSTRACT

Since the mid

-

19"h century the Samin people have made a contribution to resisting the Dutch colonial rule in rural Java through their non-violence movement and passive resistance (lijdeiijk verset).

History also notes that they have a unique culture and system of values which reflect their own local wisdom. However, many negative rumours have become widespread regarding this community. This article explores the marriage practices in Samin society and investigates how this society gives meaning to these marriage practices. It also examines whether the practice of 'virginity tests' and 'stray marriages' exist in contemporary Samin qociety.

Key Words: Samin, marriage, rumours, 'virginity tests', 'stray marriages'

ABSTRAK

Sejak pertengahan abad ke- 19, masyarakat Samin telah banyak be jasa dalam melawan penjajahan Belanda di pedalaman Jawa melalui gerakan anti-kekerasan dan penolakan pasifnya. Namun demikian, menariknya justru banyak rumor negatif yang muncul dan berkembang seputar komuniti ini. Paper ini membahas praktek perkawinan di masyarakat Samin dan bagairnana rnereka memberi rnakna pada sistem perkawinan mereka. Tulisan ini memeriksa apakah praktek 'Tes Keperawanan' dan 'Kawin Umbaran' benar ada dan terjadi di masyarakat Samin, khususnya di IUopoduwur Btora.

Kata Kunci: Samin, perkawinan, rumor, 'tes keperawanan', kawin umbaran

Humnioml Vd. 22# No. 2 Juni2010: 113-124

people can conclude that they are living together out of wedlock. Furthermore, these marriages usually are not reported officially to the govemment, so that most ofthem

are

iltegal (not

certified). As a mnseqwnce, the multing ch4dfBi-1

do not have birth certificates. The rumour about the 'virginity test' has become Mespreiad, as

evidenced by jokes like: 'If you want to "get married under a tme" (iltegdlyt without any mnseqm17~8s) and want to gett "frse" *in&

just go to the Sarrtin, you can leave the woman whenever you want, even just one day after having sex.'

A number of studies have been conducted on M nsociety from dierent perspectives. For

example, there are those that examine the Samin movement in terms of the causes and origins of the movement2, the nature of their religion3, the patron-client relationships around their movemenv, the uniqueness of their language5, and how they survived the Dutch colonial period

by creating a special architectural design in their dwelling system6. However, little information regarding marriage practices in Samin society is available. The study of mamage practices in this

community

is therefm crucial because it mcems the status and treatment of women.

Marriage can be defined as 'a life-long union of a man and a woman for the purpose of establishing a family'.'The goals of marriage are to provide opportunities for sexual intimacy, companionship, family continuity, establishment

of parenthood, legitimate reprodudion, emotional fulfilment, and widening of inter-personal relati~ns.~ Through marriage, humans

can

build a family and strengthen their kinship

In his worklo, M u l l a h discusses marriage p m d e s in Samin society. He

dassifies

marriage practices in Samin society as endogamous. Endogmy refers to a system where group

members find spouses from within the group. He

ar~ues

that endogamous marriage has been

~ t o e n s w e t h a t t h e i r a r s t o r n s a n d M i

may continue. Thus, there are several steps in their mamage practices, such as looking for the wife, engagement, apprenticeship, harmonizing

and answering, and

t

h

to that of RosyidI2, of marriage. Howewr, more on the care o community, while Rosyid the marriage practi

without analysing their meanings.

The uniqueness of the manSagh3 pradio85 in Samin society has been recognised by Shiraishi.I3 Shiraishi describes the concept of 'stmy marriage' as a way in which a man who

~ o o ~ a d u l t e r y c a n ' p u f i f y h ~ b o d y ' . Sbrry

martiage, acoweling to Shiraishi, is a ritual in which

a man has to

ask

a woman, not his intended wife, to many him without any coeraon or tricks. After sleeping together, only once, and after leaving the woman, he can return to his wife.I4 However,

even though he described the 'stray marriage' _i custom in Samin society, he was interested in

the social and political context surrounding the i

Samin movement and his data was based only

on an old document, 'Dangir's testimony', which 4 comprises the notes that the patih (vice regent) i _i of the Regency of Pati made after he intermgated I

Dangir, a Samin villager of Genengmulyo who

1

was arrested on November 26,1928.

1

Another study related to the marriage

j

practices in Samin society is that of Murnfangati.15

She mentions that their marriages are usually performed by parents and are not reported officially to the govemment, so that most of the resulting children do not have birth certificates. However, her study is too superF6cfal and lacks focus, endeavouring as it does to aover too many aspects of the Samin society.

To understand the m a w system in the Samin community we need to understand their belief system. In relation

t~

this, Martin van Bruinesseni6 argues that the hmin community

is one of the sectarian movaments which

developed and left

~kilam.

We ~ ~ t q o h s the Samin fnobmmtsa cmmwnit)rwhlch develops

Arif Rohmn, Rumours And Realities of MElniage Pradr'e~ts In Contempmty SarrJn Sodety

explains that this happened due to the lack of communication bebeen Islamic organnuations, whiehwerem~inttrban~,andperipheral

ocmmwnitsesind~.Howlevler,h'hisargmt

has been nejedd by Niels lvb~kW~UVh0 Wives

that Agama Adam (the 'Religion of Adam') resembles Buddhism. On the other hand, James

C. believes that gamin teachings

ar

&ma

Aaaamc#n bedassiiapartd-beM,

that is the non-Islamic local ~ @ $ i W i f s of

rural

Java. Benda and Castles1s also argue that A g m Adam is not Islamic.

They

see it

as an

indigenous messianicrnomt, not inspired by Islam (which salvation in a Holy War

and the cxxning of a M i ) , bu2 ratherwas inspir- ed by Hindu-Buddhist Javanese culture which looks to a Ratu Adil or Hem T j(Jugt King).

The literature mkw k s

shorwn

4hat

mmy

scholars have been intembd in &dying

the

Samin movement difbmt

Thgse studies, however9 haw

es: (1) most of them

are

~ ~ f r o m t t t e D u t e h

any attempts to investigate the subjective meanings of the marriage practices themselves; (2) most ufthem have focused

on

theclamiption of the marriage process without positioning women

on

centre stage; (3) even though

there

are studies related to the M a g e pradkm in Samin sxkty, the analysis of the practices in these studies is supe-1, and has a lack of focus, notseeking an i-tton dthe amspt

paper poses the following questions:

extentdothepra

r

marriages' exist m

What are the actual ma Samin people in Klopodwt?

SAMIN KLOPODUWUR

A study of the Geger Sattrin (Sanin

movement) in

rural

Java during the Dutch cdonial

era cannot be separated f m the life of Soemntiko amin, the founding father

of

this

m m & .

Sfman&

Samb~ was boFn in lW%l as Raden K ~ h a r . ~ n K&ar changed his

name

to Soemtiko ita~skto sodalke with 0relinau)c people. Many

saum~

menth that P bKedbn Bkm was bdmed to be the hometown of S08mko."

most peopte in PIoss W h

do

not

to b e t h e c a s e . " P e o p l e i n R m ~ E r w

him as a simple and konest gaodattitudeandwasweb

u f t h i s , h e w a s w e l l ~ . ~ n U k t )

popular

in his neighbourhod when he reskstd

new

image of him

as

a hero, At the

time,

generation

to

sprehld Sammism around 191f.

w

sons

and Kajen Pati, and EngW (a mnEn;korM of Soerantiko), who spread Sarninisrn in

m,

~.310ra.#ErlgtaP$c

&minim in -due

wmgw'(a h m n w h o W v 6 F ) I g O M ) m m

and

saMi,

which means he had s u m & and magical power).

However, after Surosentiko did,Saminism was split into five groups: SBmfn Lugw, a m i n

SangM, ~ m i n h p i ~ m m r p i n g , Ssmin Gogd

and&&--, Samblq~ucomprisesthe

Humaniora, W. 22, No. 2 Juni 201.0: 113-124

do not really know about the Samin beliefs but

nevertheless dam t h m - as Samin people

(people also call them Samfn-s~mhan

or

nyamin, which means pretending to be

M

n

people). The last group is Samh Kas&dw, who are the

followers of Sowmtiko Samin who put more stress on spedal rituals. This caMcatkm is slightly different that of Benda and

Castles

who dassify Srtmin pero(ale into onJy

two

cate-

gories: Samin Lugu and Samin Sangkak..2b

Engkrek, who spread Saminism in Klopo- duwur, had other names such

as

Siman-and Sodikromo. He came to Klopoduwur with five

canfrik (students) including Dungkik, Gaiman,

Singosamin, Mint0 and Sahmo. With h i can'k, Engkrek babat alas, i.e., he deared an area for settlement at Karang Pace. This area was given

to his catfk and Karang Pace became the head- quarter for

the

Samin people in Klopodhuwur. Through rnaniageswiththe localwwnen, Engkmk and his cantrik became inmasingly popular in

this village. After discovering that Engkrekwas a saktiperson, almost all village rnernbew became

his followers and he became well-known to people in other villages. Many people, minJy

coming from Pati, Kudus and Jepara,

came

to the area to study aminism. In his

efforts

to seek followam, Engkrek @n gave kas8MBnsuch 9s

fFMn-1-

~~

A Samin in

Wong Sikep

or

always does setf-inm-R or her faith) rather than Wm$j

because the term Wong Sam& connotations because of the Sam&

pay tax. Most people in K l a p o d w hmw

Engkrek, since there was a rurnour that Engkrek, even though he was a cetrik of Soerantiko, rejected the idea of ce3ehm

Soerantiko Samin

as

the &tuj Adil. A p ~ ~

because of Wis rejection,

he

was expetled

Barn

the communitywhich initiated this debmbn.

This explains why Engkrek came to

Klopoduwur and never m e n t h d ~ & o f s

name subsequently. Engkrek died two p a r s after Indonesia's Independence and he was

buried in Klopoduwur in I

947.n

THE STAGES OF MARRfAOE

The marriage practice in the Samin community differs from that in the common Javanese tradition. Matiage is carried out

only

between the Barnin

members

base-el on adat

(customary law) which requires endogamy. Samin pmpk can

many

outside the Samin commwfityanty people beeam Samin.

is meant to mainbin the min community. Samin

bib &at marriage is s a d as it is awq+

to

adsieve magnanimity and to produce

..

.

.. ?/

Atif Rohman, Rumours And Realities of h.f%wtage Practices In Cont~mpmry Samtn WWy

good descendants. M a w e is based on love without coercion by others. They have a belief that 'Kabeh lmang ganteng, kabeh W o k ayu'

(all men are handsome, a11 women beautiful).

This means that thydo not d i i i m t e against

people

on

the basis of physical appearance or status.

Mamiage in Samin community is performed without government involvement. They refuse

kawin

coro

twgum (marriage by govmment rubs). In the Samin M(lopoduwur community today, whieh can be cxmklered

as

ribre tmdm

than other Samin communities such as BomtKmg, Balong and Tanduran, after their marriage, a newly married cuuple report thdr marriage to the government to get a marriage certificate. In the past, Samin psaple in Klopoduwur did not report their marriages. As a consequence, their offspring did not have birth certifmtes or identity cards. They argued that if they registered their marriage,

thaJ

gcwwmmt would record them

as

the fdkwers of

one

of the six state religion^.^ This wcnold m a n they would be betraying Agama Adam as their belief system.

Adat in the Samin community divides the mamiage process into several stages. These stages have been examined by R o ~ y i d ~ ~ .

However, Rosyid's work is descriptive and does not analyse the meaning of marriage practices in Samin society. According to Rosyid, the first stage is nyuwuk (asking a woman's marib! status). In this stage, a man who is ready to marry asks about the status of a woman he wants to marry. Nyuwuk -can be done by the man or by his parents.

If

her status is m a W , then the man will withdraw

the woman is still woman's parents will ask she consents or not to the p

agrees with the proposal, the man

a n

the woman's house to continuer fbr s stage, that is ngawulo ('appmn

woman's house). However, in n ) l m k I h woman has a right to accept or to refuse the marriage proposal. The man has to accept

whether st-le agrees r x d h g m . This stmws

that in Samin marriage bacfitkwr, a wonm has

freedom to chose her hu8band witha$ m y coercion from others;. This difftam fmm

t

b

Javanese adat, where

most

maMages

am

arranged by the parents of the coupk.=

For some people in Samin communities,

nyuwuk is then followed by nywito (the

groom's family applies for In this stage, they will

and g d a n i g setangkep"as part ofthe The gambjr and sirih is believed spirits away, while gedang

symbolises a relationship between the bridegroom

and

bride that will continue hpptty

until

the

end of their lives. At this &tag&, the

parents of the groom eatrrrst

their

w n fa Ms

many cases where after

view the nyuwito tmdiiion

a

s

mmty

a pro$lem

of selem (taste). The groam's pslaene

usual&

understand his attitude

b a b o ~ . ~ The parents

son's decision aocolrding

t~

the

nyuw g ~ d h e l . ~ f%&

Ian (eloping) rarely happens.

713'1

##am

fmrn the Javanese adat, which has many ceretno-

nies and demands high costs.SB In nyuwuk or nyuwo, there is no as& fubn or m s kawin

(bride prim). this is because

Samin

people believe that this system has more dis- advantages than advantages. For example, if the groom is from a poor

st@tw a8 hwmn beings) so that

e f ~ t

B dbtrJrb5ng

to the Samin

W

to

stay in the parents-in-law's house and

Hmnion,, Vd. 22, No. 2 Juni2010: 113124

(wet or dry rice fields), or as a shepherd of mffle. In this stage, he does not rec~ive afiy payment, but all of his needs wiU be

for by his parents-in-law. In this stage is regarded as a family member and is

to sleep with his YisnM. The length af the ngawulo stage is relative and depends on the situation. For bridegrooms who are already mature, it may not take a long time. It m i d be a week or two. But for

those

who ape still young, it could reach up to two years. In this coptext, the marriage will be considered 'lawful' if the bride's parents have approved their relations.

After ngawulo, the next stage is kondo (reporting to the woman's parents) that they have done sikep rabi31 (sexual intercourse) as proof that they really pod0 senenge (love each

other).

Samin people believe that marriage has to be based on love and this has to be proven by having sexual intercourse during the ngawulo stage.

The last stage in the Samin marriage process is diseksekno (witness ceremony). In this stage, the groom will testify that he has done sikep rabi with the bride. The bride's parents wilt witness that the bridegroom has passed the process well. It is thus shown that they tumbuh katresnan (realty love

each

Qther) and are mkun (harmonious). Based

on

isdat,

the

task

of the bride's mother is oqmbing

t

M

ca;rmmony (to make them mkun). The

task

of

the We's father is to giw agresrrrent to fkdr relaf-ion$hSp. The period far dimk~ekno is

apik'(the faster the better).

&miin peopk do not irmdve

the w v m m & . This h because g m r r r m authority is not seen a$ superior to parents'

authority (gowrnmnt is

made

up d human beings who

are

not su

are just as human). That is wh considered 'legal' even

th

only by parents.

By

contrast, they rept#t

to

Sesepuh Samin (a Samin ekler), who attmds the ceremony. This d i i r s from the txdirwry Javanese custom in which marriages

are

performed by naib or penghulu (a b a d Islamic religious representative).* Diseksekfio is

marked by

adang

a k W .

i

1

In diskwkm, the g r m h a to say the _j Sadat (The Samin profession of kith). The

Sadat contains a statement that the g m

acknowledges the bride

as

b t u r urip ( M d

for life) and promises to stay together and nukulke wlji sejati (give descmdanb). Hem is

the Sadat that is said by the

groom:

'Kuk wong,

JmRS ~ m w ,

Pang8tlW

Dam1 kuk, sikq M i , Demen jag,

Tata-tata wedok, Pangaran Y, D m k s laki Demen janp

&tk nikah empm kulb lakoni. '

. .

-2

Arif Rohman, Rumours And Realities of MaRiaw PracEtiws In

palakrama qm

m q w ,

memangun tram Wyd, kasempar kasandhung dugi

haBefofly your maniage will produce goorl

The other reason why the 'virginity test' is

nat

mmgnised in the Samin community is

htty is n d important. Samin people people are married based on the Fwfncipte of podho senenge (kwhyl lother). They believe that as human beings, they

should

respect

others; ewen those who are dis8bM

or

not virgins. Many cases show that d i b l e d

~ k , a l s o m n y ; W i d o ; w s a ~ ~ h ~ because of love. People are seen as being the

same and Samin do not discriminate on

the

Wisof physical appearance

or

virginity. A han

who loved a widow will fully accept her (unlike in mainstream Javanese culture). Due ta this belief, the idea of a 'virginity

test'

in Samin sodety does not make sense and contradicts the Samin belief system.

The last argument against the idea of 'virginity tests' in Samin

society

is based on their

-

bel'mf that 'Bojo siji kanggo s8Iawasca'(one wife farewer). This means that when a rnan has sex with a woman, he is effectively making a pegat mati oath? He and his wife seek to keep their oath and try to niteni (always be introspective and remember the oath). That is why Samin KIopoduwur prefers to be called mngpcsnitt+n

(pecpie who are niteno. After having sexual intercourse, a couple will

not

&wee

until one

dear that A ~ A ~

of 'virginity tests' and polyandry in the Samh

community seems b be myths.

'STRAY MARRIAGES'

Another rurnour about the Samin m u n i t y is that they encourage a practice of 'stray marriage'. According to Dangir's Testimony, if

Samin men commit adultery, they have to purify their body through a 'stray marriage'. In a 'stray rrraniage' a man should

look

for a m n(apart from his own wife) to 'marry'. This ritual shoutd be

done

without coercion or deception, and

&so

has to be b a s 4

an

OQhmnt and

to be a wife'.*

Samin people in

Kt@#

r m y f h a t adultery rarely

happens

ir9 tllts3r

-&.

If it

does happen it is m m i t t d the community. This is live together with th Samin. Thekickof u system in this com why people outside

j u d g m e n b t h a t a d w h B I m h ~ ~ l

'Stray marriage' does ncd

rn

to

exist in the Samin Klopoduwur mmwrMy, This k

due

to the belief that a woman's status in

the

community is higher than that of8 man. This is based on

the

reality that m can ad as mothers, and therefore have signifiaa~t d t because of smh mles as giving birth, b w 8 t

feeding, & i , caring

and

teaching OtaHdten.

They believe that

w m n

rn lke place of rice). It is

the

hu&ndgs givedlmtohiswffe.Sa that b m i (&) is woman

mother). Thsmfum, mothgr is the qmbd of Thb

b

illustmbd by the pwerB

Iku

ano ing ngisor telapak sikile mboke'(Paradise lies under a m o W s feet).

As a result women can piay

roles

in both the

dm&ic and public spheres

b e l i i that women can heaven but not to hell highly untikely that the

support a practice

as

degrading to women

as

ofwMchistouusa

patiently; if insulted

mmams~~1TQfWf-ormonsyorfoodfrom

Arif Rohman, Rumows And Reams of P r a a I n

from you, give it freely.'45 In Agama Adam they disasters, accidents, failed harvests, social

believe that sin cannot be absolved. If a sin isolation or gossiping by others. The could be absolved then people would sin more. consequence of sin after salin sandangan"

Samin people also believe in in which (death) is more horrifying as they will be someone who does sin will suffer either in this reincarnated as animals. Related to this, world or the next. In this world, for example, Saministssay:

they might face some bad experiences like

'Nandur pari, tukul pan, ngunduh pari, nandur jagung, tukul jagung,

ngunduh h u n g , sing becik ketitik, sing oh, ketom. '

ahotution

(and

this

m ' s We is w m q

ttab

ni& wit1 wffer

'Plant rice,

grow rice, harvest rice,

plant corn,

grow corn,

everyone will see what is good, and what is bad.'

, Vd. 22, No. 2 Juni2070: 713-124

On the basis of my fieldwork, 1 betierwe 'virginity tests' and 'stray marriwes'

are

just myths. In contrast, the Sarnin w m u n i Q through their maniage s p t m show 8 wodd full

of respect for women, a world which is egalitarian. This flows from A g m a Adam

beliefs. To maintain this system, social sanctions are created for those who have broken the rules. These rules

seek

to m a t e a society which values women, a society which is harmonious, tolerant, and egalitarian. In this context, the myths of 'virginity tests' and 'stray marriages' do not seem at all credible.

The Samin Klopoduwur marriage practice system seems to show a high level of respect for women. The rumours about the 'virginity tests' and the 'stray marriages' have made Samin people vulnerable and marginalised.

Those who were rnostty insulted by the rumours were women. To reveal the reasons behind the rumours, it is necessary to look at and to understand the social and political context surrounding Samin. Understanding the history of Samin society will help in answering why the rumours exist.

I. I ~ t i k e t o t h a n k m y s o p e r v i a > n r D r . ~ ~ ,

Dr. Gail Hawkes, and Siepbn Millew.

lndira Perrnanasari, 'Saat 'sedulur sikep" bertemu

negara', Kovnipas, 27 7 r M 0 5 . RtMeved 28 July 2008 from KCM, httpJM.kompas.~~m/komp~w- oc3hrkll)51 aM71h~m8nioraMI 58516.htm.

Harry J. Benda & Lance Castles, 'The Samin Movement', in Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde 125, no. 2, Leiden. 1969; A. Pieter E. Kower, 'The Samin movement and millenarism', B!pmgen Wde TaaC, Land- en Volkenkunde 132, no.

2/3, Leiden, 1976; V i T . King, 'Some obsewaOns

on the Samin movement of North-Central Java: !&gps&m b t h e theoretical analygis of the clpmics

of rural unrest', Bijdragen tot de Taal-, hnd- en Volkenkunde 129, no. 4, Leiden, 1973; Nancy Lee Peluso, 'The emergence of uscientific" forestry in

a d o n h l J a v a ' , i n R i c h ~ s t s , R m r P e o p l e : ~

Contrd and Resistance in Jam, Berkeley, IW2. Justus M. van der Kmef, 'Javanese messianic expectations: Their oridin and cultural context', CarPlparativsStudiesCn~fyandHistory,vol, 1,no. 4, Jun., 1959; Martin van Bnrinessen, 'Gerakan

sempalan di kalangan wrtrat :Later

belakmg sosiaUxlday9',

u d m ,

vol.3, m. I, 1992; James C. Scott, 'Protest and pmfan~tlon: Agrarian revolt and the l i i tradition (Part Il)', Theory

a n d w , wl. 4, no. 2, s8tlmmWl 1997; ~~,

%On~andBuddhism:AnioQemaFWWba

Ssamln Community, Asian Quart@&, no. 3,1993.

hrlichae( Adas, 'From avoidance to confrontation:

I and colonial Southeast

Lanaage:mssinkl

M o mand tts Philosophy of Language', Southeast Asian Studies, vol. 24, no. 4,1987; Shiraishi, 'DangWs

testimony'

Retno Hastijanti, 'Konsep sedulur sebagai faktor penghalang terbentuknya ruang ekskiusif pada permukiman kawn sarnin', fNmnsi TeknikAmiWfur, vol. 30, no. 2, Dec., 2002.

S. Sarantakos, Maniage and The Family: A MUM- CuIfuml Study, Sydney, 1980, p. 54.

Ibid, p. 55.

The term kinship usually refers to relationships established by birth and descent (D. Morg9n, Social Theoryand The Fami&, bLoncMfi 1978, , p. 68). Abdullah, 'Anak orang Samin', in

Did, eds. Aswab Mahasin, lsmed Natsir & Thamrin Harridan, Jakarta, 1B2.

Ibid., pp. 31 7-318.

Moh. Rosyid, Samri, Kudus : Bersahaja cff fengah askefhe 1 ~ 1 , Ywyakarta, 2008.

Shimishi, 'DangUs tesbimony'. Ibid., p. 100.

Titi FAurnkangati, et a/., Kearifn Ldcald Lhgkmgan Masyamkat Samin Kabupaten B l m J a m Tengah, Yogyakarta, 2004.

Bnrinessen, 'Gerakan sempalan3, p. 21. Mukler, 'Samhism and Buddhii', pp. 62-67. Scott, 'Protest and

Benda & Castl Raden is an im

creates social distance between its owner and ordinary Javanese.

Mumfangati, et. a/, Kita&&n* p. 23; %@a Yuwana

Sudikan, Tmdisi dari ##&a, Smamng, 1996, p. 13. Interviawm KamNw P b o Kedren, 31 December

2008.

Movement', pp. 218.

Atif Rohman. Rumours And Reditid

tempointeraktif.com/idlarsipll972/03/18/ILS/ mbm.19720318.1LS59192.id.htrnl

From 1978 to 2000 the Indonesian government officiaily acknowlecLged only five digions (Islam, Protestant Christianity, Catholic Christianity, Buddhism, and Hinduism). However, in 2000 the go~adsnowledgedConfucianlwnasu?esixul official religion in Indonesia. Sikhism also has a recognised status, but is not a state religion. Rosyid, Samin Kudus.

Hildred Gee&, The Javanese Family, Illinois, 1989, p. 67; Masrl Singarimbun & Chris Manning, 'Marriage and Divorce in Mojolama', Indonesia, vol. 17, Apr., p. 68.

Gamtwiis an ingredient used in betel chewing, tanning and dyeing.

W h is betel leaves.

Gedang setangkep is several hands of bananas. Jago anut babon (a cock follows a hen): 'The man hers alreadyfallen for the woman'.

Kebo nyusu gudhel (a -lo suddss their children's breast): 'Parents following what their children wanr.

Koentjaraningrat, Javanese C&m, Word, 1983, p. 126-1 27; G&, The Jav8n8~8 Family, pp. 68-69. Samin people called kviq wxud inbrmurse for man is sikep rabi and for woman is sikep laW. Koentjaraningrat, Javanese Cuntum, p. 130.

Adang akeh ('cooking a lot of rice'): A kind of Wamatan (ritual feast) which involves inviting the dogest neighbours to announce that couple have done sikep mbi and sikep laki as a husband and a wife.

Kumpul kebo ('Buffalo rnaniage'): Living together out ofwedlock.

Fukushima, The Closed Language', pp. 424-429.

Sudikan, Tradisi, p. 29.

A Pegat mti oath is an oath that people will only reoognise d i iif their spouse is dead. Leaving their marriage is a sin.

Shiraishi, 'Dangir's Testimony', p. 100.

Benda & Castles, 'The Samin Movement', p. 228. Karma means that every ract wig be met by its own c o ~ U e n C 8 .

-in people mention death as Wn amdangm

(changing d r e s s ) m e a n s t h a t ~ ~ ~ . ~ only change their 'dress' becam their wul will

reincarnate again.

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Adas, Michael. 198 I. 'F m 9voi-e to Pessant protest in prec- and cdoniat Asia', Comparathne Studies in Satiety

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Sudi kan, Setya Yuwana. 1 996. Trodisi dari Blora.

Semarang, Citra Almarnater,