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PERSPEKTIF
Available online http://ojs.uma.ac.id/index.php/perspektif
Story of Conservation: Integrating Ethnobotanical Knowledge, Healer, and Sacred Area in Daulu–Karonese, North Sumatera
Reza Anggi Riziqo1), Kerin Nasrani Kislow Br Purba1), Brando Rivaldi Surbakti2), Mutiara Fahlisyah1), Intan Sarapina Purba3) & Sri Alem Br Sembiring1)*
1) Department of Anthropology, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Sumatera Utara, Indonesia
2) Department of Forestry, Faculty of Forestry, Universitas Sumatera Utara, Indonesia
3) Department of Biology, Faculty of Mathematics and Natural Sciences, Universitas Sumatera Utara, Indonesia
Submitted: 15, November 2023; Reviewed: 12, January 2024; Accepted: 16, January 2024
Abstract
This article aims to explain the conservation mechanisms of a community to protect village forests; and how actors can create communities that maintain the value of forests as spaces for life's needs. This article focuses on ethnobotanical knowledge (especially medicines), transmission, healing practices, and forest protection mechanisms. The relationship between these four things is a story of sustainable conservation, both in-situ and ex-situ. This mechanism turns out to be related to mythology, sacredness, and sacred areas. This phenomenon was found in Karonese, Daulu Village, North Sumatra, Indonesia.
The cognitive anthropology approach with the concept of culture in mind becomes an important tool for analyzing how knowledge is constructed and transmitted. Ethnographic research methods with an emic approach, participant observation, in-depth interviews with key informants, and completeness of filed notes are one way to capture the native point of view. Data analysis was carried out qualitatively through ongoing analysis. The conclusion of the study found that the capacity of actors, especially healers, and the transmission of ethnobotanical knowledge, especially medicines, and the survival of mythological stories and values about sacred areas have consequences for the sustainability of conservation of what they call the kerangen kuta or village forest.
Keywords: Conservation; Ethnobotanical; Sacred; Healer; Daulu
How to Cite: Riziqo, R. A., Purba, K.N.K.B., Surbakti, B.R., Fahlisyah, M., Purba, I.S., Sembiring, S.A.B.
(2024). Story of Conservation: Integrating Ethnobotanical Knowledge, Healer, and Sacred Area in Doulu-Karonese, North Sumatera. PERSPEKTIF, 13 (1): 79-91
*Corresponding author:
E-mail: [email protected]
ISSN 2549-1660 (Print) ISSN 2550-1305 (Online)
INTRODUCTION
Ethnobotanical knowledge of a community reflects the relationships between humans and plants in a community (Irigoyen- Rascón & Paredes, 2015; Panigrahi et al., 2021).
The word ethnos means ethnic group and botany means plant. This relationship leads to the complexity of a community's knowledge regarding how plants are given meaning, maintained, and used in everyday life: as food, medicine, ritual practices, etc. Martinez et al., (2019) stated that knowledge of plant use is based on the experience of a community, passed down from generation to generation, and applied in the world of medicine and other household activities. Martinez et al., (2019) also added that the science of ethnobotany was born and developed from botanists. Panigrahi et al., (2021) argue that the complexity of ethnobotany requires the collaboration of experts from various fields such as anthropology, botany, ecology, pharmacy, linguistics, medicine, and ethnographic work.
This article examines the ethnobotanical knowledge of actors, as well as mechanisms for protecting certain locations to preserve forest areas. This study is important as stated by Brown et al. (2022) that future protection or conservation efforts will be to integrate natural and cultural resource management by involving multiple conservation actors and paying attention to the historical side and local ecological context. One of the initial findings of this study shows that the chain of knowledge, behavior, and mechanisms constitutes a conservation journey story; starting from a myth, continuing with the construction of a sacred area, and ending with in-situ and ex-situ conservation. Attention to knowledge and conservation is important following Bhattarai's argument in Martinez et al., (2019) because preserving and protecting these resources is to preserve their cultural and ethnobotanical knowledge. The knowledge referred to in this case is about medicinal plants from Karo ethnic people in Daulu Village (some villagers pronounce the name of their village as "Doulu").
This knowledge is stored in the minds of traditional healing actors, can be observed in medical practices, and there is transmission of knowledge to non-healing adult residents, even teenagers in Daulu Village know the ingredients of several medicines for common illnesses such
as stomach aches. fever, itching. These medicinal plants can be accessed from a location they call krangen kuta (literally, kerangen means forest, and kuta means village). Several types of plants are also conserved ex-situ around house yards or on agricultural land. This is the result of preliminary research in July 2023, which confirms the interest in studying further how knowledge is constructed and transmitted and its relationship with conservation. Preliminary research uses observation-participation methods and in-depth interviews (using quide interviews with key informants at the study location). The key informants are traditional healers (medicinal plant users) and also ordinary villagers who mix several types of medicinal plants themselves for family health for illnesses that they categorize as 'minor illnesses', and these plants are accessed from the forest around the village.
Daulu is a village in Berastagi District, Karo Regency, North Sumatra Province. The topography is wavy, at an altitude of 1,298 meters above sea level. The area is 3.50 Km2. In an interview, the village head said "Only 15- 20% of our village is for settlements and cultivation/rice fields, the rest is forest."
According to statistical data, namely from the Developing Village Index (IDM) classification, the status of Daulu village is "Developing Village". The population is 2,270 people consisting of 694 households (Badan Pusat Statistik Kabupaten Karo, 2022).
Previous studies regarding ethnobotanical knowledge tend to discuss the relationship between humans and plants (plant functions) and their relationship to religion and local knowledge or in sociocultural contexts (Bhattarai dalam Martinez et al., 2019; Alonso et al. 2020; Sitanggang et al., 2022; Lo & Hu in D’Arcy & Kuan, 2023). This article, which specifically discusses ethnobotanical knowledge among the Karo people, also presents an inventory of local wisdom in the use of ethnobotany and its relation to healers as medicine makers. (Pandapotan, 2018; Tarigan et al., 2022). Ginting (2010) has also reviewed the locations of sacrificial rituals in Daulu but did not write about it in the context of conservation and its relationship with ethnobotanical knowledge. Panigrahi et al., (2021) have also added a conservation aspect
to ethnobotanical studies in a local community.
In the context of conservation and sacred groves, several previous studies have written that sacred forests have the potential to conserve biodiversity (Onyekwelu et al., 2022;
Adeyanju et al., 2022). These studies have discussed the socio-economic and religious- cultural perceptions of local communities towards sacred groves in the context of forest conservation. However, these writings have not explained the relationship between sacred locations and the context of the mechanisms used by a community to maintain sacred locations that support forest conservation.
These studies have not completed their explanation regarding the construction and transmission of knowledge about forest conservation mechanisms. Apart from that, another interesting thing about this study location is the 'open' village access. This village is a tourist village that experiences various external cultural influences. Their persistence in traditional values regarding the meaning of forests can survive in the new era. This context provides a new, more dynamic study in this study.
The significance of this study conducted on the Karo people in Daulu Village is based on the empirical phenomenon that the community still maintains the village forest with sacred rules and the persistence of various myths and rituals. The healing actors in the village practice the construction and transmission of ethnobotanical knowledge, especially medicine, and that strengthens efforts to maintain in-situ habitat for their variety of medicinal plants. Relatedly, Campbell et al.
(2023) emphasize that conservation efforts are closely related to the quality of life and welfare of a community, and anthropological analysis is important for this because it can explain how conservation is related to history, and even cultural ties with a community, or in other words anthropological studies can explain how Communities can organize themselves internally and how they interact with each other.
This situation directs this study to pay attention to the role of actors. Focusing on actors is important because they are individuals as the main actors in healing.
Bhattarai in Martinez et al., (2019) calls these actors traditional healers. He emphasized that the phenomenon of traditional knowledge
regarding the use of medicinal plants to treat human illnesses is found in many parts of the world and involves traditional healers as healers Martinez et al., (2019). The knowledge and survival of sacred areas which is still practiced today is a cultural tradition of the Karo people in Daulu Village.
The concept of tradition in this study follows what was stated by Lo & Hu in D’Arcy &
Kuan (2023) which redefines the concept of tradition by emphasizing that, tradition does not only refer to cultural continuity transmitted in the form of attitudes, ideas, principles, and behavioral and practice standards; it is also cumulative and subject to change. As a result, tradition and change are not mutually exclusive.
This statement reaffirms that culture is dynamic (Barth, 2002; Borofsky, 1994). The dynamic nature of culture is one cause of the diversity of knowledge among healers; which is caused by the diversity of sources of knowledge and the existence of contact between one healer and other healers, and with other communities (Balichenko et al., 2021).
The ethnographic approach is an appropriate tool to use to explain the phenomena that occur in Daulu Village. The concept of culture promoted in this study is by (Spradley, 1980) that culture is a system of knowledge possessed by a community or ethnic group. According to Spradley, culture is how people organize things in their minds, not in material phenomena or behavior. One of the key points of this approach is to reveal the emic point of view of the subject of study.
This study aims to describe ethnobotanical knowledge, especially about medicines, how this knowledge is constructed, transmitted, and maintained, and the series of processes that create village forest conservation as an in-situ habitat for medicinal plants. In other words, the three main things that will be reviewed in this paper are to answer the questions: who are the actors involved in the conservation process, what ethnobotanical knowledge do these actors have and what is the mechanism for protecting the forest which they call the Kuta range.
RESEARCH METHODS
One characteristic of the ethnographic approach is participant observation and in- depth interviews. The two data collection techniques will be equipped with field notes
and qualitative data coding guided by the guidelines of Emerson et al. (1995). The emic approach is a characteristic of ethnography as a first step in finding local folk taxonomy regarding ethnobotanical knowledge and trying to identify plants by looking for scientific language so that the plants can be recognized by the public from a botanical perspective.
Thus, some of the results of this study can be useful for the world of pharmaceutical science or other related sciences. To better know and understand the local context related to medicinal plants, the research team carried out observations accompanied by healers into the forest, where they accessed the plants, and asked about the local names and uses of medicinal plants. Interviews were conducted in Indonesian and also the traditional Karo language. The study team consists of 3 people who are fluent in the traditional Karo language.
Mastering the local language can dig deeper into the data, and strengthen understanding of folk taxonomy regarding plants and also how residents map/classify their forest spaces into sacred or profane categories. Identification of plants based on scientific names and taxa was carried out by this study team which has a background in forestry science and biology.
Healers are key informants and also several villagers who understand the historical side and stories of sacred areas in the village.
Irigoyen-Rascón & Paredes (2015) stated that in ethnobotanical studies, key informants come from residents who have extensive knowledge about plants and their uses. Selection of key informants using the snowball technique.
Building immersion with residents is a necessity to gain trust from the subjects and completeness of field data (Angrosino, 2006), and a complete understanding of the situation and context of human behavior (Pawluch et al., 2015). The subject's trust is built through a genealogical-traditional approach, namely in a way that in the Karo language is called ertutur;
using patrilineal lines and maternal clans from several Karo researchers in this study team.
This was done to place the researcher in the position of the traditional Karo social structure, having a typical Karo greeting towards informants. This process helped the research team be more quickly perceived as "Self" and not "Other" by the local community in Daulu Village. Mastery of local languages from several
teams is the main strength in facilitating folk taxonomic analysis as intended by (Spradley, 1980). Data analysis was carried out through ongoing analysis which was built inductively.
RESULTS AND DISCUSSION
Daulu Village was founded around the early 1900s. Some descendants of the village founder say that the village is around 115 years old. They took the village age from one of the sacred locations in the village forest which in the local language is called Nini Galuh Kuta.
Pago (61 years old), as one of the descendants of the founder of the village and also a healer, explained that several plants in the Nini Galuh Kuta area were planted by the founder of the first village. The founders of the village were a group of people called Si Mantek Kuta (literally meaning the founders of the village). The farmers also become traders, selling their garden products directly at stalls on the side of the village highway. Others specialize in traders and bus transportation services (in-city buses).
Sembiring (2018) states that horticultural farmers are the dominant livelihood of the Karo people around the Berastagi area (see also Sembiring, 2005; 2022). The location of Daulu village is adjacent to Selamat Gunung Village which is the location of the office of Pertamina Geothermal Berastagi. Several geothermal steam source cluster locations are in the forest which is administratively located in Daulu Village. The location of the volcanic steam cluster is the main source of hot steam from the volcano (Mount Sibayak) which will be processed into electricity by Pertemina Geothermal Power Plant. The steam cluster area is in the same landscape zone as the forests which according to residents of Daulu have mythical stories. which is interconnected with several other sacred area points in the Daulu area – must not be disturbed or damaged/polluted by humans – and if we borrow Saxer's terminology, this area can be called sacred landscape conservation, or categorized as a natural sacred site (see Trentini, 2023). This condition is a context that proves; that Daulu Village is a unified ecological zone with the surrounding forests. Daulu Village is also famous as a hot spring location, with the name Lau Debuk-debuk. Some residents have opened hot spring businesses for ecological-based tourism, Steedly (1993)
and Sinulingga et al. (2019) wrote that there are several springs with warm temperatures that come from the steam of Mount Sibayak, which is an active volcano and the water contains sulfur. The two articles also state that several hot spring locations are also locations for rituals led by shamans. Karo people call them guru si baso (see Sembiring, 2002). Fenomena itu menunjukkan bahwa sistem kepercayaan atau religi tradisional suatu komunitas menjadi salah satu elemen dalam konservasi hutan yang mendukung pada perlindungan ragam sepsis tanaman, pohon dan herbs yang mendukung keberlanjutan traditional medicine and ethnobotanical knowledge (see Bempong et al., 2023; Sethi & Jena, 2023).
The existence of ethnobotanical knowledge among the Karo people has been written about by Pandapotan (2018). In particular, ethnobotanical knowledge from Daulu Village has been written down by Tarigan et al. (2022) by presenting 31 types of medicinal plants studied from a forestry science perspective and focusing on traditional healing informants. The existence of this knowledge is still maintained and the existence of the in-situ habitat for medicinal plants is also continuously conserved in Daulu Village. The aim of writing this study, the field findings described in the following three sub- discussions; ethnobotanical knowledge of healing actors who access medicinal plants directly from village forests (village forest = kerangen kuta), construction and transmission of ethnobotanical knowledge, as well as mechanisms for local actors and residents to maintain village forests so that they remain conserved.
Traditional Healers and Ethnobotanical Knowledge
There are two categories of actors who have ethnobotanical knowledge, especially about medicinal plants in Daulu Village;
traditional healers and ordinary people.
Healers have richer knowledge compared to ordinary citizens who only know about diseases that commonly suffer from society.
They call it a 'minor disease' and differentiate it from a 'serious disease' which is difficult to cure. Healers are called “gurus” in the local language. Sembiring (2002) explains that a guru is a person who has special skills in curing diseases and has a protective spirit which in the
Karo language is called jejune, or in the academic world it is called a guardian spirit.
This jejune is considered to have supernatural abilities that can protect teachers and help them in healing or medical practices. The concept of jenujung is related to the traditional Karo religion called Pemena. Pemena is a belief that believes that this world was created by an almighty called Dibata si Mada Tenuang (see Sembiring 2002) which can give happiness and sorrow to humans, the entire universe is inhabited by one supernatural actor called nini (literally means grandmother, but is usually a genderless figure). Forests, land, entrances to villages, springs, rivers, trees, and other parts of the universe are occupied or guarded by forces which they call nini with various names, for example; nini galuh, nini si mada panteken, etc.
According to traditional Karo beliefs, the characteristics of people who will have jenujung are those who are born with their necks wrapped around the placenta.
2 male teachers in Daulu still practice curing diseases, their names are Mr. Pago (61 years old) and Mr. Palan (66 years old). They are herbalists who practice healing patients.
The types of medicinal plants they produce are in the form of oil (a mixture of coconut oil and various medicinal plant ingredients), then in the form of granules which are used to rub on the body, the local name is "kuning". Another method is a mixture of several medicinal plants to be boiled and drunk with water. These healers mix their medicinal plants using raw materials from village forests. If they cannot find several types of plants, they buy them at the medicinal plant market in Berastagi (Karo DIstrict) or at Pancur Batu Market (Deli Serdang District). The search for medicinal plants is carried out by the healers themselves because they are more familiar with the types of plants and where they grow. Occasionally the healers would bring assistants to help them into the forest. Mr Pago (61 years old) said that men know the forest better than women in his village. Men are more familiar with various types of medicinal plants than women.
The results of identifying ethnobotanical knowledge regarding medicinal plants from
"guru" (healers) and local peoples who were informants in this study found 64 types of medicinal plants. The plant can be accessed from the village forest in Daulu. Tabel 1 below shows the local names, scientific names, and
habitus, of medicinal plants used in Daulu Village.
Tabel 1 Identification of Forest Plants for Medicine in Daulu Village
No. Local name Latin name Habitus
1. Addor Ipomea batatas Bush
2. Belo Tuhu Piper aduncum L. Liana
3. Besan Eurycoma longifolia Trees
4. Buluh Belin Bambusa bambos Trees
5. Buluh Cina Bambusa nultiplex Trees
6. Buluh Gading Bambusa vulgaris Trees
7. Buluh Nipes Bambusa tuldoides Trees
8. Buluh Regen Gigantochloa pruriens Trees
9. Bunga Kiung Impatiens balsamina Herbs
10. Bunga Pancur Impatiens platypelata Herbs
11. Bunga Sapa Impatiens flaccida Herbs
12. Bungke Solanum torvum Shurb
13. Cepcepen Ngindet Castanopsis costata Trees
14. Dekdek Buluh Bambusa bambos Trees
15. Dekdek Kenas Ananas acostae Bush
16. Dekdek Lalang Imperata cylindrica Bush
17. Dulpah Homalanthus populneus Trees
18. Gagatan Harimau Vitis gracilis Trees
19. Galuh Sitabar Drymoglosum piloselliodes Epifit
20. Ingel-Ingel Blechnum orientale Herbs
21. Jarak Ricinus communis Shurb
22. Jelatang Laportea aestuans Bush
23. Kalinjuang Cordyline fruticosa Shurb
24. Kapal-kapal Hoya sp. Liana
25. Kayu Deleng Scolopia spinosa Trees
26. Kecembling Clerodendrum calamitosum Bush
27. Kisik-kisik Justicia gendarussa Shurb
28. Lancing Solanum verbacifolium Shurb
29. Lenga-lenga Eupatorium odoratum Shurb
30. Lulang Kedah Jatropha curcas Shurb
31. Paku Perik Asplenium nidus Epifit
32. Pedem-Pedem Saurophus androgynus Shurb
33. Pegagah Centela asiatica Herbs
34. Pencoli Kerangen Cucurma aromatica Herbs
35. Pinang Areca catechu Trees
36. Rih Imperata cylindrica Bush
37. Riman Calamus blumei Liana
38. Rotan Calamus rotang Liana
39. Rubei Manu Rubus reflexus Herbs
40. Sabikabang Crassocephalum crepidioides Herbs
41. Salagundi Vitex trivolia Linn. Trees
42. Sampilpil Gleichenia lineraris Bush
43. Sanggar Temeda gigantea Bush
44. Sapilulut Urena lobbata Bush
45. Sarindan Kopi Loranthus ferrugineus Shurb
46. Sayat-sayat Leersia hexandra Bush
47. Seberani Gara Mata Curculigo latifolia Herbs 48. Senduduk Melastoma malabathricum Linn. Shurb
49. Sibalik angin Aglaia argentea Shurb
50. Sibancir Spilanthes iabadicensis Bush
51. Sibentar bunga Eupotarium inulaefolium Shurb
52. Sibo Ballota nigra Shurb
53. Sigara Bunga Lantara camara Shurb
54. Silubur Pinggang Centipeda minima Shurb
55. Simartampua Ocimum americanum Herbs
56. Sirai Sendawa Cymbopogon nardus Bush
57. Siraprap Phyllantus niruri Bush
58. Tabar-tabar Costus sp. Herbs
59. Talu Dagang Ageratum conyzoides Herbs
No. Local name Latin name Habitus
60. Tambatan kerbau Sida rhombiifolia Bush
61. Terbangun Merah Coleus scutellarioides Bush 62. Terbangun Teba Plectranthus amboinicus Shurb
63. Tongkap Merigat Mitragyna spesiosa Shurb
64. Tritik Euphorbia hirta Herbs
Source: Interview with healer and local people, PKM-RSH Team Study Results, July-October 2023 According to traditional healers and local
village residents, not all parts of the plant can be used as medicine. Table 2 shows the medicinal plants used by Daulu Village residents to cure several types of diseases. Each part of the plant requires a certain processing process that can be carried out by healers (guru), especially for 'serious and acute diseases' that are difficult to cure. The
traditional healers also said that several types of medicinal plants needed to be mixed together, and the mixture of plants depended on their interviews with patients in the process of understanding the symptoms and causes of the patient's illness. The following list provides a simple overview of the use of the main types of plants to cure several types of diseases as practiced by villagers and traditional healers.
Tabel 2. Identification of Medicinal Plants from Village Forests and Benefits for Healing Types of Diseases in Daulu Village
No. Latin name Plant parts Cure disease
1. Ipomea batatas Leaf Diarrhea
2. Piper aduncum L. Leaf Sprained, Fracture
3. Eurycoma longifolia Leaf Asma
4. Bambusa bambos Root Asthma/difficulty breathing
5. Bambusa nultiplex Root Asthma/difficulty breathing
6. Bambusa vulgaris Root Asthma/difficulty breathing
7. Bambusa tuldoides Root Asthma/difficulty breathing 8. Gigantochloa pruriens Root Asthma/difficulty breathing
9. Impatiens balsamina Flower Cancer
10. Impatiens platypelata Flower Boil
11. Impatiens flaccida Flower Cancer
12. Solanum torvum Buah cough, asthma
13. Castanopsis costata Leaf Wound
14. Bambusa bambos Leaf Have a cold
15. Ananas acostae Leaf Have a cold
16. Imperata cylindrica Stem Back pain
17. Homalanthus populneus Leaf Itchy rash
18. Vitis gracilis Leaf Energy booster
19. Drymoglosum piloselliodes Root Cancer
20. Blechnum orientale Leaf Cancer
21. Ricinus communis Leaf Fever
22. Laportea aestuans Root Itchy rash
23. Cordyline fruticosa Leaf Migraine/headache
24. Hoya sp. Leaf Have a cold
25. Scolopia spinosa Buah Stomach ache
26. Clerodendrum calamitosum Leaf Back pain
27. Justicia gendarussa Buah Fever
28. Solanum verbacifolium Leaf Keseleo
29. Eupatorium odoratum Leaf Have a cold
30. Jatropha curcas Leaf Cough
31. Asplenium nidus Leaf Cancer
32. Saurophus androgynus Leaf the baby always cries
33. Centela asiatica Leaf Energy booster
34. Cucurma aromatica Leaf asthma/difficulty breathing
35. Areca catechu Buah Stomach acid
36. Imperata cylindrica Root Diabetic
37. Calamus blumei Root Fracture
38. Calamus rotang Root Fracture
39. Rubus reflexus Buah aches and pains all over the body
40. Crassocephalum crepidioides Leaf Wound
41. Vitex trivolia Linn. Leaf Have a cold
42. Gleichenia lineraris Leaf Itchy rash, Fever
No. Latin name Plant parts Cure disease
43. Temeda gigantea Root Sprained
44. Urena lobbata Leaf Have a cold
45. Loranthus ferrugineus Leaf & Stem Back pain
46. Leersia hexandra Leaf Toothache
47. Curculigo latifolia Leaf Double intestine
48. Melastoma malabathricum Linn. Leaf Menstrual pain, Diarrhea
49. Aglaia argentea Leaf Sprained
50. Spilanthes iabadicensis Flower Toothache
51. Eupotarium inulaefolium Leaf Aches and pains all over the body
52. Ballota nigra Leaf Fracture
53. Lantara camara Leaf Diarrhea
54. Centipeda minima Leaf Have a cold
55. Ocimum americanum Leaf Stomach ache
56. Cymbopogon nardus Leaf asthma/difficulty breathing
57. Phyllantus niruri Leaf Batu Ginjal
58. Costus sp. Leaf Wound, Fever
59. Ageratum conyzoides Leaf Sprained
60. Sida rhombiifolia Leaf Wound
61. Coleus scutellarioides Leaf internal bleeding due to impact 62. Plectranthus amboinicus Leaf Stomach acid
63. Mitragyna spesiosa Leaf Itchy rash, difficulty defecating
64. Euphorbia hirta Leaf Toothache
Source: Interview with healer and local people, PKM-RSH Team Study Results, July-October 2023 Knowledge Construction and Transmission
Knowledge construction involves how knowledge is formed. In the case of Daulu, this knowledge came from several main sources:
residents of the village community, other traditional healers in the village, and guardian spirits. According to the claims of traditional healers (guru), knowledge about medicinal plant ingredients for various diseases is built from the 3 sources above. In explaining this, the healers make classifications regarding the types of disease conditions; ‘minor’ dan
‘serious’, or it can be equated with the difficulty of healing, namely the 'easy' and 'difficult' healing processes. The construction of knowledge for the classification of 'serious' illnesses or those with a high level of difficulty tends to be obtained through dreams, and the source of knowledge for the healing process comes from the guardian spirit (they called it jenujung). The healers then became creative by recalling their experiences in healing patients re-mixing the types of plants and adding new types of plants obtained through jenujung. The construction process was carried out by traditional healers through the process of accumulating their ethnobotanical knowledge together with the knowledge they obtained from other healers or from the knowledge of residents with whom they discussed it. Mr Pago and Mr. Palan, a traditional healer in Daulu, said that they also tested medicinal ingredients
based on their experience of healing patients.
The results of observations of the treatment process on one patient will provide new knowledge for him and compare him with other patients. The analyses and trials carried out tend to treat 'serious' types of diseases that are 'difficult' to cure. Trials were also carried out by selecting pairs of medicinal plants that were deemed safe to mix. Mr Pago told how he discussed with a healer from a neighboring village who was also a close relative, namely Mr.
Panar (72 years old). Some additional mixtures and doses of leaves or additional doses of roots from Mr. Panar gave him new input. The learning process experienced by Mr. Pago combines his experience with Mr. Panar. On the other hand, the same process was acknowledged by Mrs. An (54 years old), and also Mr. Panar (72 years old) said the same thing. Their knowledge is built from interactions with local people in the village, and they begin to practice it in their daily lives if they are sick. In this context, the construction process was seen through a series of trials and they discovered a new formulation. The raw materials for the medicine were accessed from the forest around the village. This situation caused the healers to say that the forest had to be protected and that was their duty. The implementation is that several rituals are carried out in sacred sites; placing offerings (cigarettes, betel, flowers, young coconuts), and
wrapping several trees with white cloth to mark sacred areas. One of the healers, Mr. Pago (61 years old) even said “I can talk to this leaf and it will tell me what it is used for”. This phenomenon shows that healers are conservation practitioners. What the healers explained was a process that (Peinskowski et al., 2019) called a process of reflexivity conservation among practitioners which can shape the ways individuals and groups conserve nature, which is adaptive management in conservation practices.
Meanwhile, transmission means how knowledge is passed on or shared from one person to another and can occur within the same generation or between generations. The transmission process is carried out between traditional healers and village residents for common types of diseases ('minor' types of diseases). Then the villagers also share the knowledge they have gained with each other.
This process occurs through ordinary conversations in food stalls, in churches, in mosques, at traditional hall meetings (jambur), through conversations on agricultural land, or anywhere else. Mrs. An (54 years old), one of the villagers who is not a healer, said of the transmission process he experienced through his mother, "We see what (medicinal plants) are made (by parents), what the ingredients are, then we try them out. If you don't remember, we can ask, after being told again, then we will do it." The process was simple for Mrs. An. Several teenagers in Daulu Village also said the same thing. They learn from the practices they experience. If they are sick, their parents give them some massage oil, or some medicinal ingredients that are rubbed on the body, or drink boiled water from some medicinal plants. The questions and answers process during drug application is also a source of new knowledge for teenagers in the village.
The phenomenon in the past shows that the transmission process is in two directions, horizontal and vertical. Horizontal comes from humans (villagers), with categories: healer, fellow citizen. Then from the vertical side, knowledge is constructed by non-human agencies which can be called jenujung. Some authors interpret non-human assistance as a spirit, acting as a guardian spirit (Sone, 2022;
Syakur & Khoiroh, 2021). In the local language, healers are called gurus, and academics call them shamans. “Shamanism is defined as the
practice and mastery of a set of spiritual technologies that evolved from archaic and indigenous civilizations as a means of connecting with non-linear, ineffable energies for the benefit of the community and its people” (Bouse, 2019).
Bouse added that shamanism is related to the skills required for a traditional community, and is useful for healing, making predictions about what will happen, and protection. (Bouse, 2019:
Winkelman 2021). Bouse (2019) stated that shamanism is a universal phenomenon whose age follows human history.
Each healer (guru) has a special type of medicinal plant as a mainstay of their healing power which differentiates them from other healers. This special knowledge is only transmitted to one's biological children or if none of their children are willing to become a healer, it will be transmitted to their genealogical relatives. The transmission process is an indication of the guardian spirit (jenujung). In this context, not all knowledge is shared with other people or with relatives (see Sembiring, 2020). This means that not all knowledge of medicinal plants is known to village residents. Specific knowledge for certain types of diseases is only known by the 'chosen people'. Mr Pago emphasized this by saying,
“There is one message that will be conveyed, that is before I die. I will convey that to my children, I will not convey it to anyone."
According to Mr. Pago, it is a message from the 'upper world' (from the Tanjung) through dreams.
Mechanisms for Protecting Village Forests:
from Myth, Sacredness and Conservation The village forest in Daulu is called kerangen kuta in the local language. The Karo people in the village named the village forest area 7 (seven) names; Kerangen Deleng Macik, Kerangen Deleng Singkut, Kerangen Deleng Sampulen Angin, Kerangen Jatuh Sirulo, Kerangen Deleng Sikulikap, Kerangen Deleng Barus, and Kerangen Reben. The position of the forest area 'encircles' the village. Illustration of a forest landscape as can be seen in Figure 1 below. The light-yellow color in Figure 1 is the settlement and farming area of Daulu Village residents.
Figure 1. Illustration of the current spatial distribution in Daulu Village, Oktober 2023 Source: Processed by researchers from village area
maps accessed from Google Maps.
Daulu Village residents believe that several locations in their village are sacred spaces. Villagers still protect these spaces and do not damage or pollute them. This sacred location is related to the myth or figure of a male individual who is capable of treating all kinds of diseases and is famous throughout the Aceh region. This actor was known by the nickname “Guru Penawar” (literally meaning
"the healer"). This myth is an oral tradition believed by villagers. Mr Pago, Mr. Palan, Mr.
Panar, and local people know the story. They told the mythology briefly and gave rise to the names of 3 other actors, namely: two children of "the healer" (namely: Beru Karo Kertah Ernala and Beru Karo Menjile-jile) and one supernatural figure named Raja Umang Gunung Sibayak. This sacred location begins with the story of “the healer” (guru penawar) who was traveling to Aceh. He received news that his two daughters were seriously ill in the Karo area.
However, he refused to go home right away and asked the messenger to tell him the location of the graves of his two daughters if they had died.
Guru penawar was known to be able to bring the dead back to life through their bones.
However, it turned out that her two daughters had been kidnapped by a supernatural figure named Raja Umang Gunung Sibayak (the guardian spirit of Mount Sibayak). When Guru Penawar returned to the Karo area, he could not find the bones of his two daughters. He regretted it and threw away all his knowledge and magic in the place which is now called Pertektekken. This location is a sacred place for the people of Daulu Village, there are several taboos; and dos and don'ts at that location. Such
a location is what Saxer (2022) calls sacred landscape conservation.
The myth of Guru Penawar is understood in detail by the traditional healers in the village.
Villagers and teenagers also know the story, but not in great detail until the story of their two daughters dying. The role of traditional healers is to keep alive the mythical story of guru penawar and his daughter. Several other stories – apart from Pertektekken – related to sacred locations are also still passed down from generation to generation, namely; mata lau nini penawar, mata lau debuk-debuk, mata lau temukap, dan nini galuh kuta. Those are the 5 (five) names of sacred locations in Daulu Village.
The myths of sacred locations are still preserved as an oral tradition, especially by traditional healers. Villagers help maintain this oral tradition. The healers are actors who play a role in protecting certain landscapes, translating cosmological concepts into the world of reality, and realizing conservation.
They were able to influence their community to believe in the existence of guardian spirits and associate them with the elements of life and guarding medicinal plants for everyone's health. Sethi & Jena (2023) also mention that local communities, like the people in Daulu, are also biodiversity conservation actors who have a symbiotic relationship between humans and their environment. Rituals at sacred locations in Daulu are still maintained by adherents of traditional beliefs – Pemena – Karo to this day.
Mr Pago confirmed that. "Until now, there are still many people who carry out traditional ceremonies at that holy (= sacred) place, there are also visitors who make vows or convey an intention at that location, that's why there are still lots of flowers, cigarettes and betel that can be seen at that location as offerings from those who come and make their wishes at the holy (=
sacred) location." The same story was told by Mr. Palan, "he threw there all his knowledge and magical powers, as well as his medicines.
That's why trees don't grow there, that's the story from ancient times, the two daughters were believed to inhabit the Mount Sibayak area and the forests in Daulu." The spirits of Guru Penawar and his two daughters are often summoned by local healers (Guru Si Baso) in their practice of healing patients. Currently, they are believed to be people who control
sacred places in Daulu. Some people who follow a different religion to Pemena did not react negatively to the story, they did not damage the place. Mr Pago and other healers sometimes call the location "holy", and do not call it "sacred" to make it easier to invite other people to look after and protect the place. According to them, the name of a holy place has a positive meaning compared to a magical place or a sacred place.
The Karo people in Daulu Village maintain this oral tradition, they respect sacred places, especially forests. This condition causes certain areas in Daulu Village to remain sustainable.
The traditional healers (guru) in Daulu Village are guardian actors, conservation practitioners (see Pienskowski et al., 2023), or actors who translate something abstract related to religion into concrete. They don't just have jenujung or guardian spirits as protective spirits, but they are guardian spirits for their community. In this context, the healers become what Weiss (1999) said were cultural brokers in their communities. They function as translators and transmitters. Traditional healers are 'storehouses' of knowledge about ethnobotanical plants, especially medicinal plants, and are also forest guards.
The distribution of sacred locations in the village is spread across the border between the village and the village forest (kerangen kuta), and several points are located in residential areas. This distribution can be seen in Figure 2 below.
Figure 2. Illustration of the Distribution of Sacred Places in Daulu Village Today, October 2023 Source: Processed by researchers from village area
maps accessed from Google Maps.
CONCLUSION
Ethnobotanical knowledge, especially about medicinal plants, is important to document, not only to preserve the knowledge but indirectly to protect natural forests as an in- situ habitat for medicinal plants. One important part of the culture will be preserved;
knowledge about medicinal plants, the world of
ethnopharmacology, and the living habitat of medicinal plants, namely village forests. This situation shows the conservation of two things, namely: knowledge and forests. Forests in Daulu are classified into several sacred spaces, given names, and protected by local people based on socio-religious-historical and cultural value systems. The enculturation process is carried out by traditional healers for the younger generation in the village.
The mechanisms carried out by the Karo people in Daulu show that preserving the village forest is not only for the benefit of local medicine in the village but also for preserving the ritual practices of the Karo traditional belief, namely Pemena. Healers with their diverse knowledge have conserved at least 64 types of medicinal plants with various habitus, starting from leaves, stems, roots, and flowers.
There is still other knowledge that has not been revealed by the healers, they say that it will be passed on to their biological children or people they trust at the right time. In this context, it is true what was stated by Sembiring (2020) that knowledge is not all shared, there is a time when and with whom the knowledge will be shared. The results of this research show a form of transmission of special knowledge based on genealogy, and it is even said that it is best at the nuclear family level.
Ethnobotanical knowledge can differ from each traditional healer regarding the variety of medicinal plant ingredients in a particular type of medicine. This diversity enriches the types of medicinal plants that will be conserved in village forests. The healers will protect the location where the medicinal plants grow. The location where the plant grows is also related to the level of difficulty in curing the disease. Folk taxonomy regarding medicine is also related to local landscape mapping regarding forests and medicinal plants. The mechanism for establishing sacred locations for ancestors and keeping alive the myth of a super-power healer is also effective in maintaining village forest conservation.
Stories of the glory of healers as ancestors, sacred locations that must be protected and the survival of several rituals at these sacred locations, and the value that protecting the environment will help maintain the necessities of life are cultural values that remain sustainable for the Karo people in Daulu Village from the beginning of the village's
existence until the generation of Mr. Pago, Mr.
Palan, Mr. Panar, Mrs. An at the moment. The tradition of transmitting and constructing knowledge about ethnobotany (medicinal plants), and protecting sacred areas through myth mechanisms, making dos and don'ts and rituals in the form of traditions is a form of sustainable conservation that has been practiced in Daulu Village and continues to preserve the 7 landscapes of village forest (kerangen kuta) there; Kerangen deleng Macik, Kerangen Deleng Singkut, Kerangen Deleng Sampulen Angin, Kerangen Jatuh Sirulo, Kerangen Deleng Sikulikap, Kerangen Deleng Barus dan Kerangen Reben.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
Researchers would like to thank the Directorate General of Higher Education, Research and Technology; Ministry of Education, Culture, Research, and Technology (Dirjen Dikti Kemendikbudristek), and the University of North Sumatra for the funding provided in the Student Creativity Program for the Social Humanities Research Scheme (PKM- RSH). We also express deep appreciation and gratitude to the parties who have helped carry out this research: the people of Daulu Village in general, as well as the informants in particular, so that the results of this research in the form of scientific writing can be compiled and published.
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