In the same way, it also relates to the basic nature of Kasepuhan leadership, which is usually open to elective changes coming from outside. These facts show that until today, the local spirituality of tatali paranti karuh in Ciptagelar exists under the shadow of the state and also of the majority groups. There is nothing new, including the zoning system of the national park is strongly linked to the policy that was previously drawn up in the colonial period.
In the last few years, ngalalakon is seen as one of the central problems within the national park authority-Kasepuhan’s relation, besides the Kasepuhan’s settlement within the national park area.
Tourism; a new ground for identity expression
Ciptagelar is seen today and acts as the symbol of the authenticity of Sundanese culture for the young generation. This is the ultimate proof of the accommodating strategy of using tourism as its medium. They wore traditional Sundanese clothes and listened attentively to the story of local people about the history of the legendary Sundanese king in the past; Siliwangi.
In terms of religious practices, since it has been considered a valuable tourist attraction, various rituals rooted in local beliefs can be practiced freely, and moreover facilitates the hegemony of the beliefs over the Islamic influences in the area.
C ONCLUSION
Out-strategy is conducted by promoting cultural tourism to as much as wider audiences, meanwhile, in-strategy to internally strengthen Kasepuhan identity by conducting various rituals to unite its members. Moreover, since 2017 the national park authority has attended the harvest festival and stated Ciptagelar as a “special” cultural tourism area in Halimun Salak National Park Area. Peace Through Tourism: Critical Reflections on the Intersections Between Peace, Justice, Sustainable Development and Tourism.
Kebangkitan Keagamaan Pribumi dan Perkembangan Pariwisata di Indonesia dan Malaysia (Studi pada Masyarakat Kasepuhan Ciptagelar, Jawa Barat dan Komunitas Dusun Bundu Dewa di Sabah).
Contesting Identity through The Market;
Tourism and Indigenous Cultural Movement in Kasepuhan Ciptagelar, West Java
I NTRODUCTION
Rich (1999) has described the last few decades as “the decade of failure” marked by political change in the management of natural resources, resulting in the dispossession of indigenous communities from their lands. In Borneo, it is sadly described by the voice of one of the indigenous people inhabiting Meratus Mountains by emphasizing; “Better you had brought me a bomb, so I could blow this place up” (Tsing, 2005). Moreover, the exclusion of the indigenous community is identified into four types of discrimination; limited access to their”.
One of the indigenous communities in Indonesia that also faces a range of discrimination is Kasepuhan Ciptagelar. Thus, from a religious perspective, the people living in Ciptagelar are often considered 'deviant' because they practice indigenous spirituality while accepting to be administratively Muslim. Furthermore, the expansion of the national park area to more than 113,000 hectares in 2003 has ensured that all settlement areas, community forests and agricultural lands in Kasepuhan Ciptagelar fall entirely within the national forest boundary (Widiyanto, 2019).
Interestingly, the rebellion takes place without any violence, which represents the "ideology of harmony" of the group. In the past, indigenous communities in Indonesia were often called; "an isolated community" and tended to be perceived as. The Dusun community in Sabah, Malaysia have adopted Christianity and Islam as official religions, but they maintain the local spirituality of Momolianism as the group's core identity (Widiyanto & Agra, 2019).
In the nearby province, Central Java, Aboge (Alif Rebo Wage) community in Banyumas consciously presents its locality by preserving panginyongan as the counter-discourse to the Javanese mainstream culture (Muttaqin & Noor, 2022; Widyaningsih, 2017). In a similar vein, this study focuses on the further step of the “front stage” strategy selected by Kasepuhan Ciptagelar to open opportunities for cultural revivalism and fulfil the demand of establishing tourism agenda.
METHOD AND MATERIAL
This ethnographic study posits that in terms of religious dynamics and the struggle to regain customary land, minority groups are not powerless and passive. Furthermore, the revival is being taken based on evidence that in recent years, Kasepuhan has successfully increased its ability to express cultural identity through tourism as its arena. Thus, unlike other studies that tend to see tourism for its negative impacts on local culture, the importance of this research is placed on how tourism provides an opportunity for an indigenous group to strengthen their cultural identity and access to the land of usual.
Ethnographic method is one of the best way to understand the phenomenon from the people’s point of view through a series of fieldwork involving participant observation, in-depth interviews completed by the secondary data analysis (Spradley, 1975). Thus, the informants are selected based on the involvement in the cultural practices along the history of the group and also their connection to tourism activities; abah as the cultural leader, baris kolot or the elder group, common members of the community, people from the nearby villages, local governments, national park staffs and also visitors coming to Ciptagelar. Meanwhile, secondary data were gathered from various sources; local manuscripts, previous researches, local governments, national park authority and libraries, including from the Leiden University.
Observation has been applied to various rituals and art performances, the interaction between the locals and the outsiders, and also between the locals, supplemented with in-depth interviews to get people's perspective on their cultural lives. Findings from a series of observations and in-depth interviews were cross-checked to find a common understanding of the collective memory for cultural practices in the past and how these have changed in the present. The final stage was to analyze similarities and differences to establish patterns of engagement between Kasepuhan and tourism by identifying several key themes from primary data in particular.
Additionally, it was supplemented by secondary data that provide the history of the Kasepuhan and the external forces that have influenced their cultural and religious practices. Finally, all the data are interpreted to find the relationship, similarity and structure to develop the framework of the spirituality of the people rooted in tatali paranti karuh and its relation to the development of tourism in the area.
RESULT AND DISCUSSION 1. Kasepuhan under the shadow of giants
The ultimate mark of the state's control over local beliefs was the introduction of Law No. It means that all types are accepted and respected, as long as the central cultural core, which admits the existence of the cultural leader, is still firmly established held. The acceptance of Islam as a “formal” religion in Ciptagelar is a fruit of the dynamic relationship with the majority of Islamic society, and also with the state.
Similarly, it is also associated with the basic nature of the Kasepuhan leadership, which is usually. In contemporary Kasepuhan, all members of the group have been required to be administratively Muslim. The arrival of these groups has been started during the period of the former leader, Abah Anom, or before 2007.
Throughout the history of the group, this ritual was performed 19 times until the last movement in 2001 from Ciptarasa located outside the national park area to the present Ciptagelar. So, along with the history of the colonial powers and the Indonesian government, Kasepuhan cultural practices were under the dominance of the state and also the majority Islamic group. The history of tourism development in Indonesia can be traced back to the period of the New Order, when tourism was also aimed at building national consciousness.
The path of tourism in Ciptagelar began in the 2000s during the era of former leader Abah Anom. In terms of religious practices, which are considered a valuable tourist attraction, it is possible to freely perform various rituals based on local beliefs, and it also facilitates the hegemony of beliefs over Islamic influences in the area. Over the past few decades, the Kasepuhan have been denied the freedom to practice local beliefs and neglected from their ancestral land by the establishment of a national park.
Consciously taking tourism as its avenue, Kasepuhan has resisted colonial power, the modern state and the dominant role of the majority religious group throughout their history.
Contesting Identity through the Market
Tourism and Indigenous Movement in Kasepuhan Ciptagelar, West Java
RESULTS AND DISCUSSION 1. Kasepuhan under the shadow of giants
- Tourism: a new ground for the expression of identity
The most important aspect of faith in Islamic salamat is considered to be "security" (Subur, 2017). The acceptance of Islam as a formal religion in Ciptagelar is the result of a dynamic relationship with the majority Islamic society and the state. In a similar way, it is also related to the basic nature of Kasepuhan leadership, which is usually open to change from outside (Widiyanto, 2019).
In today's Kasepuhan, all members of the group have been required to be administratively Muslim. The arrival of these groups started during the period of the former leader, Abah Anom, before 2007. No new measures have been introduced, including the national park zoning system, which is closely related to the policy previously formulated during the colonization period.
This was the beginning of the land conflict between Kasepuhan and the state forest management under Dutch authority (Gamma et al., 2005). Throughout the history of the group, this ritual has been conducted 19 times, up to the last movement in 2001 from Ciptarasa, outside the national park area, to the current Ciptagelar. In the last few years, ngalalakon has been seen as one of the central problems within the national park authority-Kasepuhan relationship, besides the Kasepuhan settlement within the national park area.
Therefore, throughout the history of the colonial powers and the Indonesian government, Kasepuhan cultural practices have been dominated by the state and the majority Islamic groups. The history of tourism development in Indonesia can be traced back to the period of the New Order, when tourism aimed to build national consciousness. The trajectory of tourism in Ciptagelar started in the 2000s during the era of the former leader, Abah Anom.
In the last few decades, in terms of freedom Kasepuhan has been denied the possibility to practice its local beliefs and shut off from its ancestral land by the establishment of the national park.
