Habitat International 140 (2023) 102924
Available online 15 September 2023
0197-3975/© 2023 The Authors. Published by Elsevier Ltd. This is an open access article under the CC BY-NC-ND license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by- nc-nd/4.0/).
Cooling as social practice: Heat mitigation and the making of communal space in Jakarta ’ s informal settlements
Safira Salsabila
a, Sulfikar Amir
b,*, Anindrya Nastiti
aaFaculty of Civil and Environmental Engineering, Institut Teknologi Bandung, Bandung, Indonesia
bSchool of Social Sciences, Nanyang Technological University, Singapore
A B S T R A C T
The rise of Urban Heat Island (UHI) is harming people across megacities in the world. In Jakarta, the informal settlements are most affected due to the lack of adequate infrastructure to deal with the heat. The heat problem in the informal settlements was primarily exacerbated by overcrowding and a lack of access to cooling infrastructures. In this paper, we observe how residents of the informal settlements take on a cooling practice collectively. Our study is situated in five urban kampongs located in the most populated sub-districts (kelurahan) in Jakarta. Nine months of ethnographic fieldwork were conducted to unpack the residents’ endeavor to mitigate the heat problem. To explicate the process and the role of these cooling facilities, we use the notion of social practice comprising three fundamental elements: competence, material, and meaning. “Social practice” aptly characterizes how the residents in each kampong worked together to build cooling places that also function as communal spaces. Our research discovered that despite limited resources and technical competence, each kampong recognized the necessity of communal spaces to maintain their cooling practices. These measures enabled them to engage in cooling practices while building social relationships through chilling outdoors. By demonstrating the capacity of residents in the informal settlements for constructing vernacular forms of cooling infrastructure, this paper offers a pluralistic view of heat mitigation in megacities of the Global South.
1. Introduction
In the last 100 years, Jakarta has experienced a temperature increase of around 2.5 ◦C (Lestari et al., 2015). The rapid growth of business areas and settlements has transformed Jakarta’s spatial structure, reducing green and open spaces accordingly (Hidayati et al., 2019), (Muhamad Nor et al., 2021). This was evident in a comparison between 1994 and 2017 using Landsat images, which revealed that less than 10% of green and open spaces remained (Hwang et al., 2020a), (Hwang et al., 2020b).
However, green spaces can help reduce temperatures due to global warming and solar radiation, unlike the predominant materials such as glass, concrete, and waterproof materials used in current urban areas (Khamchiangta & Dhakal, 2020). The allocation plan for green areas of 30% has been established in the Jakarta Spatial Planning and Regional Development Plan for 2030 to support environmental quality improve- ment. Unfortunately, spatial control through regulations has not effec- tively increased green spaces. This was evidenced by the total area of green spaces in Jakarta in 2022, which is only 5.18% according to DKI Jakarta Provincial Government (Pemerintah Provinsi DKI Jakarta, 2023). In addition to inadequate spatial control, Jakarta has not been able to manage human activities in urban areas that contribute to carbon emissions. Data shows that the use of cars in Jakarta continues to
increase with the expansion of road networks and the reduction of pedestrian paths (Badan Pusat Statistik Provinsi DKI Jakarta, 2022a).
This indicates that urban development regulations and planning have not been able to minimize the occurrence of the urban heat island effect (UHIE).
Furthermore, Jakarta has become one of the most densely populated cities, with a population density of 16,125 individuals per square kilo- meter (km2) due to its population exceeding 10 million (UNDESA, 2018). This high density has resulted in a significant presence of informal settlements, similar to other developing cities (Badan Pusat Statistik Provinsi DKI Jakarta, 2022b). Unfortunately, the residents in informal settlements are disproportionately affected by the urban heat island effect (UHIE) compared to those in middle and upper-class neighborhoods (Mitchell et al., 2021; Abdullah et al., 2022), (Romer- o-Lankao et al., 2016), (Bek et al., 2018). Even though most of them are low-income inhabitants with limited financial capabilities, leading to a lack of access to suitable materials and technologies, informal settle- ments are inhabited by dense populations, resulting in narrowed space (Mehrotra et al., 2019), (Berger et al., 2022), (Mehrotra et al., 2018).
Therefore, the options for reducing heat and implementing cooling strategies are far more limited for economically marginalized who live in Jakarta’s informal settlements.
* Corresponding author. School of Social Sciences, Nanyang Technological University, 48 Nanyang Avenue, SHHK-05-31, 639818, Singapore.
E-mail address: [email protected] (S. Amir).
Contents lists available at ScienceDirect
Habitat International
journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/habitatint
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.habitatint.2023.102924
Received 18 February 2023; Received in revised form 28 August 2023; Accepted 4 September 2023
Nevertheless, convenient methods for low-class people in informal settlements are occasionally dismissed from city planning. They are considered insignificant and inconvenient for cities from the viewpoint of policymakers and governments because of the erratic and unclear patterns (Zografos et al., 2020a), (Pojani, 2020). Therefore, planners should understand the underlying needs without underestimating or overlooking objective judgments.
In light of our endeavor to gain a holistic view of the marginalized group, we aim to investigate the cooling strategies of marginalized in- habitants in informal settlements of the capital city, Jakarta, Indonesia, which are deeply intertwined with the production of communal space.
Concerning those circumstances, research on cooling strategies applied in informal settlements from social constructivist viewpoints is little known. Consequently, many of these studies focus on the agenda of providing greater open spaces to provide thermal comfort among oc- cupants of informal settlements (Wijesinghe & Thorn, 2021), (Zografos et al., 2020b). Other studies merely focused on physical performance analysis considering thermal discomfort as a result of physical disasters of climate change (Rule et al., 2022a), (Rule et al., 2022b), (van de Vlasakker & Veen, 2020). In cities of developing countries with slums and informal settlements, similar to the context of Jakarta, the research emphasized the heat-coping mechanisms adopted by marginalized groups (Jabeen et al., 2010), (Mukhopadhyay & Weitz, 2022), (Adegun et al., 2022), (Jay et al., 2021). However, these mechanisms primarily operated at the individual or household levels, focusing on behavioral responses and house interventions.
Our research takes on a slightly different track. By focusing on the production of communal space as a cooling strategy, we argue that the occupants have peculiar cooling practices due to their struggle to de- mand thermal comfort while dealing with the uncertainty of social- political situations (Debnath et al., 2020). To substantiate this argu- ment, our analysis revolves around the concept of social practice, particularly as proposed by Elizabeth Shove, who presents the social practice theory for interpreting the process of political resource dis- courses, which is closely associated with the context of informal settle- ments (Shove, 2016). Therefore, we conceptualize a theoretical framework using Shove’s social practice in social space. Drawing on fieldwork data from five selected locations, we analyzed the pattern of cooling practices within communal spaces that presents a pluralistic view of heat mitigation in urban life.
2. Theoretical framework
2.1. Thermal comfort in Urban settings
The human body produces heat internally which increases in response to physical activity and psychological factors (Vanos et al., 2010), (O˘gulata, 2007). To ensure the body temperature remains within the normal range, the body undergoes a thermoregulation process so the evaporation of sweat cools down the body (Popson et al., 2022). Once the body reaches a normal temperature, individuals would experience thermal comfort, a sensation of being comforted in terms of temperature (H¨oppe, 2002). Conversely, individuals who experience thermal discomfort may suffer from heat stress, a condition characterized by fatigue, dizziness, dry mouth, fever, dry or cracked skin, rashes, muscle cramps, headaches, and even emotional instability and concentration decreasing (Boonruksa et al., 2020), (Wright et al., 2017). However, aside from the body’s internal mechanisms, environmental states also play a significant role in maintaining thermal comfort. These aspects include temperature, relative humidity, and air velocity (ASHRAE, 2017), which would be discussed in detail below.
The temperature on Earth is primarily determined by solar radiation, which is filtered by the atmosphere containing greenhouse gases like carbon dioxide, methane, and nitric oxide (Philippe & Nicks, 2015).
These gases trap solar radiation, regulating the temperature by absorbing some radiation while reflecting back the rest into outer space
to prevent surface overheating (Kweku et al., 2018). Later, the absorbed heat eventually penetrates back to the outer through the atmosphere before night, stabilizing the temperature despite continuous heat radi- ation absorbed every day (Hertzberg et al., 2017). This process main- tains a warm and comfortable ambient temperature for human habitation. Furthermore, humans utilize solar energy to generate different heat through some activities, including numerous activities in urban areas that involve the utilization of fossil fuels (Oppermann et al., 2021). However, these activities not only produced heat but also emit carbon dioxide that contributes to an increased thickness of greenhouse gases in the atmosphere (Sahakian, 2014), (Sari, 2021). Due to the presence of a thicker atmosphere, heat radiation is trapped on Earth for a longer duration, especially during the night (Bajani & dan Das, 2020).
This phenomenon is known as the Urban Heat Island (UHI), where the temperatures in cities are significantly warmer compared to the sur- rounding rural areas due to the agglomeration of industrialization (Chapman et al., 2017).
While ambient temperature and solar radiation directly contribute to the body’s heat load, relative humidity is crucial for facilitating the evaporation of sweat, cooling down the body (Das et al., 2020). How- ever, relative humidity above 50%, or high relative humidity, hinders sweat evaporation, making the body feel warmer than the actual tem- perature (Tian et al., 2021). That condition occurs in high-temperature environments with abundant water due to increased evaporation (Tian et al., 2021). Meanwhile, high-temperature environments with limited water availability result in minimal water evaporation, leading to low relative humidity (Sunwoo et al., 2006). When relative humidity drops below 30%, it causes the body to dry, dehydrate, or moisture loss.
(Sunwoo et al., 2006). Therefore, vegetation and blue infrastructures are needed to effectively regulate relative humidity by storing and evapo- rating water (Rahaman et al., 2022).
However, the urban areas’ surface often lacks vegetation and blue infrastructures due to being predominantly covered with materials such as glass and asphalt, resulting in dry conditions in non-tropical urban areas (Rahaman & Al Rakib, 2022), (Latha et al., 2015). On the other hand, tropical and subtropical urban areas face an abundance of evap- oration and high relative humidity, which is created by excessive water runoff on the waterproof surfaces in high rainfall intensity environments (Amorim et al., 2017), (Lee et al., 2017). Moreover, the materials commonly used in urban areas are heat-absorbing or heat-reflecting, increasing the ambient temperature even more though relative humid- ity is in a normal range (Rahaman & Al Rakib, 2022). Therefore, in- dividuals living in tropical and subtropical urban areas with prolonged exposure to solar radiation may experience continuous perspiration, leading to a potential sense of dehydration. (Das et al., 2020). In high-temperature environments, air velocity or wind plays a role in mitigating heat by transferring heat to other areas or drying out excess air vapor from the human body (Yu et al., 2020). As a result, the ambient temperature decreases, providing a more comfortable and cooler sensation. In facilitating wind, building layouts in urban areas should be designed with high-rise structures to maximize air velocity, allowing for proper spacing to facilitate wind circulation (Ghalam et al., 2021).
However, many urban areas, particularly in developing countries, face challenges in regulating land distributions resulting in horizontally dense settlements instead of maximizing space vertically to create more open spaces (Jones, 2017). As a result, air movements are hindered by building partitions due to limited air circulation, resulting in disrupted airflow for individuals cooling.
2.2. Conceptualizing social practice and informality
To make sense of the intersection between social practice and space, we need to define what social practice is from the foreground. Giddens (1984) indicates that practices are actions carried out by individuals in everyday life, whilst Bordieu (1990) amplifies the word “habitus” in explaining them (Giddens, 1984), (Bordieu, 1990). Since patterns arise
from practices, Reckwitz (2002) developed the notion of elements contained within practices (Reckwitz, 2002). However, the notion was unclear enough until Shove et al. (2012) explained them as three entities of elements: materials as physical entities, competences as skills and techniques, and meanings as ideas and aspirations (Shove et al., 2012).
Materials are defined as things, physical entities that divide into three roles: 1) “as the backgrounds that have infrastructural relation to practice,” 2) “as the devices that become the body who operate the re- sources,” and 3) “as the resources that could be consumed and recon- figured” (Shove, 2016). These entities are considered devices and resources when practitioners are actively interacting, and otherwise, as infrastructures when practitioners are passively interacting. Contrary to materials, competences are defined as knowledge and skills that are requisitely embodied in physical existence or experience by saying, doing, or documenting, so other people could easily notice them (Shove et al., 2012). Suppose we view the manifestations of physical entities as our starting point to probe the element of competences. In that case, the competences could be perceived as the technique of arranging materials of living and nonliving things aside from merely being the skills of uti- lizing materials as objects (Westrom, 2018), (Sersli et al., 2022). As the last element of social practice, meanings become the most intangible aspect of social practice. According to Shove et al. (2012), meanings are defined as abstract mental images that encompass, values, emotions, and motivations.
As elements circulate amid society in our everyday life (Shove et al., 2012), resulting in their temporary presence within the practices. As illustrations, the materials used in social practices depend on how they are physically transported and accessed, determining their presence in given spaces. This, in turn, influences the competences that are being used. However, competences can be dormant unless they are transferred to others by physically demonstrating and embedding them as common knowledge (Shove et al., 2012). Thus, the competences used for social practices are not fixed, even though individuals interact with the same materials. Moreover, meanings are not only determined by physical experiences, which, in this discussion, are constructed from the config- uration of materials into three-dimensional entities but also by social significance (Schatzki, 2019). This means that societies, which construct rules and norms, can alter values, emotions, or motivations within in- dividuals (Bourdieu, 1977), (Kamalipour & Dovey, 2020), (Li et al., 2016), (Lejano & Del Bianco, 2018). In other words, the performances of social practices in spaces are a set of manners that are also shaped by other agents who create social narratives, controlling how people interact with material entities (Giddens, 1984), (L¨ow, 2016).
Speaking of urban settings, the informalities become prominent in developing countries that grow due to unplanned development (Hossain
& Huggins, 2021). In the absence of formal regulations within spaces,
the temporary nature becomes even more pronounced. As Sundaresan (2019) argues, the planning practices of the upper hierarchical level actually impacted greater chaos rather than the lower-middle class planning due to corruption and unfair city management toward the rest of society (Sundaresan, 2019). These situations resulted in marginalized groups losing their rights. Due to the challenges of living in marginal conditions, the marginalized groups were demonstrating informal practices in everyday life, resulting in erratic and unclear physical ap- pearances (Zografos et al., 2020a), (Pojani, 2020).
However, informality in urban settings possesses a logic, rules, or code that can be extracted within the context, resulting in discernible patterns (Kamalipour & Dovey, 2020), (Li et al., 2016), (Lejano & Del Bianco, 2018). To process these patterns, we would like to use social practice theory as our conceptual framework to deconstruct the logic behind the cooling practice in populated informal settlements. There- fore, we use the physical entities of thermal comforts, such as solar ra- diation, ambient temperature, humidity, and wind, as our basis analysis.
3. Methodology
We employ a qualitative approach in this study to investigate the cooling strategies adopted by marginalized inhabitants in informal set- tlements. Participant observation served as our chosen data collection methodology for nine months, intermittently from March to December of 2022. Conducting participant observation was important, as many residents were initially hesitant to interact with outsiders and strangers (Musante & DeWalt, 2010). However, the first author led the fieldwork with the help of a community member who was informed about and willing to assist with the research as an assistant during fieldwork. Be- sides enhancing the first author’s mobility, their presence facilitated a meaningful connection between the first author and the local residents.
To start, the initial survey was conducted by the first author strolling within the administrative regions on foot and by motorcycle, accom- panied by a community member serving as an assistant. The purpose was to identify and map specific locations considered relevant as cooling spaces in each administrative region. These areas were identified as the most densely populated regions in Jakarta based on recent data from the Central Agency of Statistics of Jakarta in 2019 (Fig. 1a) to provide us with an overview of the informal settlements that are prevalent within them. Locating informal settlements was vital for our research to support the idea that cooling spaces are present in urban informal settlements.
The regions, listed from least to most populated, are Krendang, Tanah Tinggi, Galur, Kampung Rawa, and Kali Anyar. Respectively, the den- sities of each kampong were 76,343 people/km2, 77,367 people/km2, 89,160 people/km2, 91,441 people/km2, and 95,676 people/km2.
Tanah Tinggi, Galur, and Kampung Rawa are located within Johar Baru Sub-District (Fig. 1b), while both Krendang and Kali Anyar are located within Tambora Sub-District (Fig. 1c).
We followed UN-Habitat’s criteria for identifying informal settle- ments, focusing strolling around on locations that demonstrated at least three of the slum settlements’ characteristics in each regions (UN-Ha- bitat, 2018). This approach allowed us to concentrate on identifying locations that accurately represented cooling spaces within the context of informal settlements. However, we only conducted participant ob- servations at one location for each administrative region to gain a deeper understanding of cooling practices. For simplification, we referred to these representative cooling spaces by their administrative region names, namely Krendang, Tanah Tinggi, Galur, Kampung Rawa, and Kali Anyar.
Meanwhile, those representative cooling spaces had to fulfill specific criteria. The first two criteria for potential spaces consisted of having at least a shading structure and being used throughout the day, particularly at night, for cooling purposes. The emphasis on time was driven by the fact that heat intensifies during the night. The third criterion stipulated that individuals occupying potential spaces throughout the day should not be limited solely to a single administrative neighborhood, thereby enhancing the collective significance of the space and supporting the concept of cooling as a social practice. Guided by these criteria, we conducted full-day visits to potential locations while actively engaging with individuals within the spaces to inquire about their backgrounds.
However, due to the abundance of shade structures commonly found within informal settlements, offering numerous options, we initially identified potential spaces as those with shading structures that were consistently crowded during our time when strolling within the regions.
Despite our initial considerations to determine whether the space was worth investing in for full-day visits, we encountered dissatisfaction after spending a day. This was due to some spaces not meeting the established criteria, prompting us to explore multiple spots within a single region.
To minimize biases during the preliminary survey, which already necessitated participant observation, we followed the six-stage protocol for Hawthorne effect mitigation as proposed by Oswald et al. (Oswald et al., 2014), (Paradis & Sutkin, 2017), (Bergen & Labont´e, 2020). We began by understanding the characteristics of vulnerable participants,
which led us to create a non-threatening and approachable perception.
In the subsequent stage, we immersed ourselves in their communities by adopting similar behaviors and using the same language in conversa- tions. By discussing their experiences, identifying commonalities, and staying a full day in each location to build trust and familiarity, we gained trust and reassurance. Additionally, we explicitly emphasized that there were no social or formal consequences associated with their responses to prevent bias toward socially acceptable answers (Bergen &
Labont´e, 2020). These stages allowed us to establish a seamless link between the conversations and the introduction of our research topic and goals.
After fixing the locations, we proceeded to the next step of obser- vation by being consistently present for 2 weeks at each location to establish a deeper connection and gather the data. After visiting all lo- cations equally, we reviewed the remaining data before conducting intermittent visits again at each location. However, relying solely on field notes to capture essential context was not sufficient. We also uti- lized a photographic camera and a video recorder while engaging in community activities and interactions to maintain observational awareness. The camera was employed to photograph environments and document materials used in building construction related to cooling practices. Additionally, a video recorder was used to capture changes in spatial settings, activities, and participants’ involvement during both weekends and weekdays.
Meanwhile, to ensure an informal approach to avoid participants’ discomfort while maintaining the structured and complete answering of specific questions (Table 1) during group discussions presented chal- lenges. However, we relied on a voice recorder for real-time information capture due to uncertainties in participant availability and the potential for missing details during unstructured interviews. For group
Fig. 1.Orientation map.
Table 1
In-depth interview and focus group discussion guidelines and respondent characteristics.
No. Participant Criteria Question/Discussion
Focus Respondent
Characteristics 1 The residents who
were experienced heat and lived in close proximity to the communal spaces.
⁃ The experiences and responses to the heat
⁃ The strategies and challenges to decreasing heat
Mixed in genders, ages, and positions regarding neighborhood management structures.
2 The residents who were familiar with the place’s history
⁃ The history of the settlement
⁃ The motivation for living in the settlements
Long-time residents, predominantly the leader of the neighborhood.
3 The creators of
communal spaces ⁃ The creation process of communal spaces
⁃ The motivation to create communal spaces
⁃ The social dynamics in creating communal spaces
⁃ Krendang:
dominated by a group of middle-aged women
⁃ Tanah Tinggi:
dominated by a group of middle-aged men
⁃ Galur: dominated by a group of middle- aged men
⁃ Kampung Rawa:
dominated by a group of middle-aged men.
⁃ Kali Anyar:
dominated by a group of elderly people.
4 The cooling practitioners in communal spaces.
⁃ The experiences of cooling and the motivations for cooling in communal spaces.
⁃ The advantages and disadvantages of using communal spaces for cooling
discussions, we conducted with at least four participants, depending on their availability, primarily for the purpose of introducing and famil- iarizing the questions to the communities. Subsequently, we conducted personal interviews to gain in-depth insights, involving a minimum of five individual respondents for each location, encompassing the partic- ipant criteria (Table 1). The predominant characteristics of the re- spondents varied based on these participant criteria while generally sharing a similar socioeconomic status (Table 1). To ensure cohesive and validated answers, we casually confirmed individuals’ responses while engaging with the groups during our time in the locations.
Our coding approach encompassed descriptive coding, process cod- ing, and initial coding. Descriptive coding involved identifying materials based on visual and interview data, while process coding delved into the techniques used for configuring materials. Through interviews, we employed initial coding to explore cooling practices within communal spaces. The collected data, comprising photos, videos, and audio re- cords, were subjected to content analysis. Thematic analysis was employed to categorize the codes, unveiling patterns and connections between thermal comfort elements (Saldana, 2011). To understand the concept of cooling strategies adopted by marginalized inhabitants comprehensively, we translated the codes into hand sketches and developed 3D models using the SketchUp application.
This research is approved by the Research Ethics Committee of Institut Teknologi Bandung No. KEP/II/2022/X/M200722AN/PRMA.
By means, this research has adhered to principles regarding aspects of fairness, confidentiality, informed consent, protection from risks or harm, and scientific integrity.
4. Case study: living with heat in Jakarta 4.1. General description of regions
Krendang, Tanah Tinggi, Galur, Kampung Rawa, and Kali Anyar were kampongs that shared similar socioeconomic characteristics. The majority of the population in these areas had a low level of academic attainment, which limited their employment opportunities. Instead of working in formal sectors, most of them were engaged in informal labor, despite living in the economic hubs. Supporting this observation, it is notable that many women in these kampongs operated food businesses or small grocery stores in front of their homes, while men worked as freelance laborers, resulting in financial instability. To cope with their challenging circumstances of living in low economic status, they turned to religious rituals and beliefs. As a result, numerous mosques and Is- lamic activities were regularly held as communal practices.
One of the uncomfortable situations people faced was the constant heat and sweating caused by certain conditions. Due to their low so- cioeconomic status, they struggled to afford air conditioning. As a result, they relied on fans, intentionally keeping them running for nearly 24 h.
However, the houses in these kampongs were built with inadequate materials, limited space, and poor ventilation. This led to common issues such as high room temperatures and insufficient air circulation across all the kampongs (Kajjoba et al., 2022), (Lueker et al., 2020). The use of substandard materials was directly linked to their economic vulnera- bility, while the overcrowding and lack of proper ventilation were a consequence of the high population density in their neighborhood.
The increasing population contributed to the density of these informal settlements (Deuskar, 2020) These unstructured patterns continued to grow, exacerbated by urbanization, as confirmed by the residents who were mostly settlers or descendants of settlers. Simulta- neously, some families had to divide their properties as an inheritance for their children, resulting in only a small living space, which was inadequate for a proper dwelling. Furthermore, the claimed properties of these individuals further diminished as previous occupants opted to sell their properties. Consequently, the house space became smaller, and the environment became increasingly crowded.
4.2. The making of communal space
Being outdoors remained the most effective means for residents to cool down, as it allowed them to experience the refreshing breeze.
However, certain neighborhoods had a higher concentration of heat sources compared to others. For example, the informal settlement in Kampung Rawa housed tempeh and tofu factories, which generated more heat compared to other activities as home-based factories were gradually introduced within the settlements. Similarly, the narrow streets in Krendang, being the most narrow among all the kampongs, hindered the flow of light and impeded the wind from crossing the street. Consequently, during our observation, we identified communal spaces situated within each region.
Some communal spaces were created intentionally to gather people around, whilst some of them were merely created to facilitate business activities at the beginning. The communal spaces in each region were built through unique processes, which were entangled in the following narrations below.
● Krendang was placed in circulation space and planned by a multi- generational family who has lived in the settlement for a long time. In the beginning, the closed configuration of their house created a dead end so they could open a food business over that space to support their livelihood. Gradually, they fully claimed that space by constructing a roof and a wall enclosing the storage and kitchens within. Later, an extended awning was constructed, allowing them to extend their business space above the circulation space of the main alley next to the kitchen and creating a communal space for the rest of the occupants (Fig. 2a).
● Tanah Tinggi was marked by the construction of a security post be- side the gate of a neighborhood with the permission of a family whose house was converted into a communal space. Gradually, the construction of a shading took over the one-lane road in front of the post by, at first, using tarpaulins as materials. But the structure was too weak to be sustained and incapable of accommodating many people. Therefore, the neighborhood stakeholder took the initiative of constructing a more robust, larger, and more durable awning than previously (Fig. 2b).
● Galur was placed under the State Electricity Company’s electric tower standing in front of their house and initiated by two groups in different periods (Fig. 2c). The consideration for building an awning for the first time was to cool the production facility of family busi- nesses. In the meantime, other residents had difficulty utilizing the space due to a lack of social bonds with the families. Hence, a group of men in the neighborhood and local stakeholders occupied the few remaining spaces beside the tower for public use.
● Kampung Rawa was built by people from plenty of neighborhoods, specifically, most of them were members of a formerly well-known bicycle community. In terms of needing a proper gathering space, an unused space belonging to a particular family covered with house debris and wasted materials was claimed through several ways of gradual temporary placemaking. Furthermore, the group, along with other residents and the help of Urban Village’s Officers, managed and renovated the rest of the space. They started by clearing and paving the ground into an open field and constructed two gazebos over it to protect them from sun array and rain when using the communal space (Fig. 2d & e)
● Kali Anyar was built by a family who occupied an alley near their house for business space. The family closed the sewerage at the edge of the alley with wooden planks to create a wider space. Then, following the need for shading, they utilized the existing building structures to establish a shade made from tarps. To install this equipment, they asked the building owners’ permission, and only attaching tarpaulins to buildings by tying them was obligatory, including when electricity poles were utilized as supporting struc- tures (Fig. 2f).
5. Results
We identified two important practices of cooling in social space, namely constructing shading and circulating the air. When heat inside the house cannot be handled anymore, occupants might go outside to cool themselves down. In this circumstance, communal space would be one of their options to get by cooling. Regarding cooling practices, the following section would explain two important aspects of cooling practices which explain in detail by meanings, materials, and compe- tences successively.
5.1. Shading structure
As structures mostly extend from the houses and cover the alleys due to the narrow width of the streets, shadings are not only exclusively designed to protect people inside the houses, but also provide shade for people outside from direct solar radiation. As mentioned by one of the participants, “We prefer being outside when it’s hot because it also saves money (compared to using fans or air conditioning). So, it’s better to be outside.” Thus, some of the shading structures were intentionally built to protect individuals outside, as some people enjoy spending time out- doors on hot days. Especially this areas where public spaces lack tree canopy for shade, it is crucial to implement an effective shading system that shields individuals when they spend time outdoors. Therefore, shadings play a meaningful role as a protective barrier in such outdoor environments.
Regarding Shove (2016), we view shadings as a material that func- tions as a device, while the objects used to attach them serve as back- ground materials. As a device, the primary materials employed include rafters, tarpaulins, and bamboo. However, the quality of the wooden rafters is generally low as they are inexpensive and acquired as secondhand materials from other construction projects. The disadvan- tage of using wooden rafters becomes apparent due to their lightweight nature, making them susceptible to termite infestation and potential collapse. Similarly, tarpaulins are also inexpensive and widely available as they are primarily used as banners for various events within the kampong. However, this type of material is prone to leakage during the rainy season, as one participant in Galur who use banners as roof ma- terials mentioned, “Usually, there are leaks. Nevertheless, we simply cover them with multiple layers of additional tarpaulin since the roof cannot be
moved or dismantled.” On the other hand, bamboo is relatively more costly compared to the previous two, but it offers good quality. As one participant in Kampung Rawa stated, “When it comes to bamboo con- structions, we usually purchase them because the material is of good quality.
It is strong, durable, and resistant to collapse. Additionally, bamboo is known for its ability to withstand adverse weather conditions."
Different techniques were employed in the construction practices of shading, resulting in distinct typologies of structures. The first typology, known as a span structure (Fig. 3a), utilized tarpaulins and rope-tying techniques similar to “tensile structures.” (Fu, 2018), (Liu et al., 2019), (Rizzo & Caracoglia, 2021). In Kali Anyar, tarpaulins were tied with raffia strings and ropes to nearby poles and walls, while in Galur, shading took the form of a dome using wood frames and tarpaulins, facilitating safe electricity transmission. This flexible and temporary structure allowed for the addition of more shading structures without permanent embedding. The second structure, identified as a canopy structure (Fig. 3b) shares similarities with the shading intentionally protecting the inside, as both structures serve as additional attachments to buildings (Moon, 2018), (Kumar et al., 2021), (Yıldırım, 2020). This structure involved attaching right triangle trusses to existing buildings in Krendang and Tanah Tinggi. This enabled the use of iron sheetings and tarpaulins for slat coverage without middle columns, creating a space for traffic circulation underneath. The existing buildings, serving as background materials, were owned by practitioners who initiated and utilized communal spaces, making this construction more permanent.
The last structure type, a shelter structure (Fig. 3c), was a partially enclosed building that went beyond mere shading. In Kampung Rawa, we observed two shelters: one supported by bamboo and timber columns firmly grounded, and another built with a concrete platform and iron columns. These structures had greater control and maintenance rights over the space, obtained from owners who were not actively utilizing it.
5.2. Air circulation
Aside from being protected from direct solar heat, people also have the desire to experience the breeze that helps to cool them down.
However, residents in densely populated settlements deal with closely situated buildings, which hinders cross-ventilation and the availability of open-air areas within houses, impeding air movement. Therefore, air circulation becomes a crucial aspect to consider in cooling spaces, as the Fig. 2. Communal spaces.
presence of a refreshing breeze becomes a luxury for the residents. This sentiment was commonly expressed during our interviews, as one participant mentioned, “It feels refreshing when there’s a gentle flowing breeze. However, inside the house, there is no airflow. So we go outside."
Unlike the construction of shading structures, facilitating air circu- lation requires spaces with minimal materials as natural airflow relies on openings. However, some of these practices occur within the circulation space, where some of them emerge as a result of the spillover of business activities. One of the sellers, whose food stall in the circulation space eventually became a cooling space, mentioned, “Many people come here (the stall) to cool down. It serves as a stopover too (since it’s a circulation space), so they chat. But they don’t necessarily buy anything. Some people even take a nap because it’s cool.” Meanwhile, some spaces are identified as unused spaces, which are being utilized for a diverse range of activ- ities to accommodate various needs beyond merely cooling practices inclusively. As one participant mentioned, “This area is for adults to play chess, or children play congklak (traditional games) and others. Mothers feed their children here. It’s a gathering place so they don’t have to go far. It’s cool here, and the wind comes in.” Therefore, various materials serve as the
backdrop for airflow, including loose objects such as tables, chairs, and appliances, as well as mobile objects such as motorcycles, carts, or even people. These materials undergo frequent rearrangement and turnover due to limited space, allowing for air movement.
Consequently, the constantly changing background objects could potentially block the airflow if the cooling space is not adjusted to the spatial configuration. In fact, different types of spatial configurations result in various airflow characteristics based on our observations. The first type of air circulation is an intersection configuration, which occurs in three-way junction streets where two lanes form a T-shape (Fig. 4a). This type was observed not only in the cooling space of Kali Anyar but also in several other places, including one in Krendang. In this strategy, people stay including with their loose objects such as chairs or benches in the smaller street that directly intersects with the larger one.
This strategy aims to expose themselves to more airflow because the smaller street has shorter ends with a narrower road width, which hinders smooth airflow. The second type is cross configuration, which occurs in larger streets where air can flow across from one side to the other due to the opening of both sides (Fig. 4b). This opening was Fig. 3.Shading structure typologies.
Fig. 4.Air movements regarding spatial Configurations.
initially intended for circulation movement, thus, objects are also placed on the right and left sides of the space, creating an empty space in the middle. However, this empty space not only facilitates the movement of people, whether by vehicles or on foot, but also allows the airflow to reach those inside the cooling space. In contrast to the previous two types that occur in circulation spaces, the third type is located in the middle of buildings, resulting in airflow referred to as void configura- tion (Fig. 4c). In addition to being surrounded by buildings, the di- mensions of the cooling space for this third type are larger compared to the other three types. Hence, the third type observed in Galur and Kampung Rawa experiences greater exposure to airflow than the pre- vious types.
6. Discussion & conclusion
Our results revealed two strategies for mitigating heat that signifi- cantly impact the presence of cooling practices in communal spaces. Our first strategy, known as ‘shading structures,’ predominantly consists of rafters, tarpaulins, and bamboo. These structures are intentionally created to shield individuals from solar radiation, which otherwise in- creases the heat for them. Conversely, our second strategy, called ‘air circulation,’ differs from the first as it focuses on facilitating airflow to enhance thermal comfort. This involves configuring the space to allow for openings that enable efficient air movement. Both strategies high- light the importance of individuals’ competence in managing solar ra- diation and wind, demonstrating how cooling practices are intertwined with social dynamics in communal spaces.
Our findings revealed a shared unconscious need for thermal comfort among the participants, particularly marginalized individuals facing socio-economic limitations. These shared needs, which we identified as
“meanings” in our study, led us to uncover similar patterns of strategies employed in our observed locations that differed significantly from non- marginalized ones. Since financial constraints prevent them from affording such technology, participants encounter the process of accli- matization, a condition where physical capacities can be altered for several days (Yamazaki, 2013). Hence, our participant does not prefer to use AC, as expressed by one participant who already has AC inside the house stating, “I don’t turn on the AC… If it’s hot during the day, I would just go outside. I might only turn it on at night because it’s hot. I can’t handle the cold.” However, it is crucial to recognize the body’s limits, as exceeding these limits can have long-term health implications although acclima- tization occurred (Ebi et al., 2021), (Murray et al., 2022). Therefore, our participants employed various cooling strategies outside their homes to mitigate these consequences and ensure their preferred thermal comfort.
Meanwhile, we have observed that “material” and “competence”
strategies in various locations exhibit a pluralistic view, as they differ in detail. Variations in physical typologies are common in informal prac- tices, as they lack formal rules regarding material ownership and usage, relying on subjective matters instead (Kera & Hysa, 2020), (Isabaeva, 2020). Furthermore, the physical characteristics of accessible materials, either as backgrounds, devices, or resources, may vary across different locations within their specific contexts. Hence, these factors also influ- ence how competences are not completely similar and are demonstrated in different places. Our results consistently showed that cooling strate- gies overlap with various activities and utilities resulting in different competences applied. Regardless, there are still certain similarities due to the shared socioeconomic status among marginalized communities.
For instance, limited financial resources constrain marginalized com- munities to afford only low-quality materials.
Despite objective elements of cooling practice, we uncovered another insight regarding social relationships and interaction in the production of communal space, which serve as platforms for cooling practices. As dynamic elements, social value governs the relationships and interactions among community members to ensure the sustain- ability of cooling as social practice. In light of these findings, individuals involved in creating communal spaces adhere to shared principles of
mutual understanding, homogeneity, and public interest keeping har- mony in communal spaces. Mutual understanding demonstrates the cognitive understanding of each other’s situations resulting in agree- ments that support their respective goals (Damen et al., 2020), which is encouraged by the narrow living spaces that necessitate the mutual overlapping of interests and life affairs (Kamalipour & Dovey, 2020; Teo
& Amir, 2021). This principle was found in the relationships of the
cooling practitioners to owners or prior users of communal spaces. In regards, practitioners showed employing different techniques of shading structures and spatial configurations to minimize disruption to existing functions, while owners or prior users showed permission by adjusting their interests to accommodate new structures and functions. Mean- while, homogeneity, which pertains to the similarity in personal attri- butes among individuals, particularly in terms of values, attitudes, or goals (Colombo et al., 2001), plays a crucial role in promoting collab- oration among those directly involved in constructing shading structures or utilizing airflow in communal space. This principle was found in our observations as certain individuals were connected through familial ties, while others formed friendships based on similarities in gender, age, race, or even religion. However, it should be noted that excessive ho- mogeneity within a group can lead to the formation of exclusive cliques (Davies, 2011). To address this, communal spaces are kept open, serving the public interest of a broader group. By nurturing these shared living spaces, individuals contribute to the well-being of others and enhance their own benefits in return, sustaining the presence of communal space for cooling practice.
Despite the significant findings of this study, it is important to acknowledge the limitations that may have influenced the results.
Firstly, our study did not accurately measure the temperature, humidity, and wind speed in each observation location, preventing a compre- hensive comparison of typologies that best promote thermal comfort.
This limitation arose from not utilizing metrics such as Wet Bulb Globe Temperature (WBGT) during data collection. Another limitation was the relatively small sample size, which may limit the representation of the diversity and complexity of the broader population under investigation.
This limitation is inherent in our study’s focus on deep exploration and understanding of the phenomenon, which required extensive time for data collection and analysis. Therefore, the research results still repre- sent the personal views and experiences of the individuals living in the community due to small samples of data. Additionally, we acknowledge the possibility of researcher and participant bias during data collection and interpretation. To minimize this bias, we adopted the Oswald method for data collection and utilized a triangulation approach in data analysis, which necessitated thorough interpretation. Accordingly, further research with larger sample sizes and a focus on diverse contexts and suitable devices is needed to obtain a more comprehensive under- standing of cooling strategies in communal spaces.
This study proposes a cooling strategy that can be adapted in densely populated informal settlements. Unlike passive houses or green and blue infrastructures, which are challenging to implement in informal settle- ments due to existing dense housing structures (Kimemia et al., 2020), (Cheshmehzangi et al., 2021), our strategy considers limited spaces and financial constraints. Moreover, it provides an environmentally friendly solution that avoids pollution during construction and utilization, mitigating the urban heat island (UHI) effect associated with air con- ditioning (Hwang et al., 2020c). Overall, our findings support the viability of distinct strategies for the marginalized, making a significant contribution to heat mitigation for marginalized populations in urban areas as well as providing a unique model of urban resilience (Amir, 2018). However, collaborative efforts among low-income groups are crucial for achieving sustainable goals, as individual actions alone may be hindered by financial vulnerability. Therefore, implementing cooling practices through communal spaces offers a promising solution to address climate change challenges in urban areas.
Funding
This work was supported by the U.K.’s Economic and Social Research Council as part of The Global Challenges Research Fund (grant number ES/T008091/1). Sulfikar Amir received financial support from Singapore Ministry of Education Academic Research Fund Tier-1 Grant
#RG53/19.
CRediT author statement
Safira Salsabila: Methodology, Investigation, Formal Analysis, Writing (Original Draft)
Sulfikar Amir: Conceptualization, Writing (Review and Editing), Supervision.
Anindrya Nastiti: Supervision, Project Administration, Funding Acquisition.
Declaration of competing interest
We wish to confirm that there are no known conflicts of interest associated with this publication and there has been no significant financial support for this work that could have influenced its outcome.
We confirm that the manuscript has been read and approved by all named authors and that there are no other persons who satisfied the criteria for authorship but are not listed. We further confirm that the order of authors listed in the manuscript has been approved by all of us.
We confirm that we have given due consideration to the protection of intellectual property associated with this work and that there are no impediments to publication, including the timing of publication, with respect to intellectual property. In so doing we confirm that we have followed the regulations of our institutions concerning intellectual property. We further confirm that any aspect of the work covered in this manuscript that has involved either experimental animals or human patients has been conducted with the ethical approval of all relevant bodies and that such approvals are acknowledged within the manuscript.
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