Distance and proximity matters: understanding housing transformation through micromorphology in informal settlements

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Distance and proximity matters: understanding housing transformation through micro-

morphology in informal settlements

Paul Jones

To cite this article: Paul Jones (2020): Distance and proximity matters: understanding housing transformation through micro-morphology in informal settlements, International Journal of Housing Policy, DOI: 10.1080/19491247.2020.1818052

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Published online: 27 Oct 2020.

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Distance and proximity matters: understanding housing transformation through micro-

morphology in informal settlements

Paul Jones

Sydney School of Architecture, Design and Planning, The University of Sydney, Sydney, Australia

ABSTRACT

Informality is a global phenomenon entrenched in the Global South and increasingly emerging in the Global North. In dense and compact informal settlements commonly seen in the Global South, housing transformation to meet resident needs typically occurs through small-scale physical alterations and adaptations. Within this setting, the aim of this paper is to provide a substantive assessment of the dynamics of change and spatial complexities of housing in informal settlements by deconstructing the micro-morphology occurring in built and unbuilt spaces.

This includes the space where housing and alleyways meet; namely, the public-private interface. The paper achieves this by; (i) defining a set of interface typologies that constitute the form of the domestic housing space pushing into alleyways by using the key variables of distance and proximity, (ii) quantifying the housing typologies so as to examine types, patterns and processes of transformation, and (iii) understanding the basic planning and regulatory framework in which households undertake these adaptations. The method used in this research is a case study ofkampung Lebak Siliwangi in northern Bandung, Indonesia. The paper makes a major contribution to the literature in terms of identifying principles by which housing transformation practices occur through micro-morphology which is locally self-organised and incremental.

Residents undertake little or no consultation with neighbours or local governance leaders when making changes, though they observe and replicate the micro-scale changes made to housing form by other residents. The boundaries of the built (housing) and unbuilt spaces (alleyway) are fluid due to ‘interface creep’ which allows housing to create new building lines, interface types and alleyway alignments. In this setting, the notion of ‘interface creep’ and the reliance of residents on small-scale distance and proximity changes are a key narrative of the paper as they allow adaptability, having strong ties to the way housing and alleyways are locally regulated, controlled and governed. On the other hand, this dependence threatens housing conditions, sociality, access, multifunctionality and economic modes of production in public spaces (the alleyway). The paper concludes with comments of the implications of the research that could be applied to theoretical and

CONTACTPaul Jones [email protected] ß2020 Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group

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methodological frameworks for a deeper understanding of informal housing in the Global North.

KEYWORDSTransformation; adaptation; housing; form; micro-morphology; informal settlements

Introduction

Informality is a global phenomenon entrenched in the Global South and increasingly emerging in the Global North (Harris, 2018). In the Global South, it is is firmly embedded as a way of life and is most visibly expressed in the continued growth and adverse condition of informal settlements.

The latter are a permanent and growing consequence of the urbanisation process and are one of the most visible signs of social, economic and physical inequality (UN-Habitat & ESCAP, 2015). In 2015, 25% of the world’s population was estimated to be living in informal settlements including slums, which equates to approximately one billion dwellers globally. This population is expected to double by 2030 (UN-Habitat,2016). Despite the adverse stigma that typifies informal settlements and their perception as an urban policy problem, they perform an important strategic role in city development by providing low-income groups with affordable housing, land and finance. As well, they provide the formal city with industrial, construction, public sector and service labour, plus cheap goods and services (UN-Habitat,2008). Many informal settlements and their housing practices are innovative, resourceful and highly organised, with the process of housing construction and settlement expansion largely independent of official codes and regulation (Jones,2017; Silva & Farrall,2016).

Cities transform through an interplay of both formal and informal practices and processes (Dovey et al.,2017; Silva,2016). The process of urbanisation reflects wider trends within globalisation and commercialisation and has been a key driver underpinning the social, political and economic transformation of cities. The mainstream levers for transformative physical change in cities have historically been planned city renewal and extensions including city infills, land readjustment and acquisition programmes, provi- sion of basic services, housing plans and planning for public open space (UN-Habitat, 2016). In Asia, intense city development driven by market forces and large infrastructure projects has resulted in accelerated city transformation. This has increased the demand for affordable housing, land, labour and employment, as well as further elevating the important contribution of informal activities to the urban economy (Hou & Chalana, 2016;

UN-Habitat, 2008). From city and local masterplans to varying actors and citizen groups focusing on‘development’of specific geographical city areas

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and their parts, often with myriad standards, motivations and outcomes and little coordination, the city transforms at multiple scales (Turker-€ Devecigil,2006). In this context, transformation is multi-layered, contested, not inclusive, emergent and can be spatial, temporal or functional.

Informal settlements are generally characterised by fine-grain, dense and irregular morphology, with most local human scale housing transformation occurring via small-scale socio-physical alterations and adaptations by residents (Kamalipour & Dovey,2019). This process of housing transformation is typically incremental where change occurs by dividing existing rooms for privacy or sleeping accommodation, adding a floor, inserting a balcony, reducing setbacks to add a new room or to insert external stairs so as to access upper levels. These changes typically occur within a set of specific

‘rules’ and retain the same or similar socio-material and spatial identity.

These horizontal and vertical ‘bottom-up’ transformations often result in transgressing the‘quasi-legal’ or‘legal’ plot boundaries including introducing new built forms to the housing fac¸ade. Importantly, the changes collectively impact on the way residents, traders and passing pedestrians engage with the new housing forms and adjoining public spaces including social and economic exchange and sociability (Jones,2016,2019).

Building on similar themes, researchers including Rapoport (1988), Dovey (2014), Kamalipour (2016a,2016b) and Kamalipour and Dovey (2019) have observed that informal settlements grow through generative processes of incremental adaptation and self-organisation which meet residents’ immediate needs‘here and now’in contrast to longer term outcomes. In an Indonesian context, for example, Suhartini and Jones (2019) observed that housing in informal settlements results from unplanned adaptations of domestic space as expressed through their varying non-linear geometric forms, range of materiality and multiple construction methods, and through the development of hybrid governance arrangements. In these contexts, adaptability emerges as a key process and action, occurring within a framework of groups and individuals who are resilient and capable of self- organisation and co-evolution across space, time and society.

Despite these perspectives gaining ground, comparatively little attention has been given to planning and design practices that seek to better understand the impact of housing adaptation on micro-morphological patterns in informal settlements. The emphasis in research on informal settlements has been on larger scale assessments of policy, governance and existing features of the ‘informal city’ (Davis, 2006; Neuwirth, 2004; Roy & Alsayyad, 2004) rather than their micro-scale forms and processes of adaptation such as for housing (Dovey,2012; Dovey & King,2011; Kamalipour,2016a,2016b, 2017; Kamalipour & Dovey, 2019; Kellett & Napier, 1995; King, 2011;

McCartney & Krishnamurthy, 2018). The physical features of informal

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settlements are generally not well documented, with enclaves of housing often excluded from official local government maps and plans (Patel &

Baptist,2012; Suhartini & Jones,2019). The analysis of the unique morphological features of informal settlements has been largely ignored, despite their potential to be utilised in housing upgrading programmes (Buraglia Duarte, 2009; Dovey & King, 2011; Kamalipour, 2016b). Existing methods and tools of morphological analysis do not address incremental housing adaptation practices, fluid property and building lines, rights of use, and access to services and infrastructure. In dense informal settlements, micro- scale notions of distance (the length of space between two or more close points) and proximity (short distance of space or time) become all important variables in determining how private and public circulation space is negotiated, housing form is created, and ‘new’ territorial boundaries are claimed. Housing and space forms are varied in informal settlements, and if morphology is concerned with identifying processes and outputs of transformation, then understanding housing and informal settlements as produced through fine-grain built and unbuilt micro-scale forms rather than conforming to enforceable land use and defined legal boundaries is critical (McCartney & Krishnamurthy,2018).

Housing and the notion of the public-private interface

Streets and laneways as public spaces play an integral part in the social and commercial fabric of the city (Carmona & Tiesdell,2007). They shape urban structure and form by separating housing plots and blocks, as well as other land uses and built form in the city (City of Sydney,2013). At a wider level, they act as instruments of sociality and interaction based on functionality, socio-material and aesthetic values and norms at certain points in time (Gehl,2011; UN-Habitat,2013).

In an informal settlement context, the number of precedents examining housing and its relationship to the dynamics of the public-private interface are limited. Kamalipour (2017) developed a typology matrix of six public- private interface types based on the core criteria of connectivity and proximity using case studies in Bangkok, Pune and Medellin where housing was the dominant use. It was argued that the interface is an area of appropri- ation, transgression, and negotiation, with the understanding of types increased through using physical plus other socio-material layers, such as functional mix, social activities, grain-size and building density. The research included linkages to notions of complex adaptive systems, and importantly discussed the utility of interface types to promote an improved understanding of urban transformation and adaptation in unregulated contexts. More recently, Jones (2019) argued in the context of understanding order and

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rules in the informal settlement ofkampungLebak Siliwangi, Bandung, that the contestation of domestic and private space determines housing interface types and alleyway alignment. Jones (2019) establishes a framework of housing interface form types reflecting an innovative range of multi-functional and spatial adaptations, and these housing adaptation types are further developed in this paper. In these settings, the public-private interface is recognised as being a fluid inter-mediatory socio-physical space neces- sary to accommodate horizontal and vertical housing adaptations. They are part of, and as a result of, the processes of urban assemblage (Dovey &

Wood, 2015; Kamalipour, 2017). Importantly, understanding the dynamics of housing and how residents navigate and use the domestic and public- private realms is now recognised as one of the most critical and productive aspect, of informal settlements and one that is so rarely retained and repli- cated in upgrading projects (Dovey et al.,2017; Kamalipour,2017).

In informal settlements known askampungsin Indonesia, livelihoods and sociality are strongly intertwined with the nature of housing, building edges and patterns of alleyways (Das,2017; Jones, 2019; Kellett & Tipple, 2002).

Alleyways are often tightly knit spaces enclosing blocks of housing at a human scale, many narrow in width and acting as the ‘veins and arteries’ supporting the lifeblood of thekampung (Jones, 2016). In this setting, the aim of this paper is to provide a substantive assessment of the dynamics of change and spatial complexities of housing in informal settlements by deconstructing the micro-morphology occurring in built and unbuilt spaces.

This includes the micro-scale space where housing and alleyways meet;

namely, the public-private interface as characterised by short distances and proximity to and from the alleyway. The types as deduced in the typology analysis represent constructs of housing form differentiated by the key variables of distance and proximity of the building fac¸ade relative to the alleyway alignment. This includes the identification of physical shapes and their spatial configuration resulting from a combination of housing setbacks, reduction in setbacks, use of existing or new building lines, and the use of legal and more importantly‘quasi legal’plot boundaries. By using concepts of distance and proximity relative to the alleyway, the research seeks to determine how housing and alleyways adapt and explain lived flows, connections, and experiences in the case study kampung, Lebak Siliwangi.

Factors of building height, function, and whether the form types identified range from permeable and impermeable in terms of both visual gaze and degree of physical access are also important.

Noting the terms‘public’and‘private’ in a dynamic alleyway setting are open to interpretation given the socio-cultural meaning of public inkam- pungsis strongly communal, the primary focus of this research is fourfold.

Firstly, to identify the main physical forms of housing that comprise and frame

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the interface based on the above framework including their spatial arrangement. The second aim is to analyse these housing forms in terms of their connectivity and functionality. Elements assessed to gauge such connections included the prevalence and mix of doors, fences (half and full height) and windows and determine whether they were permeable and porous. Thirdly, the paper seeks to understand the basic informal planning and regulatory framework within which residents make these physical housing changes and why they make them. The emphasis of this research is on a deeper understanding of the emergence of housing form change and the notion of ‘becoming’, the assemblage of housing types, spatial configurations and patterns, all of which contribute to the wider transformation process in informal housing and informal settlements (Dovey et al.,2017; Kamalipour,2017).

Finally, the paper outlines the potential contribution of the research find- ings to Global North research on informal housing. Contextually, the research confirms the strong need to deconstruct the processes of informal housing production, especially understanding the incremental production of space where land tenure and boundaries are ambiguous and micro-scale innovation is required, plus accepting that self-regulation is the dominant ingrained mode of planning and design. Practices of informal self-help housing production in the Indonesian context as centered inkampungsand leveraging the social capital of residents are long-standing accepted modes of housing production to meet shelter needs (Jones, 2017). This contrasts to other contexts such as Australia and the United States where informal housing production remains an important but under-acknowledged con- tributor to housing supply (Gurran et al., 2020; Wegmann & Mawhorter, 2017). While there are commonalities and differences between informal housing in the Global North and Global South - from the physical magni- tude of informal settlements and diversity of tenure contexts in the Global South, to the toleration and implicit acceptance of illegal housing in both geographical domains, for example - research in the Global South can add to our collective knowledge on what constitutes the notion of illegality, the practices of housing production, emerging new housing forms and the governance underpinning the operation of these dual planning systems. In this setting, the research concludes with housing research and policy directions that could be applied to theoretical and methodological frameworks for a deeper understanding of informal housing in the Global North.

Method

A case study approach was adopted focusing on the inner citykampungof Lebak Siliwangi in Indonesia’s third largest city, Bandung. Thekampungwas

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chosen due to the location of the major north-south pedestrian alleyway in northern Bandung which traverses thekampung, plus its familiarity to the author through joint student work with the Institute of Technology University Bandung (ITB) during the period 2015–2020. A case study approach has been argued as a valuable tool for gaining deeper insights into complex social phenomena and real life-contexts, especially where boundaries between context and the phenomena being explored is not obvious (Yin, 2014). In this setting, the research builds on the typology frameworks as developed by Dovey and Wood (2015), Kamalipour (2017) and more recently Jones (2019) by introducing, amongst others, the variables of distance and proximity relative to the alleyway alignment to explain form variations in the housing adaptation and transformation processes.

While the paper studies housing form in one major alleyway in micro- spatial detail, it is argued the transgression of housing with ambiguous plot ownership and fluid building alignment into alleyways and domestic spaces with variable socio-economic connections is common in many Indonesian kampungs. Importantly, it is argued that the traits observed in the case study are typical and a representative model of much housing adaptation observed in many informal settlements in the Global South and now being observed in different contexts in the Global North.

The typology analysis is set within the broader field of urban morphology and desire for a deeper understanding of the transformation of the form and spatial structure of the city (Carmona,2010; Moudon, 1997). The notion of type is central to identifying patterns of physical elements and rules of arrangement which replicate themselves in built structures and the organisation of land use, movement and connectivity (Scheer,2017). Types are viewed as socio-physical forms defining housing, street, alleyway and plot patterns and are underpinned by their relationship to functionality, temporality, and space, including social-cultural and economic drivers of change. By studying the alignment of varying housing forms that define the alleyway edge including their relationship to an often-notional front property boundary, we also gain insights into the socio-cultural dimensions of the types, forms, and‘hidden-order’in thekampung,a trait observed by Arefi (2011) in his research on order in informal settlements in Pinar, Istanbul. In the context of Lebak Siliwangi, the application of a typology analysis has been argued as an essential tool in better understanding the coherency of physical and spatial patterns embodied in built form and structure (Jones et al.,2018). It is within such fine grain heterogenous built and unbuilt fabric that housing forms, blocks, plots, land use and other elements comprising the micro-morphology must be understood, notwithstanding the initial messiness of form and structure which challenges comprehension and analysis.

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The alleyway named Gang Stones comprises 98 properties, with 46 plots on the western alignment and 52 plots on the eastern river side. On this eastern side, there is only one row of plots separating the alleyway and Cikapundung River. Following ethics approval facilitated by the Department of City and Regional Planning, School of Architecture, Planning and Policy Development, ITB, the field work was undertaken in Lebak Siliwangi over two-periods: 18–25 February, 2017, and 2–5 April, 2018. Field visit 1 provided the opportunity to develop the typology, whilst field visit 2 enabled the following tasks to be undertaken, namely: (i) obtain quantitative data on the main attributes expressed in the housing facade, namely, the interface form types, functionality, and the degree of permeability (varying levels of pedestrian access) and porosity (the degree of visual gaze such as through a fence or window); and (ii) obtain qualitative information from households on the nature of the planning and regulatory framework in which they operate. In this context, 3 questions were asked, with a limit on the number of questions placed by the governance leaders of the local administrative units rukun warga (RWs) 5, 6, 7 and 8 due to privacy concerns. Some 72 households responded, with a no response due to occupants not being at home, or occupants unwilling to answer the questions.

The questions were: (i) Are you the owner or tenant? (ii) Who do you con- sult with when undertaking external housing adaptations? (iii) What are the most important matters influencing household members when planning and designing housing adaptations and extensions? Two urban planning students from ITB assisted with the enumeration, base mapping and questions to residents. The research acknowledges the importance of the impact of socio-historical life on kampung formation and development, such as migration, loss of older inhabitants, change in occupants from owners to tenants and landlords, and location and placement of mosques in alleyways, but these are not the major focus of exploration in this paper.

The case study

Indonesia is one of the fastest urbanising countries in the world comprising a range of small, medium and large sized towns and cities. Bandung is the capital of West Java located south east of Jakarta and had an estimated metropolitan population of approximately 10.5 million persons in 2014 (Tarigan et al., 2016). Located in north Bandung and divided by the Cikapundung River is the Tamansari valley which until the mid-1900s was a productive agricultural area centred between the Dutch planned city areas to the east and west. Located at the northern edge of Tamansari and on the western slopes of the Cikapundung River in Coblong District is kampung of Lebak Siliwangi (see Figure 1). In 2015, the population was

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Figure 1. Kampung Lebak Siliwangi is in northern Bandung. The Cikapundung River forms the kampung’s western boundary, with the major north-south Gang Stones Alley setback a single row of housing from the river.Source:Paul Jones.

Figure 2. Modern day Lebak Siliwangi with the Gang Stones Alley meandering in the foreground behind a row of housing framing the Cikapundung River. Source:

Paul Jones.

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estimated at 4,240 persons comprising some 1,080 families located in eight designated neighbourhoods based on the government administrative units of RWs andrukun tetangga(RTs) (Jones et al.,2018).

In the 19th century,kampungLebak Siliwangi comprised a patchwork of rice paddies with the land controlled by the Dutch Municipal Government, notwithstanding traditional landowners having the right to lease land to other settlers. After World War 2, civil unrest and political struggles over the spread of Islam resulted in migrants moving to the city from West Java, and the agricultural based uses of Tamansari were gradually replaced withkam- pungs (Reerink, 2011). Over time, family lands were allocated to migrant families for rice farming, while some lands were occupied by squatters. As Figure 3. Irregular ‘free form’block patterns joined by alleyways dominate the physical fabric of Lebak Siliwangi, with Gang Stones Alley (highlighted) adjoining a single row of housing fronting the Cikapundung River.Source:Paul Jones.

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farmers realised that house rentals paid higher dividends than growing rice, the rice paddies were gradually filled. Family lands, for example, were subdivided into smaller holdings as demand and need arose, such as when children requested their inheritances through land entitlements. Major and minor alleys formed around the walls of the rice paddies and emerging blocks, thus creating an irregular grid (Jones,2019). As part of this evolution, Gang Stones Alley emerged as the major north-south pedestrian route being setback 8–10 meters from the Cikapundung River by a row of housing, while the minor alleys traversed the east-west slopes (Figure 2).

There was no overall plan in Lebak Siliwangi development, with new subdivisions and house construction emerging from the demand for more housing (Jones et al.,2018). An allowance was made by landowners and squatters for the then pathways (now alleyways) adjoining houses and comprising blocks of varying sizes. In some instances, these lands were deleted from the plot boundaries in any land certificates that were processed. However, when land ownership was transferred and in the absence of enforcement, many buyers would encroach further into the alleyway space as need arose. These lands were in effect family lands or lands with unclear title. The collective impact of the above was that as plots were sold and subdivided, so did the number of different alleyway widths and configurations emerge, thus contributing to a non-linear alleyway alignment (Jones,2019). Residents indicated during fieldwork that regardless of whether land certificates existed or not, land ownership and notions of fixed enforceable boundaries have become ambiguous and contestable. Alleyways had now become de-facto public spaces utilised by private property interests, creating a labyrinth of alleyways framed by irregular housing block patterns (Figure 3).

Results and discussion

Of the myriad array and combination of interface forms, three primary horizontal forms were identified: those whose buildings are set back, those that extend to and align to the original‘boundary’line of that respective block (aligned), and those that are set forward beyond the front boundary to create a new building line and boundary. These may range from being permeable to non-permeable in terms of access and entry points. The first is the setback, which is the transitional and private/semi-private space between the front boundary and the entry to the house. It is defined by having a usable distance from the entrance on the front boundary to the face of the building. The useable space may include, for example, an open green area, or covered porch enclosed by a front fence. The setback maybe permeable, or non-permeable and cut-off from the gaze of the alleyway by a full height non-see through fence. The second primary form is the aligned type

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identified by the front face and entry to the main dwelling having been built on the front boundary. There is no separate intermediary space between the front boundary and the main dwelling entrance as the setback has been adapted by infill. The front facade maybe porous or non-porous depending on the number and type of windows plus access points being used.

The third primary type is a building form which transgresses over the boundary line into the alleyway thereby introducing a new building line, the set-forward. The set-forward is present in varying forms such as a full or half room extension and a porch and can be identified on the ground and through mapping by aligning the transgression to the adjoining historical boundaries that remain fully or partially set back. The latter are often delineated by low scale fencing for each respective block. All interface types are dependent on variables relating to the spatial relationships between buildings and the respective fluid boundary lines be they legal, quasi-legal, or new building lines. The process for identifying the‘original’ ’boundary’ line in each block as used to benchmark the three primary types com- menced with identifying examples of older housing types that still retained the furthest setback from the alleyway. This physical reference point as con- firmed with residents provided the basis for developing the typology as modulated on gradual encroachment towards new a boundary and or building line (the aligned and set-forward types). These distance and proximity factors underpinning the typology collectively demonstrate the housing adaptations and transformation as enacted by residents to create a built environment to satisfy their local needs (Figure 4).

These three types of housing form dominate the alleyway alignment, with setback representing 37%, aligned 25% and 8% set forward. In terms of spatial differences between the respective types framing the alleyway– namely, the eastern (river side alignment) and western alignment – set- forward as a single category type exists only on the river side. Residents indicated that these set-forward transgressions occur due to the rear expansion being restricted because of the natural river boundary, meaning housing has only two main options for expansion, that is, they set-forward or build upwards. There is marginally a lesser number of housing setback on the river alignment (31%) compared to 33% on the western boundary which can be explained by the same reasoning. Aligned types exist in similar proportions on both edges 24% on the western boundary compared to 23% on the eastern alignment. These three interface types comprise 70%

of all interface types. The remaining 30% of form types are a combination of the primary forms as expressed on the varying plots: setback/aligned (23%), aligned/set-forward (5%) and setback/aligned/set-forward (2%). The setback/aligned types are relatively evenly distributed on both alignments,

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being 24% on the western edge and as expected marginally less (21%) on the riverside alignment. The percentages as calculated represent the physical occurrence of the primary interfaces and their combinations along the total length of the housing frontages on both sides of Gang Stones Alley (seeFigure 5).

A plan view of the configuration of prevailing interface form types as existing in the northern end of Gang Stones Alley is shown in Figure 6.

Although the location of the‘original boundary lines’is problematic to phys- ically define given its shifting nature, the setback interfaces on the western side with their private/semi-private space between the front boundary and house entry provide an indication of the location of the initial boundaries as set in the mid to late twentieth century. In this section of the alley, there are no setback interfaces on the river (eastern side) given, as noted above, the single row of housing with mostly full plot two to three storey housing coverage is hemmed in by Gang Stones Alley as the front plot boundary and the fortified side walls of the Cikapundung River as the rear boundary.

Two other interface forms types were also identified in better understanding the socio-material representation of the public-private interface.

Figure 4. The three primary interface form types exist in multiple configurations and combine with human scale elements to underpin the coherency and‘rhythm’of the alleyway.Source:Paul Jones.

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These are the set-above and set-over. The set-above is where an additional second floor verandah is extended over the airspace of the alleyway (Figure 7). In narrow alleyways such as Gang Stones, the extensions overhanging the alleyway play a major role in reinforcing the sense of enclosure and human scale. At the same time, they create negative public externalities such as restricting light and air and blight the quality of the ground level public space, considerations which in other planning domains would be the subject of formal planning regulation. The other interface Figure 6. Typical fine-grain plan view in the northern section of Gang Stones Alley showing four of the six main interface form types (two primary and two combination) as encroaching onto the public alleyway space.Source:Paul Jones.

Figure 5. The primary and combination of interface form types that frame the physical alignment of Gang Stones Alley.Source:Ninik Suhartini.

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type identified is the set-over which is where vacant space exists on the other side of the alleyway such as a drainage line or stone wall. Households personalise these spaces opposite their houses (that is, set-over) for uses such as greenery, storage such as for timber, and motorbike parking.

In terms of the functionality of the housing fronting Gang Stones alley, 60% of all buildings are for residential use of which 26% includes a mixture of residential and boarding houses. These dominant uses cater for city workers and the student population primarily from nearby ITB and Bandung Islamic University. The remaining 40% of uses include some 13%

combining residential and permanent mini-stores, and 9% being a mixture of residential, permanent mini-stores and boarding houses. Other uses include residential combined with a mobile mini-store, boarding houses and permanent mini-stores as sole types only, plus public toilets, two mosques, dry-cleaning facilities, and a vacant plot used as a children’s play area and gaming space for men.

In the fabric of the alleyway, the housing unit emerges as an important place to facilitate the production and selling of goods and services.

Spatially, both alleyway alignments have a similar proportion of residential, and residential and boarding house uses. However, the eastern riverside alignment has a greater mix of mini stores, both permanent and mobile, integrated within residential and boarding houses. The functions of unfixed temporal activities are innovative in their adaption of built form. For example, a window could be used as a mini-store during daylight hours, or external blinds used for urban greenery. Unoccupied spaces in the setback and aligned interface form types also displayed multiple uses, from temporary outlets for hawkers and vendor trolleys during the day, to motorbike parking at night. As such, multiple fine-grain function and form combinations were observed reflecting the hyper-adaptability and multifunctionality Figure 7. A non-ground level form of interface is the set-above (left and middle photo) while the set-over utilises ‘free space’on the opposite side of the alley from the housing (right photo). Both interfaces types compromise the quality of the ground level public space. Paul Jones.

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of households, the housing structure and alleyways to accommodate needs (Figure 8).

In terms of building and alleyway connectivity, the dominant configuration of the setback interface type is a half fence with a door (48%). In respect of materiality and gaze, the half fence was approximately 40% porous, 40% non-porous and 20% having a mixture of both porous and non- porous sections. Some 14% of all setback types had a full height fence with an entry way rated as either porous or non-porous, while the remaining housing setbacks had a mixture of half and full fencing. Blank walls repre- sented 5% of connection types and were normally on corner blocks aligned to the boundary with no windows, while 15% of blank walls had a non- porous window inserted to allow for light, not public gaze. One‘blank wall’ was a steel shutter on an aligned shop front that could be fully non-porous at one time and fully porous at another. As a general observation, the greater the housing distance and setback from the alleyway, the greater the porosity and public gaze of the interface. Those interface forms aligned and set-forward maximised their internal privacy via a greater proportion of wall space and minimal door and window openings. Thus, certain morphological configurations express a greater opportunity for public-private interaction than others.

The results indicate that housing interface types exist in varying configurations of form and distance transition. These have evolved through a densification process which comprises a mix of infill development, multifunctionality of land use and subdivisions creating long and narrow plots in the late twentieth century. More recently, densification has been characterised by a proliferation of horizontal housing extensions, namely, aligned, set-forward and set-over, combined with vertical housing changes such as set-above. The original dominant housing type was primarily characterised by a major front setback, minor side setbacks, and a rear boundary often containing a pond and or green area for planting. Over time, housing has expanded by infilling, subdividing rear space, moving forward and upwards, Figure 8. Unfixed temporal activities add to the dynamic nature of the adaptability and multifunctionality of housing and the private-public interface. Paul Jones.

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thus narrowing the alignment of the alleyway. The‘typical’housing densification process is shown inFigure 9and represents the main spatial pattern at the individual plot level culminating in the irregular non-linear shape of the alleyway. In terms of housing connectivity, this is commonly reflected in the porous half fence and setback evolving to a full height non-porous fence with no setback. Eventually this configuration leads to housing being aligned or set-forward, thus establishing a ‘new’ building line and boundary. This transition to new interface types comprising fine scale changes, typically half to 1 to 2 metre maximum, could be seen as adherence to a progression of local assemblage protocols.

Other micro-scale methods of adaptation to housing also typify and colour the transformation processes. For example, small-scale‘set-forward’ physical encroachments in the interface can be observed, such as ramps for motorbikes, the parking of motorbikes, placement of hand trolleys and washing lines, security grills, awnings, and urban greenery. Additionally, there are other ‘territorial’ markers ‘joining’ public and private spaces including the insertion of colour tiles on the alleyway pavement outside doorways reinforcing the sense of claiming territorial ‘ownership’ and further extending the sense of domestic space (Habraken,1998). Thus, the set- forward could be viewed as temporary or permanent means of interface activation, being rearranged and adapted to meet the needs of household members at a given time. In this setting, the process of identifying types is strongly reiterative and ‘not fixed’ as types transition via varying permea- tions from one to another.

Reflecting on the above patterns, the following principles emerge as central to understanding the dynamics of the housing and alleyway interface transformation;

Figure 9. The typical housing adaptation process shaping Gang Stones Alley.Source:

Paul Jones.

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The plot boundary line is fluid

Apart from the two-storey attached housing built on the boundary line at the southern and northern end of the alleyway, all housing fronting the alleyway was originally set back varying distances from accepted boundary lines as gradually established for each block during the 1960s and 1970s.

Varying rice paddies of differing sizes meant that block boundaries fronting other blocks and forming Gang Stone Alley were not equal in width, hence contributing to an initial irregular layout of block patterns, varying plot setbacks and interface form types all contributing to a maze of meandering alleyways. The remnants of this original building typology - that is, large single storey family housing with side and front setbacks marking the original plot boundaries as set for that block - still exist and frame pockets of alleyway spaces (the original pathways) that remain open to air and sunlight. This boundary line of the block is marked by a fence (originally bam- boo) with residents indicating the‘original’boundary of the pathways (now alleyways) were up to 4–5 metres in width (seeFigure 10).

Building lines aligning and exceeding the front plot boundary set precedents for residents to follow and become accepted levels of new housing transgression

As houses have incrementally grown and expanded horizontally and verti- cally – noting the analysis indicates that 62% of the alleyway housing is attached and 38% detached, with 69% being two-storey and 31% being single storey - some building extensions have infilled to the front plot Figure 10. The fluidity of the‘original’ plot boundary line as manipulated by incremental micro-scale form changes plays a major role in producing extra housing space whilst reducing the width of the alleyway.Source:Sekar Rahajeng and Paul Jones.

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boundary line, or part thereof. If extensions to the front of the plot exceed the original front boundary line, the new building line creates a de-facto boundary line, thus, representing a form of“interface creep”. This dependence on the ‘public’alleyway space to be utilised for additions and extensions sets new communal building lines that other households will follow where possible. On the negative side, the way this“interface creep” incrementally occurs by individual households potentially adversely affects access and the social and economic modes of production undertaken in this ever changing public space (seeFigure 11).

Transgression of the housing boundary with new building lines has limits

As a car-free, pedestrian-orientedkampung, the physical limit to functionality of this major alleyway requires a minimum width of approximately no less than 2 metres. This width is the minimum limit at which two motorbikes can be maneuvered past each other when nearly stationary. Given this alleyway functions as the major north-south pedestrian route in this locality, the interface types as framing the edge of the alleyway will respect this width. Other minor east-west alleyways that join Gang Stones, for example, are narrower than 2 metres but have a reduced range of functions, such as no mini stores. Thus, residents self-organise, innovate and adapt, with the limits of the housing transgression enforced as far as possible by community policing (discussed later).

Connectivity of the building-alleyway interface is generally maintained

Apart from a handful of blank walls primarily on corner blocks that are non- accessible and non-permeable, all housing interfaces have pedestrian and motorbike access. The interface type ranges from permeable to impermeable Figure 11. The “cookie cutter” alignment of Gang Stones Alley created by the

“interface creep”of housing interface form types.Source:Paul Jones.

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to the public gaze. For example, some may have transparent half fencing while other may have full height non-porous or porous fencing (transparent), or mixture thereof. Housing aligned on the boundary may have different levels of transparency as characterised by the presence of openings such as doors, clear or frosted windows, a combination of both, and lack thereof.

Connectivity in terms of public gaze and pedestrian and bike access is generally high.

The basic planning and regulatory framework is household driven The overall property tenure and ownership pattern in thekampungcontin- ues to change, with some 68% of those interviewed being tenants and 32%

plot owners. The interviews with residents show that decisions on small scale housing adaptations including interface change emerge as the domain of household members including owners (72%) and to a lesser degree consultation with neighbours (19%) and the RW governance leaders (9%). Hence, incremental housing changes occur with no or minimal consultation with residents being oblivious or non-interested in public interest planning concerns generated by developments on their plot. The scale of micromorphological change driven by households is typically small, half metre to a metre extensions, hence, further contributing to the‘cookie cutter’alignment of the alleyway and overall small-scale visual encounter with the built form. What is of importance is the drivers influencing household members in the planning and design of adaptations and extensions. The top three as indicated by residents were the availability of monies (73%), access to labour and skills (78%) and used and new materials (75%).

Importantly, some 76% indicated it was the type and size of extensions and transgressions being undertaken by other households that influenced their type and scale of change. The latter is important as it indicates residents are acutely aware of the small-scale housing changes happening around them, including the degree to which they can transgress alleyways to gain extra housing space.

Function is partly form dependent

The lived experiences of sociality and economic interaction in thekampung require this major alleyway to retain its minimum 2 metre width to main- tain its functionality. Other socio-cultural factors affect the alleyway shape, such as the location of the two mosques, one of which has an east-west orientation and hence, a geometric intrusion into the alleyway alignment.

The non-linear alleyway shape and block patterns exist due to several con- textual factors including topography (that is, the curvature of the

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Cikapundung River), large trees abutting the alleyway at the northern end, major drainage outlets which flow west to east into the Cikapundung River, and the irregular alignment and size of the 12–15 former rice paddies and their network of walls on the western portion of the kampung. Multiple uses are accommodated within existing housing structures and alleyway space. These include residential areas, boarding houses, permanent and mobile mini-stores and food carts, all of which adapt to and shape the differing physical interface types and alleyway alignments. For example, the delivery of water bottles attached to the front and rear of motorbikes and downsizing of mobile food and ice cream carts are common examples of transportation modes and street hawkers being required to readjust to

“interface creep’. Thus, the alleyway and interfaces have much adaptability and multifunctionality to absorb change to a certain point.

In this setting, the housing interface types can be viewed as changing assemblages created by the addition of different social, economic and physical features at similar fine scales within and outside the confines of fluid plot boundaries. The interface types are further tempered by their varying levels of access (permeability) and visual porosity, the result being a con- tinuum of interface types reflecting the innovative capacity of households to self-organise and respond to varying drivers of change. They are a form of tactical and adaptive urbanism which has evolved and co-evolved, much of it outside the bounds of formal planning regulation (Silva, 2016).

However, functional adaptation and transformation of interfaces does have its limits, with change respected and understood within certain constraints.

In 2017, the RWs painted broken white lines on both alignment edges in the narrowest sections of Gang Stones Alley to indicate that it was undesir- able for residents to further set forward their housing into the shared alleyway space (Figure 12). This community policing of adaptations reflects the enforcement of local rules to ensure that the ongoing process of adding housing increments, especially horizontal change, does not adversely impact on local communal and public interest issues of functionality,

Figure 12. White lines painted on the respective alignment edges of Gang Stones Alley indicating the importance of retaining a minimum width for functionality, access and safety.Source:Paul Jones.

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livelihoods, access, and resident and pedestrian safety. In this setting, an understood rule is elevated to one of being an explicit physical rule.

Conclusion and implications for the global north

In contrast to focusing on fixed legal plot boundaries and mono-functional land uses, housing transformation in this research has been viewed through the relationship of housing-built forms (the housing interface types) and unbuilt forms (the alleyway space) with distance and proximity to a fluid alleyway edge being key moderators. With over half of the housing having no fence and being aligned, set forward or a combination thereof, it is the narrow alleyway which forms the dynamic interface zone transitioning from public/communal to semi-private/private/domestic space. The interface types effectively represent a complex adaptive assemblage (Dovey, 2012) which in this case study reflects how residents engage with, annex and ter- ritorialise space as part of their processes of housing production and adaptation. The assemblage may be temporary, permanent, and temporal, being increments of adaptation coalescing in multiple iterations (types) to comprise the micro-morphology and fabric of housing.

The innovative capabilities of residents undertaking self-generated housing adaptations and self-organisation as reflected in myriad interface types cannot be understated. However, households have major influence and control over changes to built form, with household members most important in decisions taken on adaptations. Residents undertake little or no consultation with neighbours or RW governance leaders when making changes, but importantly observe and follow the small-scale changes made to housing form by other residents. This uninhibited environment provides the opportunity for greater individual expression and variation in adaptation form, choice of materiality and construction timing, and is the basic planning and regulatory framework in which housing adaptation and the wider transformation processes occurs. In this setting, it is the diversity of self-organisation with strong attachment to local notions of place, vernacular and order that gives Lebak Siliwangi its rich patterns of urbanism and vibrancy whilst reinforcing little interest in formal planning regulation and public interest concerns as applied in other contexts. The collation of human scale housing adaptations is central to understanding the key planning and design theories and practices of complex assemblage, emergence and self-organisation (Alfasi & Portugali, 2007; Deleuze & Guattari, 1987;

Dovey, 2014; Rapoport, 1988; Silva, 2016) which it is argued may be observed in other modes of informal housing production such as the Global North.

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The notion of‘interface creep’and the way households produced, regulated and consumed space emerges as a key narrative of this research paper. Small scale distance and proximity changes facilitate housing adaptability and multi-functionality of the household, whilst at the same time threaten access, sociability, multifunctionality and economic modes of production through the process of alleyway constriction. The latter is arguably a phenomenon typical of many Indonesiankampungsas well as many informal settlements globally. In the context of ongoing adaptability of space and built form, a key planning and design challenge is to ensure importantkampungspaces such as alleyways do not adversely‘tip over’in terms of losing adequate ventilation, sunlight, drainage, access and diversity of functionality. It is also argued that in complex fine-grain settings that typology analysis is a key tool to deconstruct socio-spatial complexity and provide deeper insights into how housing utilises local fine-grain morphological changes when boundaries are unclear (Kamalipour &

Dovey,2019).

Finally, what do we learn from this research and wider Global South theory that may assist us in understanding the emergence of housing informality in the Global North? Assuming there is a unified body of literature on informality in the Global South which can constructively contribute to informality in the Global North (Devlin, 2018), there is a need to understand who is undertaking housing informality, and how, why and where housing informality is occurring. As Turner observed in his seminal work on how self-organised poor communities met their housing priorities in the 1960s and 1970s (Turner,1968), understanding the process of the emergence and evolution of housing is critical if there are to be meaningful ways of providing support to meet the diversity of housing needs. In this context, understanding the scope and extent of informality of need versus the informality of desire becomes vital so as to unpack neoliberal influences, power relationships, and the impact of codes and regulations on reinforcing existing inequalities and compounding the informality of need (Devlin,2018). Each city and its spatial units will have their own nuanced set of social, economic, cultural and political set of drivers that leverages and promotes housing and informality that needs to be unpacked, such as the incursion of‘as of right’granny flats and non-regulation with formal planning frameworks. The shaping influence of context will mean the expressions and scope of informal housing production will vary.

Secondly, this paper indicates that for much informal housing production adaptations are incremental, step by step and small scale. The notion of adaptation‘creep’and small-scale increments is potentially important in both the Global South and Global North in understanding the way housing densifies, transgresses and produces new space. This research has shown,

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for example, that the path of the dwelling through time started horizontally then combines with vertical changes, whilst research in the Global North has already indicated that informal housing is also produced through horizontal densification (Wegmann & Mawhorter,2017). While there are emerging similarities, there are also stark differences in how notions related to interface‘creep’ and informal housing production play out. For example in the Global South, these practices are contextually diverse and tend to be driven spatially and politically as communal and collective phenomena, whilst in the Global North they are primarily an individual or small network driven practice (Harris,2018).

Thirdly, there is a need for innovative tools and analysis that let us better understand the ‘bottom up’ fine scale and incremental housing changes whilst potentially contributing to better meeting resident housing needs. In this context, typology analysis could be used at varying city scales from metropolitan to local, with local types focusing on the incremental flows and activities such as site coverage, building footprints, scale of horizontal/vertical extensions, form of extensions (such as adding extra room or filling in verandahs) and materiality. Fourthly, part of understanding why and where these changes are occurring in the Global North is the need to deconstruct the governance of the informal housing changes.

Who are the key players undertaking ‘informal housing’ in the Global North, and do kinship, social capital and familial systems have prominence in the housing production process? Is the latter related to why is there a reluctance in some Global North contexts for a lack of enforcement of planning and building standards by institutions? Have genuine housing needs been identified by the planning system and its codes, regulations and institutions as it seeks a balance between stability, governance accountability and allowing adaptability such as informality? (Jones, 2017). In these settings, the research informs possible housing research and policy directions that could be applied to theoretical and methodological frameworks for a deeper understanding of informal housing in the Global North.

Acknowledgments

I am grateful to Dr. Ninik Suhartini, School of Architecture, Planning and Policy Development, Institute of Technology University Bandung (ITB), who collated and reviewed the data as collected during the field work.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

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