EXPERIENCES OF BLACK HETEROSEXUAL AND LGBTQ+ STUDENTS AT VANDERBILT UNIVERSITY
By
Zoë Mulraine
Senior Honors Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of
The Department of Medicine, Health, and Society of Vanderbilt University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Bachelors of Arts with
Honors in Medicine, Health, and Society
Thesis Advisor:
Signed:________________________________________________________ date:______________________
Dr. Derek M. Griffith Second Reader:
Signed:________________________________________________________ date:______________________
Dr. Tara McKay
Director of Undergraduate Studies:
Signed:________________________________________________________ date:______________________
Dr. Dominique P. Béhague
Table of Contents
I. Abstract II. Introduction III. Background
IV. Results
V. Interview Summaries and Discussion VI. Limitations
VII. Conclusion VIII. References
I. Abstract
The issues that disproportionately affect Black students at Vanderbilt University are broad, and they are many. Social media discussions, Campus Climate Surveys, and student- organized petitions have all called on University administration to do more to protect vulnerable student populations. This study was prompted by the harsh criticism that Vanderbilt University faced from students and alumni during the summer of 2020, which specifically highlighted the University’s shortcomings in regards to support for racial and sexual minorities. The research focuses on the institutional, classroom, and interpersonal experiences of Black Vanderbilt students, with a distinct interest in Black students who also identify as LGBTQ+. Using the intersectionality framework to analyze the anecdotal experiences of two Black, bisexual, female Vanderbilt students along with the responses from 21 Black survey respondents, seven of which identified as LGBTQ+, I present recommendations for university procedural and policy changes.
More research is needed to understand how to best implement these procedures and to continue to document the experiences of Black college students and increase data related to Black LGBTQ+ college students.
II. Introduction
Toxic campus climates manifest in a myriad of ways and often have the most detrimental effects on marginalized students. For example, Vanderbilt University’s Black and LGBTQ+
student populations are statistically more likely to be victims of sexual assault and less likely to be met with adequate mental health care and institutional support (Friedman & Zern, 2019). In the context of this paper, Black students include any student of African descent regardless of
country of origin. “LGBTQ+”, “sexual minority” or “queer” students include any student who does not identify as both cisgender and heterosexual. A person is cisgender if their gender identity corresponds with the sex they were assigned at birth. Straight women who were assigned female at birth and straight men who were assigned male at birth are both cisgender
heterosexuals, or “cishet” for short. While campus climate indicators such as sexual assault rates or poor mental health outcomes indicate a harmful environment for Black and LGBTQ+
students, specifically, the toxic culture is destructive to the campus community and college experience at large.
The purpose of this research project is twofold: first, it is to add to the literature that documents the experiences of Black, LGBTQ+ students on college campuses. Second, it is to summarize the ways in which Black Vanderbilt students, and Black LGBTQ+ Vanderbilt students, would like to be better supported by their university. I expected student qualms and recommendations to largely overlap. However, because most students described unique experiences, their recommendations covered a range of issues. Using the data from existing literature along with my interviews and surveys, I focused on crafting recommendations that can effectively and feasibly improve the overall campus climate and student experience. I plan to share these recommendations with members of the Vanderbilt Student Government for further consideration and eventual implementation.
III. Background
A. Literature Review
I used a systematic approach to critically review, analyze, and synthesize existing literature relating to the experiences of Black, LGBTQ+ students at college institutions. I
identified peer-reviewed articles using databases on JSTOR, Google Scholar, and the Vanderbilt University Library. Key search terms included Black LGBTQ+ college climate, Black queer college sexual assault prevalence, and Black, LGBTQ+ college student mental health experience. Most searches yielded around 20,000 results– however, most articles were poor matches for the information I sought. Thousands of articles discuss the Black college experience, the LGBTQ+ college experience, sexual assault on college campuses, and mental health on college campuses; but very few evaluate all of these factors simultaneously. As such, I used 36 articles that varied in subject, target group, purpose, and research type in my literature review. I evaluate the Black student experience and the Black queer student experience as distinct
experiences that often overlap. The vast majority of the cited articles were published within the past ten years, largely because the intersectional lens is relatively new to social research. The oldest article is from 1989– when Kimberlé Crenshaw introduced the term “intersectionality” to public discourse. In this review, the terms “LGBTQ+” and “queer” are used interchangeably.
Discrimination, Stress, and Mental Health for Black Queer Students
All Black students, regardless of gender, class, socioeconomic status, or any other demographic characteristic, face some level of institutional discrimination while on
predominantly white college campuses as a result of their racial minority status. However, Black LGBTQ+ students are uniquely positioned at the crossroads between racial minority status and sexual minority status. As a result, they not only face the oppressions that come with being Black and being queer; but they face a new, unique challenge of experiencing these oppressions
concurrently. Kimberlé Crenshaw describes this phenomenon as “intersectionality.” According to Crenshaw, “the intersectional experience is greater than the sum of racism and sexism” (1989,
p. 140). This concept is also applicable to racism and heterosexism– while both Black students and Black LGBTQ+ students experience discrimination, stress, and mental health challenges on college campuses, their experiences are fundamentally different. For this reason, it is crucial to apply an intersectional framework to the experiences of Black LGBTQ+ individuals. My research does not seek to compare the experiences of Black and Black LGBTQ+ students;
however, it does aim to acknowledge the differences in the experiences of these groups of students and highlight the need for attention to be paid to the unique needs of Black LGBTQ+
students.
Black LGBTQ+ students face varying levels of discrimination on college campuses based on geographic location, campus culture, involvement in political or social activities, micro- aggressive tendencies of other individuals, and several other factors. Black LGBTQ+ students have reported experiencing harassment from other students and faculty, insensitivity from university health professionals, and general feelings of hostility, discomfort, and unsafety on college campuses. Although the majority of Black LGBTQ+ students do not report experiencing discrimination, rates are still significantly higher than they are for other students (Laar et al., 2003; LGBT Caucus at Virginia Tech, 2015; Rankin, 2005).
Researchers have speculated on the idea that certain protective factors can decrease the risk of discrimination, harassment, or assault for both Black cishet and Black LGBTQ+ students.
A study by Antonio Duran (2019) found that queer students of color have more “resilience”
when they are involved in queer student of color organizations and have strong connections with other queer students of color on campus. Some large universities have student affinity groups that specifically cater to queer students of color. Queer students of color often struggle with
finding queer peers who embrace their ethnic identity, or ethnic peers who embrace their queer identity. As a result, they report higher satisfaction when their universities implement structural support systems that cater to both identities simultaneously (Duran, 2019). In other words, they benefit from intersectional structures.
Vanderbilt has some level of structural support for queer students of color, but it is limited. Vanderbilt BlackOut, LatinQ, and Queer and Asian affinity groups specifically support queer Black students, Latinx students, and Asian students, respectively. However, these groups have considerably low visibility compared to the wider Black or queer organizations on campus.
As a result, students can struggle with getting into contact with these organizations. The BlackOut student website, for example, has not been updated in over a year; and unlike the Vanderbilt Black Student Association or Vanderbilt Lambda, BlackOut does not have an active social media page where it regularly and publicly communicates with students. Therefore, although the affinity group exists, it is not easily accessible to all students. Still, the broad office of Vanderbilt LGBTQI Life has become more inclusive in recent years and regularly advertises events for students with intersecting identities. Since the office has historically been seen as a
“white space” (Anderson, 2015), however, it is critical that they re-establish their reputation as a space for queer students of color.
Furthermore, Black queer college students experience varying levels of race and queer consciousness, meaning not every Black queer student recognizes their Blackness or queerness in the same way on a day-to-day basis (Duncan et al., 2016; McClain et al., 2016). In a survey that specifically evaluated race consciousness, racial attitudes, and race related stress, Johnson and Arbona found that students with higher levels of race consciousness experience higher levels
of race-related stress (2006). This finding is consistent with Hope and colleague’s notion that Black students who are involved in spaces that may encourage them to actively think about race, such as political or social justice events, experience higher rates of race related stress.
Additionally, queer students experience varying levels of sexuality-based stress or discrimination since queerness is not always visible, and not every queer student is “out” or “completely” out. A student’s level of “outness” or experience with on campus LGBTQ+ organizations affects how they experience discrimination on campus. These findings are important when considering the Black LGBTQ+ population at Vanderbilt, which tends to be politically active.
It should also be noted that Black, LGBTQ+ college students experience identity-related stressors because of factors outside of college. Lefevor and colleagues found that “outside”
(meaning non-campus related) factors, including familial relationships and religiosity of students and their environments, can negatively or positively affect the mental and physical health of Black sexual minority college students (2020). Although these experiences are not unique to college students, specifically, they shape the overall mental health challenges that students with these complex identities face.
Campus Climate: The Black, Queer, and Black Queer Experiences
Campus climate can be understood as the broad experiences, attitudes, and behaviors of students, faculty, and staff. Cultural aspects, such as politics, religion, and traditions can all shape campus climate. Unfortunately, many colleges across the United States have campuses where sexual abuse, assault, and harassment are a part of the culture (Mellins et al., 2017;
Napolitano, 2015; Oswalt et al., 2017). Sexual abuse is one of many issues that contributes to an unhealthy and uncomfortable campus climate. Discrimination, bigotry, and other forms of
intolerance also contribute to these toxic climates. Uncomfortable or unhealthy campus climates can result in poorer mental health outcomes, lower academic performance, and harmful effects on physical health for any student, but sexual and/or racial minorities are at a significantly higher risk than cishet and/or white students.
Minority status– both racial and sexual– is often a risk factor for poor physical health.
Some health disparities can be credited to biases in the health services professions. Black and queer students alike face discrimination from health institutions; however, few studies have evaluated the health interactions of Black queer students, specifically. Information about Black healthcare discrimination and experiences compared with queer healthcare discrimination and experiences can be useful, but it will not tell the full story of the Black queer experience.
In an exploratory study of 14 queer students at a large college in the southeastern United States, Hood and colleagues collected data about LGBTQ+ students’ experiences with on- campus health services. The student accounts revealed that their university health services do not provide the same resourcefulness to queer students that they do to cishet students. Most notably, university healthcare providers admitted that they were unequipped to talk with LGBTQ+
students about sexuality-related health concerns. When compounded with instances of medical racism, these scenarios highlight the reality that medical environments are often uncomfortable for Black students, queer students, and Black queer students. Moreover, researchers such as Buhi and colleagues have found that Black college students experience higher rates of STIs and other sexual health issues (2010). Though the cause of this discrepancy is not yet determined, it is another example of how, on average, Black students face more health challenges than their white
counterparts. These challenges increase exponentially when they are intersected with gender or sexual minority status.
In addition to affecting health outcomes, adverse campus climates affect the academic achievement and retention rates of students who face overwhelming stress as a result of their discriminatory experiences. For example, a study by Coleman and colleagues (2020) evaluated the effects of macro and microaggressions on retention rates for Black LGBTQ+ students. They concluded that adverse campus climates are a leading cause of lower retention rates for LGBTQ+
students, but they also emphasized the need for more research on Black LGBTQ+ students in academia in order to better understand the phenomenon and create effective resolutions. The specific effects of racism on the academic achievement of Black LGBTQ+ students are not widely understood. However, existing research on the effects of racism and homophobia on academic performance suggests that Black LGBTQ+ students experience academic
disadvantages similar to those of Black or queer students (Johnson-Ahorlu, 2012; Poteat et al., 2014).
Campus climate is not stagnant; in fact, it is ever shifting. For decades, campus leaders have sought to create campus climates where marginalized students, specifically, feel welcome, safe, and healthy across college campuses. Current efforts and strategies such as de-
stigmatization campaigns are useful; but combined with increased efforts, research, and focus, they can be more effective in improving mental and physical health for all students on college campuses.
Campus Sexual Assault: Racial and Sexuality-Based Disparities
At many colleges and universities, Black students are more likely to be affected by sexual assault. Several researchers have attempted to describe explanations for this phenomenon. In a controlled investigation, Katz and colleagues found that white women were less likely to intervene in a potential sexual assault if the victim were Black than if the victim were white (2017). This may, in part, be due to the false stereotype that Black women are innately hypersexual and take pleasure in their victimization. At some institutions, including several Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs), Black women report considerably lower rates of sexual assault (Collington et al., 2020). Although underreporting is common for all occurrences of sexual assault, Black women are predicted to underreport sexual assault at higher rates due to increased shame, decreased trust in justice systems, and decreased trust in medical institutions. For these reasons, relatively lower rates of sexual assault at HBCUs and for Black women at any institutions should be regarded carefully. Regardless, the 2017 and 2019 Campus Climate Surveys revealed that at Vanderbilt, Black students are more likely than white students to be victims of sexual assault (Friedman & Zern, 2019).
Furthermore, Vanderbilt’s 2019 Campus Climate Survey revealed that almost 30% of students who self-identified as transgender, genderqueer, questioning, or nonbinary experienced sexual assault as a student at Vanderbilt, compared to 17% for all students (Campus Climate Survey on Sexual Assault). LGBTQ+ students at several colleges across the United States, including Vanderbilt, are more likely to report experiencing sexual assault than cishet students (Blosnich & Bossarte, 2012; Cantor et al., 2015). Some researchers partially credit this disparity to the statistics that suggest that gay men are more likely to be sexually abused than straight men because of the different gender dynamics that exist in homosexual relationships (Merrill &
Wolfe, 2008). In other words, since men are more likely to be perpetrators of sexual assault in
both heterosexual and homosexual relationships, some researchers purport that most men who are sexually assaulted are assaulted within the context of a homosexual relationship. Contrarily, lesbian women have some of the lowest rates of sexual assault– likely because of their limited contact with men (Johnson et al., 2016). As such, the theory that significant LGBTQ+ sexual assault occurs in male homosexual relationships does not account for the higher rates of sexual assault for LGBTQ+ students in general. Therefore, future research might benefit from further subdividing the LGBTQ+ population in order to fully understand the heterogeneity of the experiences and needs of these students.
Recommendations to decrease sexual assault prevalence for LGBTQ+ college students include vague suggestions to “improv[e] campus climate” (Coulter & Rankin, 2017), advice to expand research that focuses on LGBTQ+ students and queer students of color in order to create more effective sexual assault prevention programs (Coulter et al., 2017), and expand college sexual assault and awareness campaigns to focus on more than male-female relationships (Johnson et al., 2016). In the discussions of decreasing campus sexual assault prevalence, Blosnich and Bossarte (2012) emphasize that racial and sexual minority statuses themselves are not risk factors for sexual assault; the social stressors that often accompany these identities are risk factors. This is an important detail to remember as to not victim-blame sexual assault survivors.
While universities cannot completely eradicate sexual assault by their own merits, there is potential for university administration to decrease sexual assault prevalence by influencing and improving campus climate. Furthermore, because of increased university attendance and
influence, college campuses are well-positioned to affect the broad national culture as it relates
to sexual assault (Napolitano, 2015). This mindset is reflected in Vanderbilt’s student body, which has repeatedly petitioned administrators to improve campus conditions related to sexual assault.
Vanderbilt Sexual Assault Policies and Procedures and Areas for Improvement
Vanderbilt University has implemented a substantial set of policies and procedures to address and prevent sexual misconduct on campus– though their efficacy is widely debated.
These policies, which were last updated on August 14, 2020, are publicly available online and in the University’s student handbook. The document, which is titled “Vanderbilt University Sexual Misconduct Policy”, outlines the investigation process for sexual misconduct issues, details the recommended process for reporting sexual assault, and shares resources for victims of sexual assault in addition to providing other necessary information. In an email addressed to students on September 15, 2020, the Office of the Dean of Students informed students that in order to comply with new Title IX regulations, the University significantly shifted its policies and procedures related to sexual misconduct.
Among these changes is Vanderbilt’s decision to apply the “preponderance of the evidence” standard in place of the historically applied “beyond a reasonable doubt” standard in all cases of sexual assault. While the “beyond a reasonable doubt” standard requires enough evidence to demonstrate that a sexual abuse claim is almost 100% true, the “preponderance of the evidence” standard merely requires that the evidence show a greater than 50% likelihood of being true in order for a perpetrator to be charged with sexual assault. Though this standard increases the likelihood that victims of sexual assault will receive justice, it is controversial because of the possibility that it will lead to increased false accusations and unfair sentences for
the accused. For this reason, the American Association of University Professors (AAUP), which is respected for its commitment to quality and freedom in higher education, is one of several notable groups that opposes the standard. Still, respected agencies such as the U.S. Office of Civil Rights advocate for its usage because they believe that it would bring justice to many more sexual abuse victims.
The line between protecting victims and ensuring due process for the accused has grown increasingly thin since the Office for Civil Rights of the Department of Education issued its infamous “Dear Colleague” Letter in 2011. The letter offers guidelines and suggestions for how universities should conduct investigations for student sexual assault cases. The “preponderance of the evidence” standard is included in these recommendations. The letter was rescinded in 2020 after the Trump administration determined its suggestions to be too rigorous. For better or for worse, schools are still challenged with the responsibility of investigating and ruling on student-on-student sex crimes. Many universities have been sued by victims and accused students alike for failing to conduct “adequate” investigations. While the shortcomings of burdening schools with the responsibility of ruling on sex crimes should be addressed, it also must be acknowledged that sexual abuse victims often fare poorly in criminal courts. Therefore, simply suggesting that U.S. criminal courts prosecute incidents of sexual abuse instead of universities would likely avert the problem rather than solve it.
Vanderbilt meets several proposed requirements to eradicate campus sexual assault that are recommended by professional organizations. In their “Suggested Policies and Procedures”
document, the AAUP recommends that students, faculty, staff, and administration are equally included in the development of sexual assault policies; the jurisdiction, laws, rules, penalties, and
requirements are determined and accessible to the University community; policies and guidelines are clear and include necessary contact information; reporting of sexual assault is facilitated; all incoming students participate in prevention programs; and the University implements bystander intervention campaigns (2012). All of these can be found in the aforementioned Vanderbilt University Sexual Misconduct Policy document.
However, there are still areas where Vanderbilt falls short. Vanderbilt does not publicize its policies and procedures through a multimedia approach, so students only receive an
occasional email that can be easily overlooked. Moreover, despite Vanderbilt’s “blue light”
system, which allows students to push an emergency button if they find themselves in danger on campus after sunset, much of campus remains extremely dark during the night because of poor on campus lighting. Additionally, researchers DeLong and colleagues found that schools that designate a specific sexual assault response team have decreased rates of sexual assault (2018).
This is similar to the AAUP’s recommendation that a single office be responsible for overseeing all issues associated with sexual assault. As of 2020, Vanderbilt’s sexual assault reports are processed through the Title IX office. However, the University also advertises confidential resources– such as the University Counseling Center, the Student Health Center, and the Project Safe Center– as well as mandatory reporters, such as the Vanderbilt University Police
Department, Center for Student Wellbeing, and the Office of LGBTQI Life as resources for victims of sexual assault (Sexual Misconduct Policy). This abundance of resources is generally useful to students as long as the offices can coordinate in order to properly record sexual assault incidents, punish perpetrators, and recommend appropriate resources to victims.
B. Methodology
Data Collection
Primary data collection. Primary data was collected using interviews and surveys.
Interview participants included two Vanderbilt University undergraduate students who identify as Black, queer, women. Survey participants included 21 Vanderbilt University students who identify as Black– seven of which also identify as LGBTQ+. Participation in both the interview and survey was voluntary and neither interviewees nor survey respondents received
compensation for their participation. Participation in the survey was anonymous. The study was reviewed by the Vanderbilt University Institutional Review Board and it was deemed exempt.
Instruments
Survey for Vulnerable Populations. I created a survey entitled, “The Survey on Campus Climate, Resources, and Institutions for Vulnerable Populations at Vanderbilt University,” which I will refer to as the Survey for Vulnerable Populations. In the Survey for Vulnerable
Populations, participants indicated their class, major, first generation college student status, race, gender identity, and sexual orientation to determine demographic information. In addition to this demographic information, respondents indicated the frequency with which they use certain campus resources, including: The Black Cultural Center, Center for Student Wellbeing, K.C.
Potter Center, University Counseling Center, Project Safe, Margaret Cunninggim Women’s Center, Student Health, and the University’s Title IX office. In short answer format, they responded with their reasons for interacting with certain resources.
The final section of the survey consisted of a Likert scale created by the LGBT Caucus at Virginia Tech (2015) and was used to assess perceived campus climate. Participants were asked
to rate the level that they agreed or disagreed with the accompanying statements. Sample items include: “I feel singled out in classroom environments because of my racial or ethnic identity,”
and “I would recommend Vanderbilt to an LGBTQ+ prospective student, faculty, or staff.”
Using the demographic data from Section 1 of the survey, I was able to stratify the responses using race, gender identity, and sexual orientation as primary variables. The survey ended with a free response question that asked what changes the respondent would like to see from Vanderbilt administration, policies, and/or students in order to increase support for sexual and racial
minorities on campus.
Participants. To find survey participants, I sent a short description of my project and a survey link to the Vanderbilt all-Black student group chat (14 respondents) as well as the
Vanderbilt all-Black, all LGBTQ+ group chat (7 respondents). The former group had almost 700 members while the latter group had 70 members. I used this format to contact potential
respondents because it was the most accessible to me and because there is not an “official”
channel through which I can contact all Black, LGBTQ+ Vanderbilt students. I chose interviewees based on their personal demographics, of which I was aware through our pre- existing relationships.
Researcher. As the researcher, I find it important to acknowledge my own background, experiences, biases, relationships, and any other characteristics that might affect the collection, production, or analysis of my data. I will briefly describe these aspects so that the reader can understand the lens through which I have constructed my research.
I am a current undergraduate student at Vanderbilt University. Thus, in this paper I often critique an institution of which I am a part. I have had roughly four years of experience as a
Black student at Vanderbilt, during which I often utilized explicitly Black spaces. Although I am also a queer student, I have spent significantly less time in explicitly queer spaces. I believe my lack of interest in campus queer spaces stems from my expectation that I will not find social diversity in these spaces, and I know this expectation may be false.
The Black population at Vanderbilt is relatively small with around 200 Black students per class. Accordingly, the Black LGBTQ+ population at Vanderbilt is much smaller. That to say, before the COVID-19 pandemic, I had interacted with– or at least shared a basic familiarity with– a greater portion of Vanderbilt’s Black population. I can reasonably infer that my survey respondents have had some interaction with me, which may have affected their responses or their decision to submit a response at all. Furthermore, I know the interview respondents personally and closely. I believe that our pre-existing trustworthy relationships allowed us to speak openly, honestly, and freely throughout our interviews.
Since participants know me as a student, our interactions were more conversational than formal. I do not use an authoritative approach when I interact with other students. As a future law student, evaluating the effects of policy– or lacks thereof– is amongst my hobbies.
Therefore, my interview conversations did not feel forced; on the contrary, they felt quite natural.
As a final note, my Blackness has framed all of my life experiences. I have spent most of my life in the South, and specifically in Nashville (TN) and its suburbs. Still, within this bubble, I have had a multitude of experiences. I have attended predominantly Black schools,
predominantly white schools, religious schools, secular schools, public schools, and private
schools. In my childhood, religiosity framed my worldview; I had little regard for notions relating to sexuality. Today, the opposite is true.
C. Analysis
I conducted analyses to explore demographic differences in the variables included in the survey. However, my study largely focuses on the experiences, anecdotes, and feedback from my interviewees. Through a thematic narrative approach, the interviewees create the frame through which the broad student experience is evaluated. Their personal experiences are compared and contrasted with the responses from the survey. Concurrently, all responses are evaluated through the lens of the existing literature. In this paper, the interviewees will be known by the
pseudonyms Shea and Diane.
IV. Results
A. Survey Responses
Demographic summary. All survey respondents identified as Black. One respondent identified as a man, while the remaining 20 identified as women. Four respondents identified as bisexual, one as pansexual, one as gay, and one as queer. The additional 13 respondents
identified as straight. All respondents identified as cisgender. In addition, 18 respondents are current Vanderbilt undergraduate students while two graduated in 2020. Almost half of current students graduate in 2021; the remainder were distributed almost equally between the classes of 2022, 2023, and 2024. 25% of respondents identified as first-generation students. The table below summarizes respondents’ answers to a Likert scale questionnaire about their experiences at Vanderbilt.
Table 1. Percentage of cishet vs LGBTQ+ students reporting “Often” or “Always” to Survey for Vulnerable Populations questions.
Question Cishet-identified individuals
(14 participants)
LGBTQ+-identified individuals (7 participants)
I feel comfortable asking professors for extensions, feedback, or other assistance outside of class time.
85.7% 71.4%
I feel singled out in classroom environments because of my racial or ethnic identity.
7.1% 71.4%
I feel singled out in classroom environments because of my gender or sexual identity.
7.1% 42.8%
During my time at Vanderbilt, I have experienced stress related to my race or ethnicity.
64.3% 85.7%
During my time at Vanderbilt, I have experienced stress related to my gender or sexual orientation.
21.4% 71.4%
I feel that my perspective is valued just as importantly as my peers' perspectives in the classroom.
50.0% 14.2%
I am a politically active student. 50.0% 57.1%
Vanderbilt has a politically active
campus and/or student body 92.9% 71.4%
I feel comfortable showing affection with a romantic partner on campus.
35.7% 28.6%
I feel comfortable showing affection with a romantic partner in public off campus in Nashville.
50.0% 42.9%
I feel comfortable attending an
LGBTQ event on campus. 64.3% 71.4%
I feel comfortable attending an LGBTQ event off campus in Nashville.
50.0% 42.9%
I feel comfortable expressing my sexual orientation with friends and peers.
92.9% 85.7%
I feel comfortable expressing my
sexual orientation in the classroom. 64.3% 57.1%
I feel comfortable expressing my
sexual orientation at Vanderbilt. 92.9% 71.4%
I feel comfortable expressing my gender identity with friends and peers.
100.0% 100.0%
I feel comfortable expressing my
gender identity in the classroom. 100.0% 100.0%
I feel comfortable expressing my
gender identity at Vanderbilt. 100.0% 100.0%
I would feel comfortable reporting an act of discrimination or harassment to campus authorities that I had witnessed at Vanderbilt.
50.0% 71.4%
I have considered leaving Vanderbilt due to a homophobic and/or genderist climate.
(Genderist: one that discriminates based on gender).
0.0% 0.0%
I would recommend Vanderbilt to an LGBTQ+ prospective student, faculty, or staff.
14.3% 42.9%
The climate for LGBTQ+
community has improved during my time at Vanderbilt.
14.3% 14.3%
Trends in responses to the Survey for Vulnerable Populations. Negative racial experiences and attitudes vary considerably between students. Students with sexual minority status were more likely to report negative gender and sexuality-related experiences. Although all straight respondents answered that they never feel singled out in the classroom because of their gender or sexual identity, six out of the seven non-straight respondents feel singled out at least sometimes. This trend stayed evident throughout sexual and racial oriented questions.
Additionally, sexual minority students were more likely to report higher rates of race-related stress. The results demonstrate that Black students with sexual minority status face the unique
challenge of navigating the college environment with stress relating to both race and sexuality, and that sexual minority status can amplify race-related stress.
Additionally, while no students expressed that they have considered leaving Vanderbilt due to a homophobic or genderist climate, less than half of all students reported that they would recommend Vanderbilt to an LGBTQ+ prospective student, faculty, or staff. Moreover, all students reported feeling comfortable expressing their gender identity. Notably, no transgender- identified students completed the survey.
Some answers corresponded based on LGBTQ+/cishet status, but the overall trend does not suggest a consistent relationship between student experiences and LGBTQ+/cishet status.
Still, some associations are notable and should be explored further. LGBTQ+ students expressed feeling race-related stress at higher rates than cishet students. This suggests that the
intersectionality of their identities cause them to experience race-related stress in a unique manner, as described by Kimberlé Crenshaw. Future research should further stratify LGBTQ+
identities, as all queer students do not experience gender/sexuality-based stress or discrimination in the same way.
V. Interview Summaries and Discussion
Interviewees
My first interviewee identifies as a Black, bisexual woman who is a senior at Vanderbilt University. In her time at Vanderbilt, she has explored her sexual and gender identity through official and unofficial affinity groups on campus. In this paper, she will be known as Shea. In the year that I have known Shea, she has proven herself to be one of the most thorough and honest
communicators. Shea combines the best of intellect and introspection. Although Shea is
undoubtedly intelligent, inspired, and dedicated, she has struggled at Vanderbilt academically. It can be hard for her to finish assignments on time– and she has taken Incompletes in past
semesters as a result of falling behind. Shea explained, and I verified, that Incompletes are placeholder grades when a student needs to finish a course after the end of a semester. In extreme circumstances, Shea asks for extensions from her professors– but she is not very comfortable doing so.
My second interviewee is Diane. Diane is a problem solver. Like Shea, she is a senior at Vanderbilt and identifies as a Black, bisexual woman. Her Vanderbilt experience has allowed her the freedom to become comfortable in her sexual orientation. According to Diane, Vanderbilt is comforting because no one expects anyone to “come out.” She claims that some information is more public than others, but other students’ sexualities are never a “big deal.” Diane thinks carefully about her words, but she speaks authoritatively and directly. She has always been independent and self-motivated. She majors in neuroscience and is attending medical school next fall. Although she notices the lack of Black professors in her STEM classes, she was pleasantly surprised by the number of Black students she saw on campus when she first visited Vanderbilt.
Though, she admits she had dramatically low expectations for the South having never visited from her hometown of Chicago.
Experiences in the Classroom
Shea has had negative experiences in the classroom that she credits to her identity as a Black, queer1 woman. She becomes frustrated with how she is expected to engage in certain 1 “Queer” is a term that was historically used as a derogatory slur against members of the LGBTQ+ community.
Since its reclamation by several LGBTQ+ people, it has become widely used in academia and popular culture to
contexts with her professors, claiming that their assumed authority makes her own lived
experiences seem less valid– which she knows is not true. When speaking about how people with marginalized identities interact with professors in the classroom, she said the following:
“We’re learning from someone who’s ‘higher up’, but we actually know more than they do. That in and of itself is a weird place to be. Having white [people] as professors, I feel like I shrink more and I feel less comfortable asking for advice, or extensions, or
whatever it is. So I feel myself creating more distance from the professor or the class because I don’t want to be uncomfortable.”
Shea’s classroom experiences are not unique. In my Survey for Vulnerable Populations, 15% of respondents did not agree that they felt comfortable asking professors for extensions, feedback, or other assistance outside of class time. Unlike Shea, survey respondents did not specify the reason for their discomfort. However, half of respondents indicated that they at least sometimes feel singled out in the classroom because of their racial or ethnic identity, and all LGBTQ+
respondents indicated that they at least sometimes feel singled out in the classroom because of their gender or sexual identity.
Furthermore, it can be particularly advantageous for marginalized students to feel represented in academic environments in addition to university extracurriculars (Linley et al., 2016). Both Shea and Diane expressed that the presence of representative and relatable faculty and administration increases their comfort levels in the classroom and on campus.
Notwithstanding, in addition to seeing themselves at the front of the classroom, Shea and Diane
refer to all people who do not identify as both straight and cisgender. Due to its history, the term is still triggering for some LGBTQ+ people; as such, I only use it in my analysis when the subject uses the term to identify themselves. I also identify myself using this term.
also appreciate seeing their experiences in the actual coursework. Notably, Black students have expressed feeling more supported at Universities that have Black or African studies departments (Adams, 2005), and queer students have expressed feeling more comfortable at universities that have gender, sexuality, or queer studies departments (Blumendeld et al., 2016). While Black LGBTQ+ students can also benefit from the existence of these departments, the hyper-focus on one identity means that they cannot study the true, intersectional nature of their experiences. At the undergraduate level, there are few concentrations that focus on the intersections between race and sexuality. The University of Maryland is one of very few undergraduate institutions to offer a Black Women’s Studies minor, which highlights the intersections of race, gender, and
sexuality. Most other colleges only offer a course or two that focus on Black sexuality– if they offer any at all.
Additional literature suggests that even in well-resourced academic institutions,
marginalized students may not experience the full advantage of the resources available to them.
Sometimes, this is due to self-imposed exclusion. Other times, however, marginalized students do not have easy access to spaces that facilitate academic achievement (Allan et al., 1991).
Overwhelming discomfort may cause students to recoil in academic and social settings where they perceive their identities to be less accepted, as is the case for Shea. But historically and predominantly white social and/or academic institutions– like Greek life, for example– further exclude these students from accessing academic benefits such as test banks and alumni
resources. The average undergraduate GPA at Vanderbilt University is 3.496. This number climbs to 3.701 for members of predominantly white sororities and 3.522 for members of predominantly white fraternities (Vanderbilt University Office of Greek Life, 2020). On the contrary, the average GPA for both historically Black sororities and fraternities at Vanderbilt is
3.265, suggesting that these members do not share the same access to resources as white Greek life members (Vanderbilt University Office of Greek Life, 2020).
Though Shea feels that she cannot access certain resources as a marginalized student, she also admits that some of her academic struggles have little to do with her racial and sexual identities. Still, she believes her academic challenges are exacerbated by dismissive professors, saying:
“And [my academic struggles] may just have to do with who I am as a person and things that I struggle with, but I’ve noticed it more in classes that are taught by [white people].
I’ve struggled a lot academically, and I’ve struggled more in classes taught by men–
white men– well, it doesn’t even matter. Just men in general. In the classes where I’ve had women, they’ve been way more lenient and have had way more understanding in and out of the classroom.”
Although there is little existing literature on the specific roles of male professors compared to female professors on the wellbeing of marginalized students, there is evidence that Black students experience heightened race related stress at predominantly white institutions that contributes to lower academic performance– as is the case for Shea. A study in The Journal of College Student Achievement found that these stressors are higher for students like Shea who report higher levels of race consciousness (Johnson & Arbona, 2006). This study, along with the majority of studies that evaluate the relationship between race-related stressors and academic achievement, focus on racial insecurity as a predecessor to underperformance in the classroom.
They correlate low race-esteem with underperformance in the classroom. However, Shea is more than confident in her identities outside of the classroom and claims to have high race-esteem.
Despite her confidence in her identities, she admits that she experiences classroom anxiety, in part, because of them. At times, she blames herself for her less than ideal academic
circumstances– but she is introspective enough to recognize that her struggles are much larger than the average college student’s battles with procrastination or apathy.
Effects on Mental Health
Shea believes that her mental health affects her classroom performance and her classroom performance affects her mental health in a cyclic process. She does not believe that her identities directly lead to negative mental health outcomes, but she says that her experiences as a Black, queer woman contribute to heightened levels of anxiety, dissociation, and self-doubt. When speaking about the reciprocal relationship that she believes her mental health and classroom experiences have on one another, she stated the following:
“The reason I have to ask for extensions in the first place is because of mental health and learning differences. [...] Because I don’t want to be a burden or draw more attention to myself, I’m like, okay, let me not ask for the things I need when I need them, which literally makes my academic problems worse and makes my mental health worse. And when I do ask for these things, it’s still stressful. Either way, it’s stressful.”
Once again, her anecdotes are consistent with studies that have been conducted at universities across the United States. Not only do they highlight the interconnectedness of marginalized identities, mental health, and academic performance, but they also cast light on the factors that contribute to uncomfortable classroom environments for students with marginalized identities.
Although Diane sometimes feels as though she has to isolate herself when she goes through a “rough patch” of mental health issues, she stated that she usually tries to
compartmentalize her race-related stress and academic-related stress. For Diane, the pressure to perform well academically usually outweighs the anxiety and stress she often feels as a Black, queer woman. Even though she would prefer to see more Black, queer, and Black queer professors in her STEM classes, she tries “not to think too deeply about it so it doesn’t affect [her] grades.” Diane explained further, saying:
“It’s not having all non-Black professors or all cishet professors that bothers me the most.
To me, it’s most annoying when my white classmates avoid me when it’s time to pair up in Lab, or when they don’t trust me when I know the right answer. And I know why they do it– they’re not used to someone like me taking the lead. And even though it’s
annoying, I don’t have time to harp on it. At the end of the day, I have to focus on getting my degree.”
Diane and Shea represent two distinct coping strategies for Black, queer students who deal with discomfort in the classroom. While Shea dissociates, Diane compartmentalizes. These strategies can be effective in the short run, but in the long run, have negative implications for mental health (Ziegler-Hill & Showers, 2007). Diane also highlights the important point that student-professor race concordance is not always the most important attribute for minority students. In fact, Diane believes that white classmates are more comfortable disrespecting her in classrooms with non- Black professors. If this were not the case, she would not mind having non-Black professors.
Campus and Community Safety
As I evaluate campus climate and culture, I am curious about if Black LGBTQ+ students at Vanderbilt feel safe across campus in general or if feelings of comfort are reserved to certain safe spaces. In response to a question about her comfort level on campus, Shea responded that she is “lucky” that the explicitly Black and queer spaces on campus are not her only safe spaces.
She also responded that, generally, she does feel safe on campus. I initially interpreted her statement as an implication that she does not find the campus community outwardly hostile.
However, she continued to say the following:
“Because I am a Black woman, there is this undercurrent of, ‘this whole place is a white space’– [so] you have to find safe spaces where you can in general. I would consider myself to feel accepted in many places on campus, and not just the queer spaces, and I know that’s not true for a lot of other people.”
According to Elijah Anderson, Black Americans are required to navigate “the white space” as a part of their existence (2015). In his article “The White Space,” Anderson discusses the reality that the United States operates in an unofficial state of segregation, in which Black people must vigilantly adapt to white environments in order to assuage negative attention from whites (2015).
For Black people in the white space, there is never complete security. Black people are always aware when they “stick out” in white spaces. Shea experiences this phenomenon at Vanderbilt.
Additionally, Shea’s response here highlights the importance of hearing many
perspectives. She emphasizes that her experience as a Black, queer student is different than that of other Black, queer students. This response also maintains that students with intersecting identities often cannot credit their experiences to any singular identity. In a study from the Journal of College Student Retention: Research, Theory & Practice, authors Raphael Coleman
and colleagues center the unique situation of Black, LGBTQ+ students and the challenge of college retention (2020). Similarly, they note that for a person with these intersecting identities, the issues of Blackness cannot be separated from the issues of queerness and vice versa. They are always compounded by and framed by one another.
Even when Black students do not have direct, overt, or personal encounters with racism, their stress levels are still affected by the threat of it. Diane, who admits that she expected racism to be much more surface level when she moved from Chicago to Tennessee to attend Vanderbilt, says the following: “I’ve yet to experience a negative personal encounter with a white person.
Which I thought was gonna happen immediately freshman year. I was waiting for the racists to pop up.” Diane’s thought processes are an example of how minority students anticipate threats to their safety because of their identities. Though I did not ask if survey participants had
experienced racism at Vanderbilt, all of them responded that they had experienced race or ethnicity-related stress during their time at Vanderbilt. Anticipation of racist encounters is often used as a defense mechanism for students of color, but it contributes to harmful health outcomes caused by increased stress and anxiety (Johnson & Arbona, 2006). To add, Diane’s expectations have been met in some ways. She mentioned that she’s seen Confederate flags around campus and that hate symbols such as the Confederate flag can contribute to her own heightened levels of stress and anxiety. Despite these encounters, she stated that she has never felt “unsafe” on campus, and generally feels safe in the city of Nashville.
Coping Mechanisms and Protective Factors
A study from the Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology journal
hypothesized that political activism is used as a protective factor against discrimination for Black
and Latinx students on college campuses (Hope et al., 2018). This is true for some students at Vanderbilt; Shea expressed that she believes campus political culture is very moderate, but she wishes campus culture were more political. She does not desire a combative campus political culture, but she does want more open conversation. However, it should be noted that perception of campus political activism varies considerably between students. Furthermore, political activism is not a priority for every student. In contrast to Shea’s statements, Diane said the following: “From what I see, [campus] is political. We’ve seen protests, activism... It’s not super prevalent, but it’s also like…we’re in class all day. There’s only so much ‘activism’ you can do when you're a student. And a lot of people are still doing stuff.” To summarize the campus political environment, she stated, “I feel like it’s pretty politically active.”
Students’ social circles, course enrollment, and even social media presence can impact how they perceive the political activism on campus. Moreover, students’ internal expectations for what constitutes a “politically active” student body can also shape their satisfaction with or disappointment in the reality on campus. In my Survey for Vulnerable Populations, 17 out of 21 respondents agreed that Vanderbilt has a politically active campus and/or student body.
Furthermore, 11 out of 21 respondents agreed that they themselves are politically active students.
Campus Resources and Institutions
● Title IX
Throughout the literature review, Title IX was consistently one of the most controversial institutions. The public is generally unknowledgeable about Title IX language, procedures, and effects (Druckman, 2014), and this trend continued in my collection of primary data. Title IX
exists both as a federal policy and as an office at many universities. Title IX offices are typically responsible for reviewing instances related to Title IX procedures on college campuses. When asked about her experiences with Title IX, Diane responded: “I don't trust them at all. I don’t think much of the [student body] does either.” Diane elaborated that as a document, she had no issues with Title IX; she supports its goals of addressing and preventing gender-based
discrimination in schools. However, she has had interactions with Vanderbilt’s Title IX office that make her skeptical of their integrity and cause her to doubt their efficacy. Furthermore, in a free response question asking what changes the student would like to see from Vanderbilt administration, policies, and/or students in order to increase the support for sexual and racial minorities on campus, one respondent answered, “I had negative experiences with title nine and also Project Safe. I felt that they did not take my concern seriously and made me feel that I overreacted or made it up.” Another student simply responded that they hope to see“Title IX changes.” The answer is vague, but it adds to the data that suggests that Title IX is an unpopular institution across college and university campuses.
Title IX has historically been hostile towards both perpetrators and reporters of sexual assault. As a result, some people argue that jurisdiction for sexual assault cases should be removed from Title IX and transferred to local and state judicial systems. This argument is supported by the fact that in its origin, Title IX was not intended to reconcile cases of sexual violence on college campuses; however, recent expansions to the definition of “sexual
discrimination” to include unwanted sexual advances, including rape and sexual assault, granted Title IX judicial authority. Despite increased responsibility, most colleges and universities are not any more equipped to handle sexual harassment cases. The directive that schools must address sexual assault complaints “prompt[ly], thorough[ly], and impartial[ly]” results in many
cases being rushed without adequate investigation (Title IX of the Education Amendments Act of 1972, 2018). This has proven to be detrimental for both accusers and the accused. Still, many victims of sexual abuse– especially Black and/or queer victims– do not trust local and state judicial systems. These systems have also historically underserved victims, so there is hesitation to transfer jurisdiction of Title IX cases to criminal courts.
● VUPD
Relationships between marginalized communities and law enforcement have always been tense. Even for Black students who have not had personal negative encounters with institutions like the Vanderbilt University Police Department (VUPD), there is still a general discomfort with institutions who have historically harmed these marginalized groups. Interviewee Shea
complained that the Black Cultural Center (BCC) acted insensitively by unnecessarily bringing in a VUPD officer to the space every night, especially given the recent political climate. She also noted the tone-deafness of a recent event co-hosted by the BCC and VUPD to discuss policing at Vanderbilt, arguing that “no productive or honest dialogue would happen in a space like that.”
To Shea, this conversation should have been had amongst community members without police present. While Diane seems to have a relatively negative perception of police in general, she expresses relatively neutral opinions about VUPD. When asked about her interactions with the officers, she responded, “I hadn’t had any interactions with VUPD until this year. I don’t think any of them were negative. There’s one officer, Frank– he’s cool.” Once again, her experiences and thought processes demonstrate the variability that exists within groups of people who share nearly identical social identities.
● Student Health, the University Counseling Center, and other campus health services
Student Health, which operates as the on campus primary care center, received generally favorable reviews from interviewees and survey respondents. However, there is a theme that respondents thought of their experiences as the exception rather than the rule; many stated that they know everyone does not have positive experiences with student health. It is possible that higher rates of race and queer consciousness contribute to increased expectations of
discrimination, as was discussed in Johnson and Arbona’s study (2006). In a short answer response, a survey respondent stated that they “credit the individual staff members who have gone out of their way to help me as opposed to the general system of care.” Similarly, interviewee Shea believes that she has never had a negative interaction with student health because she avoids them– not because they are not harmful. Still, the majority of respondents said their experiences with student health had been helpful. These survey results continue to show that even when Black and queer students do not directly experience discrimination, many experience stress from the idea of possibly experiencing discrimination.
The interviewees had notably different experiences with the UCC. Shea, for example, stated that she would not describe the UCC as hurtful; but she would not describe it as helpful either. Although the Black counselor she spoke to was “super nice”, she argues that the UCC is far from a perfect system. “A lot of my [Black, queer] friends who struggle with mental illness don’t want to go the UCC, the place that they’re told to go to by Vanderbilt if they’re
experiencing issues, because they don’t think they’re going to be helped effectively.” Future research should determine if Black students, specifically, avoid campus mental health services because of the stigma associated with seeking mental health care that is common in Black communities. Shea was unclear about her feelings regarding the quality of the counseling
services, but she was adamant that the UCC is not always a comfortable space for Black, queer students.
In the case of the UCC, a lack of helpfulness is particularly detrimental to Black, queer students, who are often in higher need of professional mental health care. In Shea’s criticisms of the UCC, she spoke about people being guilted when they miss appointments, rude front desk workers, and a lack of Black counselors. She was frustrated about the discomfort she and other non-white students felt about speaking to white counselors about their grievances. She
summarized her experiences with campus institutions and resources in a few simple sentences:
“Vanderbilt outwardly presents [itself] as a liberal space and inclusive space. We have all these resources, but when you actually try to use [them] as a Black student, as a Black woman, or as a Black queer person, you notice it’s not as easy as you would hope. And that leads students to not want to not use those institutions and campus resources– which are the main thing keeping us safe.”
Unfortunately, her experience demonstrates that simply creating inclusive spaces and providing campus resources is not always enough to support marginalized students.
Diane cited generally positive experiences with the UCC. However, her junior year when she tried to get a therapist, UCC staff told her she needed “something specific” to work on– she was not allowed to “just start talking.” She then described that she stopped going because she felt like she lacked a reason to be there. Diane returned to the UCC in the fall of her senior year and claims that her experience is better because she knows what she needs and her new, Black therapist can relate to her. She also expressed gratitude that she can see a therapist without
having to pay, and shared that she has sessions on weekly or biweekly bases. She would recommend the UCC to other Black, queer students. Survey respondents cited mixed reviews regarding the UCC. While some students find the service useful, others complain that the UCC is understaffed, has long wait times, and until recently, lacked therapists of color. Their experiences demonstrate that even though resources may be present on college campuses, they are not always easily accessible or helpful.
● BCC, KCPC, and other campus social services
Vanderbilt’s campus has several social support services in addition to its health services.
The Black Cultural Center (BCC) and K.C. Potter Center (KCPC), which operates as the university’s Office of Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, Queer, and Intersex Life, are the most relevant to this study. Students use these resources to varying degrees. Both Shea and Diane expressed that they visit the BCC more often than the KCPC, and Diane says she has never utilized the KCPC. When asked why she does not use the KCPC, Diane responded with the following:
“I feel like it’s a lack of need. I don’t feel like I need support in that area. I don’t think it’s a lack of effort on their part. It’s not like I haven’t been over there. I see what they do.
But I’m not frequent. But I respect and like what they do. I would say the same for the Women’s Center. I just don’t think it’s a need.”
According to survey respondents, her perspective seems to be standard. Students generally have considerable respect for the KCPC regardless of if they take advantage of its services. Shea noted that the KCPC used to be too much of a “white space” for her to be comfortable, but has recently
improved to be more inclusive. Again, her experiences speak to Elijah Anderson’s discussion of how Black people are required to navigate white environments in order to take advantage American systems.
Many Black students take advantage of the BCC for the feeling of comfort that it provides. In the survey, it was the only resource that every respondent had used at least once.
The reasons people cited for going to the BCC include for friendship, culture, a study space, and to attend events. The only criticism that survey respondents offered about the BCC was that it recently shortened its hours because of unclear safety concerns, which makes it a less reliable resource. Interviewee Shea initially raved about the ways in which the BCC operated as a safe space for herself and for other Black queer students, but she later remarked that it is changing in a way that makes it less comfortable for her. She complained that in attempts to increase
“professionalism”, the BCC now limits its hours and feels more like a museum than a place where she can be comfortable. Given the COVID regulations of the 2020-2021 school year, the changes to the BCC have been harder to document. Further evaluation in future school years will be necessary to evaluate the effects of its recent changes.
● Student proposals, feasibility, and my recommendations
After the interviewees shared their experiences, I allowed them the opportunity to state their desired changes from University policies, administration, and/or students. Survey
respondents also had the option to indicate their recommendations at the end of the survey.
Notably, there was a wide range of responses. However, specific recommendations included:
expanding courses on LGBTQ+ culture and history, administration mandating students take a course in gender and sexuality studies, administration presenting an increased willingness to
listen to student concerns and recommendations, Title IX conducting more thorough investigations for incidents of sexual assault or discrimination, and financial aid providing financial assistance for graduate school entrance exams and interviews. Many of these
suggestions can be implemented with minor changes to current university procedures, but I chose to focus on several that could be best supported by current University resources. They are
outlined below:
1. The department of Gender and Sexuality Studies should create new courses and identify existing courses that cover LGBTQ+ culture and history. Other departments, including the departments of African American and Diaspora Studies; American Studies; Medicine, Health, and Society; and Political Science should collaborate to identify existing courses and create new courses that accentuate the LGBTQ+ influence in their respective fields or integrate relevant content into existing courses. Faculty should be trained on how to implement relevant material by professors who specialize in the content or by outside advisers, if necessary. Furthermore, the Department of Gender and Sexuality Studies and African American and Diaspora Studies should pursue the development of a cross- departmental concentration in Black queer studies. These courses should highlight Black queer history and culture and utilize an interdisciplinary lens to evaluate LGBTQ+
culture at large.
2. The University should require students to take at least one course in Gender and Sexuality Studies. Course requirements for Vanderbilt undergraduate students in the College of Arts and Science currently include at least three Humanities and Creative Arts courses, two Social and Behavioral Sciences courses, and three Math and Natural Science courses. One of these course requirements can be replaced by a Gender and Sexuality
Studies course without compromising the breadth and depth foundation of a Vanderbilt University Arts and Science degree.
3. Throughout the university’s history, Vanderbilt students have demonstrated their willingness to communicate their grievances with the administration via detailed
petitions, emails, and social media engagement. Students complain that administration’s responses are often brief, dismissive, or nonexistent. In order to thoroughly consider the needs of its students, and fairly evaluate the feasibility of student proposals, the
Vanderbilt administration should implement a permanent Student Feedback and
Grievances portal wherein students who are dissatisfied with an academic, administrative, or other University decision may seek review and resolution in a facilitated process. The goal of this portal is to ensure that every student is heard by the proper administrative office and to hold administrators accountable for their effects on the Vanderbilt community.
4. Vanderbilt University should create a Sexual Abuse Response Council that functions similarly to the current Undergraduate Honor Council. The Sexual Abuse Response Council would include Title IX staff along with a panel of students that helps to enforce the University’s sexual misconduct policy. These students would hear trials for accused students and determine the punishment based on the severity of the abuse. Many students have complained that Title IX alone does not take their complaints seriously; a team of students dedicated to upholding the standards of sexual conduct could produce greater efficacy and integrity in the system. The student panel would also mediate the effects of high-status students (such as athletes or wealthy students) receiving lighter punishment from school authorities and criminal justice systems. Like members of the Honor
Council, members of the Sexual Abuse Response Council would be sworn to
confidentiality. Still, given that some victims may not want other students to know about their sexual experiences or traumas, they should have the option to elect out of the student panel. The Sexual Abuse Response Council should only function to make sexual abuse victims more comfortable.
5. The University should evaluate institutional and structural support systems through an intersectional lens. Currently, most university support services only cater to one identity.
The Black Cultural Center caters to race-based needs, the K.C. Potter Center caters to sexuality-based needs, and the Women’s Center caters to gender-based needs, for example. Few services, however, are equipped to serve these identities concurrently.
Staff and students should be trained on how to support students with intersectional needs.
An intersectional lens will allow the University to determine if the needs of Black queer students– and other students with intersectional identities– are being met. Furthermore, the University should enlist organizations that specialize in training, teaching, and implementing intersectionality to conduct these evaluations, so they are completed thoroughly and acc
