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The de-existence of Islamic political parties in general elections: A case study of Indonesia as a Muslim-majority country
Henky Fernando, Yuniar Galuh Larasati, Irwan Abdullah, Hasse Jubba, Abdul Mugni & Pratama D. Persadha
To cite this article: Henky Fernando, Yuniar Galuh Larasati, Irwan Abdullah, Hasse Jubba, Abdul Mugni & Pratama D. Persadha (2023) The de-existence of Islamic political parties in general elections: A case study of Indonesia as a Muslim-majority country, Cogent Social Sciences, 9:1, 2225838, DOI: 10.1080/23311886.2023.2225838
To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/23311886.2023.2225838
© 2023 The Author(s). Published by Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group.
Published online: 25 Jun 2023.
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POLITICS | RESEARCH ARTICLE
The de-existence of Islamic political parties in general elections: A case study of Indonesia as a Muslim-majority country
Henky Fernando1*, Yuniar Galuh Larasati1, Irwan Abdullah1, Hasse Jubba2, Abdul Mugni3 and Pratama D. Persadha4
Abstract: The de-existence of Islamic political parties also occurs in Indonesia, a country with a Muslim-majority population. Existing studies focusing on this context primarily examine the regeneration and ideology of Islamic political parties, thereby lacking a comprehensive exploration of their de-existence. This study aims to address the question, “How does de-existence manifest in Islamic political parties during general elections in Indonesia, as a predominantly Muslim country?”
To answer this question, a descriptive qualitative approach is employed to examine the form, participation, and electability levels of Islamic political parties based on the outcomes of the previous three general election periods in Indonesia. The findings reveal that Islamic political parties have consistently been perceived as unpopular, with very low voter participation and candidate electability in the three general election periods. This context suggests the de-existence of Islamic political parties during these general election cycles. The study also underscores the
ABOUT THE AUTHOR
The authors of this paper are affiliated with the IA Scholar Foundation (IASF), an organization that has dedicated the past five years to con- ducting research on social formation and trans- formation in various local and global contexts.
Led by Prof. Irwan Abdullah, IASF has conducted extensive case studies in diverse regions of Indonesia, including Sumatra, Java, Sulawesi, Borneo, and Papua. This collaborative paper, focusing on political formation and transforma- tion in Indonesia, combines the perspectives of anthropology and religious studies. The authors involved in this research include Henky Fernando, Yuniar Galuh Larasati, and Irwan Abdullah from the Department of Anthropology, Universitas Gadjah Mada; Hasse Jubba from the Department of Islamic Politics, Muhammadiyah University of Yogyakarta; Abdul Mugni from the State Institute of Islamic Studies of
Lhokseumawe, Aceh; and Pratama D. Persadha from the Communication and Information System Security Research Center, Jakarta.
PUBLIC INTEREST STATEMENT
In Indonesia, as a Muslim-majority country, Islamic political parties experience de-existence.
This study aims to elucidate the de-existence process and reveals that it manifested during the country’s previous three consecutive general election periods: 2009, 2014, and 2019. Islamic political parties faced challenges in gaining sup- port from Muslims due to their perceived closed- mindedness and excessive zeal in preserving reli- gious identity. In contrast, the majority Muslim community in Indonesia has displayed openness and adopted a more rational approach in select- ing political parties. These findings underscore the importance of future research that examines the motivations and perceptions of voters within the majority religious group who actively engage in the general election process. Such investigations should explore how these voters perceive the presence of political parties that align with the majority religious group’s identity base, while also possessing an image and ideological framework that resonates with their preferences.
© 2023 The Author(s). Published by Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group.
This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/), which permits unrestricted use, distribu- tion, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. The terms on which this article has been published allow the posting of the Accepted Manuscript in a repository by the author(s) or with their consent.
Received: 26 April 2023 Accepted: 12 June 2023
*Corresponding author: Henky Fernando, Faculty of Cultural Science, Universitas Gadjah Mada, Yogyakarta 55281, Indonesia
E-mail: [email protected] Reviewing editor:
Angel Luis Torres Toukoumidis, Department of Communication, Salesian Polytechnic University:
Universidad Politecnica Salesiana, Ecuador
Additional information is available at the end of the article
importance of delving into the motivations and perceptions of Islamic voters, as these factors have a substantial impact on their engagement in the selection of political parties. This exploration aims to acquire a comprehensive understanding of the viability and prospects of Islamic political parties in forthcoming general elec- tions within Indonesia, a nation predominantly characterized by its Muslim population.
Subjects: Political Communication; Politics & the Media; Sociology & Social Policy Keywords: De-existence; Islamic political parties; general elections; Muslim-majority country
1. Introduction
The de-existence of Islamic political parties is also observed in Indonesia, a country with a Muslim- majority population. This can be seen through the dominance of non-Islamic political parties over Islamic political parties in general elections during three consecutive periods. In 2009, the Democratic Party (Partai Demokrat) emerged as the most prominent party with a total of 20.85% of the votes (Shidik, 2009). In 2014, the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (Partai Demokrasi Indonesia Perjuangan or PDIP) took the lead with a total of 18.95% of the votes (Qodir, 2014). In 2019, PDIP once again became the most prominent party with a total of 19.33% of the votes (Farisa, 2009). On the other hand, the most prominent Islamic political parties during the same three periods were the United Development Party (Partai Persatuan Pembangunan, or PPP) with a total of 5.32% of the votes in 2009 (Sidik, 2009), the Prosperous Justice Party (Partai Keadilan Sejahtera, or PKS) with a total of 6.79% of the votes in 2014 (Qodir, 2014), and the National Awakening Party (Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa or PKB) with a total of 9.69% of the votes in 2019 (Farisa, 2019). These findings indicate the de-existence of Islamic political parties in the three previous general election periods in Indonesia. Therefore, as suggested by Hadiz and Robison (2017), the de-existence of Islamic political parties in a Muslim- majority country is a fascinating phenomenon that warrants further explanation and reflection.
To date, scholarly investigations on the phenomenon of Islamic political parties in the realm of political contestation have primarily focused on three key areas. Firstly, there is a body of research that delves into the presence of Islamic political parties within the context of political contestation (Haris et al., 2020; Isa; Harahap, 2019; Rasyid et al., 2020). Secondly, there are studies that examine the regeneration process of Islamic political parties within the framework of democratic systems (Barton et al., 2021; Fossati, 2019; Hadiz, 2018). Lastly, there is a substantial body of literature that centers on the strategic approaches employed by Islamic political parties to achieve success in political contestation (Barton et al., 2021; Pepinsky, 2019; Rustow, 2019). As a result, the existing scholarship predominantly emphasizes the three aforementioned areas, namely the pre- sence, regeneration, and strategic maneuvers of Islamic political parties in the context of winning political contests. However, discussions surrounding the de-existence of Islamic political parties in predominantly Muslim countries have often been overlooked in previous research endeavors.
Nonetheless, it is crucial to acknowledge that investigating the de-existence of Islamic political parties in predominantly Muslim countries presents an intriguing avenue that merits further exploration and contemplation (Hadiz & Robison, 2017).
The de-existence of Islamic political parties in predominantly Muslim nations is a multifaceted and context-dependent phenomenon that necessitates further investigation (Putra & Lubis, 2019).
This observation is consistent with Hadiz’s (2018) argument that the de-existence of political parties is a pivotal and captivating subject that warrants exploration in order to reflect on its manifestations, influencing factors, and consequences for the viability and prospects of Islamic political parties in achieving success in political contests. However, existing research on the presence of Islamic political parties in predominantly Muslim countries has not been conducted comprehensively, particularly with regard to the de-existence of such parties in Indonesia as
a predominantly Muslim nation. Given the lack of discourse on the de-existence of Islamic political parties in Indonesia as a predominantly Muslim country, this study not only addresses the gaps in previous scholarship but also elucidates the various forms, factors, and implications associated with the de-existence of Islamic political parties in Indonesia. The aim is to critically examine the viability and prospects of Islamic political parties in attaining success in political contests during general elections, thereby addressing the limitations of prior investigations.
The prevalence of non-Islamic political parties during the past three general election cycles serves as evidence of the diminished presence of Islamic political parties in Indonesia, a nation characterized by its Muslim-majority population. Consequently, the de-existence of Islamic poli- tical parties in Indonesia, as a predominantly Muslim country, emerges as an intriguing subject warranting further investigation. This research aims to elucidate and contemplate this phenom- enon through the examination of three primary inquiries. Firstly, it seeks to ascertain the extent of Islamic political parties’ presence in the preceding three general election periods in Indonesia.
Secondly, it endeavors to analyze the level of voter engagement in selecting Islamic political parties during the aforementioned election cycles. Lastly, it aims to evaluate the electability of leaders endorsed by Islamic political parties throughout the same electoral periods.
Complementing these inquiries, the study is underpinned by the contention that the de- existence of Islamic political parties in Indonesia, as a predominantly Muslim country, can be discerned through their limited presence and lack of active participation from voters.
Consequently, the prospects for Islamic political parties to secure victory in general elections within Indonesia, a nation where Muslims constitute the majority, appear considerably diminished.
2. Literature review
2.1. General elections in Indonesia
Besides being an essential process in shaping leadership figures, general elections assume a significant role in determining the continued presence of political parties within specific time- frames (Sloman, 2020). As a politically intriguing system, general elections captivate public attention by serving as a means to evaluate the quality and capabilities of leaders endorsed by political parties (Al Mas’udah, 2020). Throughout history, Indonesia has conducted general elections on 11 occa- sions, featuring the participation of 20 political parties (Vaccari & Valeriani, 2015). Nur Wardhani (2018) further asserts that general elections in Indonesia adhere to several vital principles, including direct, universal, free, secret, fair, and honest voting (Azed, 2017). These elections, held every five years (Noviawati, 2019), aim to select both executive and legislative members. In a general election, a candidate supported by a political party can secure victory if they amass over 50% of the total votes cast by participating citizens. In the Indonesian context, voter engagement in general elec- tions is primarily influenced by the voting preferences of the majority Muslim population (Fanani, 2013). Hence, the numerical strength of Muslim voters can substantially shape the ultimate outcome of the general election process in Indonesia, a Muslim-majority country.
Wewo et al. (2018) notes that general elections in Indonesia are conducted by three organizing institutions: the General Election Commission (Komisi Pemilihan Umum, or KPU), the Election Supervisory Agency (Badan Pengawas Pemilihan Umum, or Bawaslu), and the Electoral Organizer Ethics Council (Dewan Etik Penyeleggara Pemilihan Umum), with a strong emphasis on implement- ing Law No. 8 of 2015 (Nugroho & Asmorojati, 2019). General elections serve as a crucial indicator of a country’s democratic governance. In a democratic society, general elections not only function to rotate leadership positions but also serve as a foundational step in the pursuit of structural transformation and evaluation (Maninggesa, 2022). According to Triana et al. (2023), apart from determining the legitimacy of power, general elections also serve as a means to select candidates of political leadership based on their quality. Therefore, Fadillah et al. (2019) also assert that general elections provide an open space that does not limit aspirations, making them a platform for the public to determine leaders who can accommodate communal interests in a progressively positive direction.
2.2. Political parties in Indonesia
Political parties play a crucial role in recommending and endorsing leadership candidates in political contests within democratic countries like Indonesia (Kodiyat et al., 2020). In Indonesia, political parties encompass several ideological foundations based on national values and spiritual values (Ubaidillah & Asy’ari, 2021). Nationalist-oriented political parties exhibit centralized ideas and identities aimed at realizing national interests (Bourchier, 2019). On the other hand, political parties rooted in spiritual values are characterized by ideas guided by religious principles (Barton et al., 2021). Therefore, in order to succeed in political contests, the chosen ideological basis of a political party becomes a crucial context for garnering the sympathy of the majority of voters (Leininger & Meijers, 2021). Tanjung (2019) also states that some political parties adopt the majority ideology as their party identity to attract the sympathy of the majority of voters.
However, this context does not always guarantee a positive response from the majority of the population towards the presence of political parties.
The response of the majority Muslim population to the presence of Islamic political parties in political contests is not always favorable. This lack of support is often attributed to negative perceptions surrounding the implementation of Islam as party ideology (Arenggoasih, 2018). The application of certain systems in the selection process of leadership candidates endorsed by Islamic political parties within a democratic framework is frequently viewed as undemocratic by the majority Muslim community (Harahap, 2019). Consequently, Islamic political parties are some- times labeled as anti-democratic during general elections (García-Rivero & Kotzé, 2007). According to García-Rivero and Kotzé (2007), this contextual factor significantly contributes to the rejection of candidates chosen and endorsed by Islamic political parties, resulting in a lack of positive response from the majority Muslim community in political contests. Therefore, Islamic political parties often employ various strategies to regain trust and foster a more inclusive and accommodating envir- onment within a diverse society (Umam & Junaidi, 2017), aiming to elicit a positive response, particularly from the majority Muslim population (Hajjaj, 2022).
2.3. De-existence
De-existence refers to the condition where an individual or a group remains relatively unknown and unacknowledged by the general public. Kettler (2022) explains that de-existence signifies a presence that is disregarded and lacks influence in its surrounding environment, prompting efforts and strategies to gain recognition. Consequently, de-existence is closely intertwined with issues of status, distribution, and benefits, which determine the level of influence wielded by individuals or groups within a society (Williams & Ishiyama, 2022). Within this context, influential parties possess the capability to suppress matters and manipulate decision-making processes in order to secure strategically important positions in a competition (Williams & Ishiyama, 2022).
Essentially, de-existence represents a transformative state wherein a group lacks power and fails to flourish within a contest (van Raalte et al., 2021). Moltmann (2020) posits that de-existence not only signifies a distinction in terms of presence but also in terms of power. Consequently, de- existence can give rise to debates and conflicts due to the mismatch between expectations and reality within a society (Niranjana et al., 2021).
De-existence is a response associated with uncertainty (Vlcek, 2020). In line with this, de- existence is interpreted within two distinct contexts (Anderson et al., 2020; Ormerod, 2021).
First, de-existence is understood as uncertainty stemming from massive shifts in political dynamics. Second, de-existence is seen as the lack of awareness regarding the impact an indivi- dual or group has in their environment. In other words, de-existence refers to a disposition to respond to the presence and interest of individuals or groups within a community (Zagidullin et al., 2021). In the political context, de-existence is influenced by ideology, technological disparities, and power polarization (Koiranen et al., 2020). Additionally, de-existence is influenced by issues of generational renewal and strategic concerns in political contests (Olanrewaju, 2015). Regeneration and participation determine the existence or de-existence of a political party in general elections
(Mas’ad, 2021). According to Fanani (2013), the weak regeneration of parties becomes a problem that leads to distrust or the de-existence of a political party.
3. Method
This study investigates the issue of de-existence of Islamic political parties in Indonesia, a Muslim- majority country, in light of the upcoming general elections in 2024. Its main objective is to provide a descriptive and reflective analysis of the de-existence phenomenon based on media coverage of three previous general elections held in 2009, 2014, and 2019. These online media reports serve as sources to evaluate the viability and prospects of Islamic political parties in the upcoming 2024 general elections. The study is guided by three key considerations. Firstly, the de-existence of Islamic political parties during general elections in a Muslim-majority country is a significant and under- studied issue that merits comprehensive examination. Secondly, the de-existence of Islamic political parties in such countries embodies complex characteristics that warrant thorough analysis, espe- cially in uncovering the underlying reasons for the failure of these parties. Lastly, the de-existence of Islamic political parties represents a contextual phenomenon of substantial importance, necessitat- ing careful reflection and examination. These three considerations form the foundation of this study, focusing on providing a descriptive and reflective analysis of the de-existence of Islamic political parties in the general elections of Indonesia, a Muslim-majority country.
This qualitative descriptive study relies on both primary and secondary data sources. The primary data consists of quotations extracted from online news articles obtained through an in-depth reading process of 1,500 online, Indonesian-language news articles using the search keywords
“eksistensi partai politik Islam dalam pemilihan umum di Indonesia tahun 2009, 2014, dan 2019”
(“presence of Islamic political parties in Indonesian general elections in 2009, 2014, and 2019”) on the Google search engine. The search and reading process of online news articles was conducted from 1 December 2022, to 3 January 2023. Three of the authors conducted a rapid selection and reading process focusing on the headlines of the news articles. From this reading process, a total of 498 online news articles were found that discussed the low existence of Islamic political parties in general elections, 503 online news articles discussed the low participation of voters in selecting Islamic political parties in general elections, and 499 online news articles discussed the dominance of non-Islamic political parties in winning general election results during the three periods of 2009, 2014, and 2019. The secondary data for this study was obtained through reading books, relevant websites, and journal articles that address the focus of this study.
The data analysis in this study follows a process previously conducted by Fernando et al. (2023) and focuses on three stages. Firstly, the stage involves organizing the data in a systematic manner based on the classification of the obtained data, considering its form, factors, and implications of data trends.
Secondly, thematic data summarization is carried out by categorizing the classified data to be presented as results. Thirdly, the stage involves describing the obtained data, which is presented in tabular form based on quotations from the verified online news articles that are relevant to the discussion. These three processes are followed by an inductive analysis of the data, which serves as the basis for interpreting the collected data. The interpretation is conducted by restating and reflecting on the data in accordance with the ideas, patterns, and conditions described in the online news articles. By employing these analytical processes and stages, it becomes possible to draw conclusions regarding the forms, factors, and implications of the de-existence of Islamic political parties in the general elections of Indonesia as a Muslim-majority country.
4. Results
The de-existence of Islamic political parties in Indonesia, a Muslim-majority country, is an intri- guing phenomenon that merits exploration and reflection. This de-existence has been observed across three recent general election periods in Indonesia, namely in 2009, 2014, and 2019. This can be discerned through the following three findings and subsequent discussions.
4.1. Limited presence of Islamic political parties
The diminished presence of Islamic political parties during the three most recent general election cycles in Indonesia is apparent in their comparatively lower vote percentages when compared to non-Islamic political parties. Reuter (2015) argues that the limited presence of Islamic political parties can be gauged by their ranking in terms of electoral performance in previous general elections. This context is visually depicted in Table 1 presented below.
Table 1 displays the rankings of political parties during three consecutive general election periods held in Indonesia in 2009, 2014, and 2019. From the presentation of the table, three patterns can be observed. Firstly, non-Islamic parties consistently occupy the top and dominant positions in the three general election periods in Indonesia. The dominance of non-Islamic parties across these periods is evident through the consistency of their electoral performance. This context is illustrated in Table 1, where in the 2009 general election, the Democratic Party (Partai Demokrat) emerged as the most popular non-Islamic party, securing the first rank with a vote percentage of 20.88%, while the United Development Party (Partai Persatuan Pembangunan or PPP), as the prominent Islamic political party, only attained the sixth position with a vote percentage of 5.32% (Sidik, 2009).
As the second notable pattern, it is evident that Islamic political parties in Indonesia have consistently failed to achieve top-tier rankings in the three previous general election periods. The limited presence of these parties can be observed by examining their rankings. Table 1 reveals that, throughout these election cycles, the highest position attained by an Islamic political party was sixth place, as seen with the PPP in 2009. In the 2014 period, the Prosperous Justice Party (Partai Keadilan Sejahtera or PKS) occupied the seventh rank, signifying the highest position achieved by an Islamic political party (Qodir, 2014). Similarly, in the 2019 period, the National Awakening Party (Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa or PKB) secured the fifth rank, representing the highest position among Islamic political parties (Farisa, 2019).
As the third pattern, the low level of popularity of Islamic political parties in the three previous general election periods in Indonesia is evident from the fact that the highest vote share obtained Table 1. Top rankings of Islamic and non-Islamic political parties in Indonesia’s previous three general election periods
Top Positions
Non- Islamic Parties
Years Sources Top
Positions
Islamic Parties
Years Sources
1st place (20.85%)
Demokrat 2009 (Shidik,
2009)
6th place (5.32%)
PPP 2009 (Shidik,
2009) 2nd place
(14.45%)
Golkar 2009 (Shidik,
2009)
7th place (4.94%)
PKB 2009 (Shidik,
2009) 3rd place
(14.03%)
PDIP 2009 (Shidik,
2009)
12th place (1.47%)
PKNU 2009 (Shidik,
2009) 1st place
(18.95%)
PDIP 2014 (Qodir,
2014)
7th place (6.79%)
PKS 2014 (Qodir,
2014) 2nd place
(14.25%)
Golkar 2014 (Qodir,
2014)
9th place (6.53%)
PPP 2014 (Qodir,
2014) 3rd place
(11.81%)
Gerindra 2014 (Qodir,
2014)
11th place (1.46%)
PBB 2014 (Qodir,
2014) 1st place
(19.33%)
PDIP 2019 (Farisa,
2022)
5th place (9,69%)
PKB 2019 (Farisa,
2019) 2nd place
(12.31%)
Golkar 2019 (Farisa,
2019)
9th place (4.52%)
PPP 2019 (Farisa,
2019) 3rd place
(12.57%)
Gerindra 2019 (Farisa,
2019)
13th place (0.79%)
PBB 2019 (Farisa,
2019) Source: Online news articles retrieved via Google search engine.
by an Islamic political party never exceeded 10% of the total number of voters. Table 1 illustrates how, in the three previous election periods, the highest percentage of total votes garnered by an Islamic political party came close to 10% of the total votes cast, with PKB obtaining a total vote share of 9.69% in 2019.
The limited presence of Islamic political parties in Indonesia’s three past general election periods highlights their diminished existence in a predominantly Muslim nation. This observation is supported by the three discernible patterns evident in the data presented in Table 1, which underscores the reduced prominence of Islamic political parties throughout these electoral cycles.
The underrepresentation of such parties in a Muslim-majority country not only signifies a decline in their viability but also provides insights into their prospects in forthcoming electoral competitions.
4.2. Limited voter support for Islamic political parties
The level of voter participation in the three recent general election periods in Indonesia indicates a lack of enthusiasm for choosing Islamic political parties. Minozzi and Woon (2023) argue that the relatively low vote shares received by Islamic political parties can be attributed to the level of voter engagement in selecting political parties during the electoral process. Table 2 provides a visual representation of this context.
Table 2 provides an overview of voter participation in the three preceding general election periods held in Indonesia. Within these electoral cycles, three discernible patterns emerge regard- ing the level of support for Islamic political parties among voters. Firstly, there is a consistent lack of significant voter endorsement for Islamic political parties throughout these periods. This is exemplified by the fact that in the 2019 general election, PDIP, a nationalist-oriented party, received the highest number of votes, totaling 27,503,961, while PKB, the leading Islamic party in the same year, only managed to secure 13,570,970 votes (Farisa, 2019).
The second observed pattern highlights that the limited support from voters towards Islamic political parties during the three aforementioned election periods hindered their inclusion in the top three parties based on the highest number of total voters. This trend is clearly demonstrated in
Table 2. Voter participation in three previous general election periods in Indonesia No. of
Votes
Non- Islamic Parties
Years Sources No. of
Votes
Islamic Parties
Years Sources
21,703,137 Demokrat 2009 (Shidik,
2009)
5,533,214 PPP 2009 (Shidik,
2009)
15,037,757 Golkar 2009 (Shidik,
2009)
5,146,122 PKB 2009 (Shidik,
2009)
14,600,091 PDIP 2009 (Shidik,
2009)
1,527,593 PKNU 2009 (Shidik,
2009)
23,681,471 PDIP 2014 (Qodir,
2014)
8,480,204 PKS 2014 (Qodir,
2014)
18,432,312 Golkar 2014 (Qodir,
2014)
8,157,488 PPP 2014 (Qodir,
2014)
14,760,371 Gerindra 2014 (Qodir,
2014)
1,825,750 PBB 2014 (Qodir,
2014)
27,503,961 PDIP 2019 (Farisa,
2019)
13,570,970 PKB 2019 (Farisa,
2019)
17,596,839 Golkar 2019 (Farisa,
2019)
6,323,147 PPP 2019 (Farisa,
2019)
17,596,839 Gerindra 2019 (Farisa,
2019)
1,990,848 PBB 2019 (Farisa,
2019) Source: Online news articles retrieved via Google search engine.
Table 2, where it can be seen that in the three previous general election periods in Indonesia, the PPP emerged as the Islamic political party with the highest number of voters in 2009, with a total of only 5,533,214 voters (Shidik, 2009). In 2014, the PKS obtained the highest number of voters among Islamic political parties, reaching only 8,480,204 (Qodir, 2014. Similarly, in 2019, the PKB garnered the highest number of voters among Islamic political parties, totaling only 13,570,970 (Farisa, 2019).
The third pattern indicates that the votes received by any Islamic political party in the three preceding general election periods in Indonesia did not surpass 14 million, taking into account the total electorate in the country. The limited level of voter participation in choosing Islamic political parties becomes evident when examining the cumulative number of voters who favored such parties in the general elections in Indonesia. This context is illustrated by the data presented in Table 2, where PKB emerged as the Islamic political party with the highest number of supporters, attracting approximately 13,570,970 voters in 2019 (Farisa, 2019).
The limited involvement of voters in selecting Islamic political parties during the three preceding general election periods in Indonesia plays a significant role in the de-existence of these parties in the country, despite its Muslim-majority status. This context is evident through three distinct patterns identified in Table 2, which demonstrate the restricted level of voter engagement in choosing Islamic political parties across these election cycles in Indonesia. The reduced voter participation in selecting Islamic political parties in Indonesia, being a nation with a Muslim- majority population, not only signifies the de-existence phenomenon but also exerts a dominant influence on the occurrence of de-existence within Islamic political parties.
4.2. Dominance of candidates endorsed by non-Islamic political parties
The dominance of non-Islamic political parties is apparent in the composition of elected leaders or representatives during the three previous general election periods in Indonesia. Candidates backed by non-Islamic political parties held a significant majority of these leadership positions. According to Tomsa (2018), this dominance can be observed by analyzing the levels of support received by candidates endorsed by political parties in the general elections. Table 3 provides a visual repre- sentation of this context.
Table 3 presents an overview of the candidates elected during the three previous general election periods held in Indonesia in 2009, 2014, and 2019. Additionally, the table reveals three discernible patterns regarding the elected candidates in these election cycles. The first pattern highlights a notable prevalence of candidates endorsed by non-Islamic political parties in the general elections. Throughout these election periods in Indonesia, candidates supported by non- Islamic political parties displayed a significant likelihood of achieving success in the political competition. This context is exemplified in Table 3, where nationalist-oriented parties such as Partai Demokrat secured 150 seats in the House of Representatives of the Republic of Indonesia (DPR RI) during the 2009 general election, while Islamic political parties like PKS only obtained 57 seats in the DPR RI in the same election (Viva.co.id, 2009).
The second pattern reveals that the representation of legislative members in DPR RI from Islamic political parties during the three previous general election periods in Indonesia never exceeded a combined total of 60 seats. As a result, throughout these three election cycles, the number of DPR RI members elected from Islamic political parties remained below the seats won by non-Islamic parties. This context is clearly illustrated in Table 3, where PKB secured only 58 seats in DPR RI in 2019, whereas PDIP obtained 128 seats in the same year (Farisa & Wibowo, 2019).
In the third pattern, the majority of elected executive leaders in the three preceding general election periods in Indonesia belonged to non-Islamic political parties. Non-Islamic political parties witnessed considerable success in electing governors throughout these election cycles in Indonesia. This context is clearly reflected in Table 3, where, for instance, candidates affiliated
Table 3. Elected candidates in previous three general election periods in Indonesia Elected CandidatesNon-Islamic PartiesYearsSourcesElected CandidatesIslamic PartiesYearsSources 150 seats in DPR RIDemokrat2009(Viva.co.id, 2009)57 seats in DPR RIPKS2009(Viva.co.id, 2009) 107 seats in DPR RIGolkar2009(Viva.co.id, 2009)27 seats in DPR RIPKB2009(Viva.co.id, 2009) 23 seats in DPRDPDIP2009(News, 2009)7 seats in DPRDPPP2009(News, 2009) 109 seats in DPR RIPDIP2014(Bata, 0000)40 seats in DPR RIPKS2014(Bata, 2014) 19 seats in DPRDPDIP2014(News, 2014)12 seats in DPRDPKS2014(News, 2014) 3 governorsPDIP2014(Kuwado, 2014)1 vice governorPKS2014(PKS.id, 2014) 128 seats in DPR RIPDIP2019(Farisa, 2019)58 seats in DPR RIPKB2019(Farisa & Wibowo, 2019) 42 seats in DPRDPDIP2019(Purbaya, 2019)20 seats in DPRDPKB2019(Purbaya, 2019) 3 governorsGolkar2019(Salabi, 2021)1 vice governorPPP2019(Salabi, 2021) Source: Online news articles retrieved via Google search engine.
with the Party of Functional Groups (Partai Golongan Karya or Partai Golkar) emerged victorious in three gubernatorial races during the 2019 general election, while PPP managed to secure only one vice-gubernatorial position in the same election period (Salabi, 2021).
The predominance of non-Islamic political parties in electing leaders during the three previous general election periods in Indonesia, both at the legislative and executive levels, signifies the occurrence of de-existence within Islamic political parties in the country. This context is reflected in three discernible patterns observed in Table 3, which indicate the low electability of leaders endorsed by Islamic political parties throughout these election cycles in Indonesia. The diminished level of leadership representation by Islamic political parties not only signifies the occurrence of de-existence but also serves as a reference to the viability and prospects of Islamic political parties in future election periods.
5. Discussion
The de-existence of Islamic political parties in Indonesia, a country with a predominantly Muslim population, can be discerned based on three significant findings uncovered in this study. Firstly, Islamic political parties have consistently attained lower rankings compared to non-Islamic poli- tical parties in the three preceding general election cycles in Indonesia. Secondly, the majority of votes during these elections were garnered by non-Islamic political parties rather than their Islamic counterparts. Thirdly, the elected representatives during these election periods predomi- nantly hailed from non-Islamic political parties rather than candidates endorsed by Islamic political parties. These findings collectively suggest the de-existence of Islamic political parties in Indonesia, primarily attributable to their limited engagement with voters and the low electability of the leaders they endorse. Consequently, this context not only signifies a form of de-existence of Islamic political parties but also sheds light on their prospects and viability in the upcoming 2024 elections.
The findings of this study support Kettler’s (2022) proposition that the de-existence of political parties stems from their inability to effectively manifest ideologies that resonate with voters and shape their perceptions. Similarly, Niranjana et al. (2021) argue that the ideological foundation of a party significantly contributes to its existence, as evidenced by the case of Islamic political parties in Indonesia’s past general elections. The ideological framework presented by political parties during the electoral contest emerges as a crucial determinant of their survival (Umam &
Junaidi, 2017). Nevertheless, merely aligning with the dominant ideology of constituents does not ensure success for political parties, as demonstrated by the presence of Islamic political parties in Indonesia, a predominantly Muslim country.
The de-existence of Islamic political parties in Indonesia, despite its predominantly Muslim population, underscores the significance of comprehensive knowledge within these parties to strategically position their ideological basis and garner support from constituents in order to succeed in future general elections. Koiranen et al. (2020) suggest that the dissemination of party ideologies plays a pivotal role in influencing voter perceptions and participation in the electoral process. Additionally, Mas’ad (2021) argues that the rigid dissemination and application of ideology have impacted the level of trust in society when selecting political parties, making effective ideological dissemination strategies crucial for Islamic political parties to thrive in future political contests. In other words, the prevalent and inflexible dissemination of ideological politics can lead to the de-existence of Islamic political parties in predominantly Muslim countries.
Nonetheless, Indonesia, as a predominantly Muslim country, still holds potential for Islamic political parties to achieve victories in general elections.
The findings of this study present a departure from prior research that primarily focused on the ideology and regeneration processes of Islamic political parties, placing significant emphasis on their existence (Barton et al., 2021). However, this study reveals the de-existence of Islamic political parties in the three preceding general election periods in Indonesia, shedding light on
the impact of conservative propagation and implementation of ideologies by political parties throughout the electoral process (Tanuwidjaja, 2010). Additionally, Olanrewaju (2015) argues that the de-existence of Islamic political parties in predominantly Muslim countries like Indonesia is also influenced by conservative regeneration processes, which contribute to the perception that the endorsed candidates fail to meet public expectations for progressive leader- ship. These factors collectively account for the de-existence of Islamic political parties in Indonesia during the three previous general election periods.
The de-existence of Islamic political parties in Indonesia throughout the three preceding general election periods, despite being a predominantly Muslim country, presents a multifaceted and context-dependent phenomenon. Consequently, it becomes imperative for Islamic political parties to engage in evaluation and introspection to gain a comprehensive understanding of the ideolo- gical and sociological needs of voters, thereby enhancing their prospects of triumph in future political contests. According to Kurzman and Türkoğlu (2015), such evaluation and introspection are crucial for political parties to assess their potential for success in forthcoming general elec- tions. In essence, without undertaking thorough sociological evaluation, Islamic political parties significantly diminish their likelihood of securing victories in future general elections. Therefore, in addition to conducting systematic evaluations, ideological reflection assumes a pivotal role in determining the existence or non-existence of Islamic political parties in predominantly Muslim countries like Indonesia, ultimately influencing their capacity to thrive in political contests.
6. Conclusion
The de-existence of Islamic political parties in Indonesia, a country with a Muslim-majority population, has become evident through three noteworthy findings in this study. Firstly, Islamic political parties have consistently failed to surpass the highest ranking achieved by non-Islamic political parties in the three preceding general election periods in Indonesia. Secondly, the majority of votes during these election cycles were not cast in favor of Islamic political parties. Thirdly, the elected candidates in these election periods were not the ones endorsed by Islamic political parties. Taken together, these three findings provide compelling evidence that the success of political parties in general elections is not determined by their alignment with the identity and ideological foundation of the majority group. This is exemplified by the de-existence of Islamic political parties in Indonesia, despite its predominantly Muslim population.
The findings of this study deviate from previous research that primarily examined the viability of Islamic political parties in political contests, focusing on the context of ideology and regeneration processes. In contrast, the present study uncovers the de-existence of Islamic political parties in Indonesia, a predominantly Muslim nation, throughout the three preceding general election periods in 2009, 2014, and 2019. These findings are anticipated to contribute to constructive dialogues in future studies on Islamic politics, particularly with regard to prospective scenarios, and serve as a point of reference for assessing the viability and prospects of Islamic political parties in attaining success in the upcoming 2024 general elections in Indonesia.
Furthermore, this study has inherent limitations in data collection, as it exclusively relies on examining online media reports via Google. Consequently, the data gathered and presented in this study are derived solely from textual news descriptions available in archives. Nonetheless, these limitations are envisioned to provide a groundwork or point of reference for subsequent investigations, particularly those aiming to elucidate the motivations and perspectives of Muslim voters in Indonesia through extensive interviews. Such research endeavors would enable a comprehensive comprehen- sion of the feasibility and potential of Islamic political parties in general elections within Indonesia, given its status as a predominantly Muslim nation, in the forthcoming periods.
Author details Henky Fernando1
E-mail: [email protected] Yuniar Galuh Larasati1 Irwan Abdullah1 Hasse Jubba2
ORCID ID: http://orcid.org/0000-0002-4171-2501 Abdul Mugni3
Pratama D. Persadha4
1 Faculty of Cultural Science, Universitas Gadjah Mada, Yogyakarta, Indonesia.
2 Postgraduate Program of Islamic Politics,
Muhammadiyah University of Yogyakarta, Yogyakarta, Indonesia.
3 State Institute of Islamic Studies of Lhokseumawe, Indonesia.
4 Communication and Information System Security Research Center, Jakarta, Indonesia.
Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).
Citation information
Cite this article as: The de-existence of Islamic political parties in general elections: A case study of Indonesia as a Muslim-majority country, Henky Fernando, Yuniar Galuh Larasati, Irwan Abdullah, Hasse Jubba, Abdul Mugni &
Pratama D. Persadha, Cogent Social Sciences (2023), 9:
2225838.
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