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PERSPEKTIF
Available onlinehttp://ojs.uma.ac.id/index.php/perspective
Habitus and Personal Trust as a Strategy to Drive Community Participation in the Implementation of
Government Policy
Wawan Edi Kuswandoro
Political Science Study Program, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Brawijaya, Indonesia
Accepted: 24 March 2023; Reviewed: 18 June 2023; Accepted: 30 June 2023
Abstract
This article aims to explore the experiences of the people of Kedunggaleng village, Wonoasih District, Probolinggo City, East Java in implementing government policies in the field of sanitation in the "Community-Based Total Sanitation (STBM)" program. The problem is focused on the community's rejection of the STBM program which then results in acceptance and willingness to participate. In order to approach this problem, theoretical references and phenomenological methods are used. Data were collected through field interviews and analyzed qualitatively.
This study concludes that first, community participation comes from the closeness of the habitus with the anatomy of government programs; second, habitus influences people's perception of government programs; third, habitus combined with Personal Trust (personal trust) is an important capital of social engineering strategy to mobilize community participation in the implementation of government programs; fourth, Personal Trust is more dominant than institutional trust in the government; fifth, implementation of government programs that are in line with habitus can maintain social capital and community participation.
Keywords: Habitus; Personal Trusts; Society participation; Government policy; Social Engineering.
How to Cite: Kuswandoro, W.E (2023). Habitus and Personal Trust as a Strategy to Drive Community Participation in the Implementation of Government Policy. PERSPEKTIF, 12(3): 813-824
*Corresponding authors:
E-mail: [email protected] ISSN2549-1660 (Print)
ISSN 2550-1305 (Online)
INTRODUCTION
Community participation in implementing government policies and programs is generally influenced by public perceptions and knowledge about government programs (Prayitno et al., 2008). There is a perception that community participation in government programs is difficult for the community (Tumble, 2014). In many cases community participation is still difficult(Laksana &
Kunci, 2013). The community considers that participation is not their business and feels that it is not related to them (Air et al., 2014). Ignorance of the community is the cause of weak community participation in government programs (Sudiarta, et al., 2018). The people who are not willing to participate are also caused by the perception of benefits and benefits for them (Yuliana & Wijayanti, 2019), or don't feel connected to the government's agenda (Putri, et.al., 2020). Communities who feel they have benefited tend to be willing to participate in government programs according to their respective contexts (Purbantara, 2020).
The assumptions of benefits and advantages that influence community participation do not always apply to the community context. There are other variables that also influence the behavior of the community to participate in the implementation of government programs (Adam, et al., 2020). Communities who get useful programs can refuse and do not want to accept and participate. In this condition, the government also needs to investigate more carefully the situation and condition of the community so that the program can be accepted by the community. This article investigates the refusal to participate by the people of the Kedunggaleng sub-district, Wonoasih District, in the implementation of the “Community-Based Total Sanitation (STBM)” sanitation program, the government of Probolinggo City, East Java, through the Wonoasih Health Center. The STBM program consists of providing family
latrines for households that do not yet have latrines. In general, the implementation of the STBM program in several areas did not receive resistance from the community. For example in Sumbawa, this program was received by the community in 8 sub- districts which were the target audience (Purnama, et al., 2019). Implementation of the STBM program in Langowan District, Minahasa Regency, community participation went well even though there were limitations to the community's economy and access to information (Muaja, et al., 2020). Likewise in Ngantang District, Malang Regency, East Java (Wahyuni, et al., 2021), Gresik Regency, East Java (Sulistiono, et al., 2021). Even in Tebo District, Jambi Province, the community accepts and contributes (Sekarina, 2022).
In the implementation of the STBM program related to participation, there are also difficulties with community participation, ranging from lack of participation to causing program failure, such as in the city of Bandung (Nuraeni et al., 2022). This article reveals the minuses of community participation and even the rejection which then ended in the acceptance of the community's dissertation with participation in the Kedunggaleng sub-district, Wonoasih District, Probolinggo City.
This article uses Husserl's phenomenological theory and methods, namely scientific tools to find out phenomena as they are without being influenced by the researcher's construction (Listyani & Susanti, 2020). This article reveals the community's experience in jointly processing the implementation of the STBM program to reveal the thoughts, assumptions, and way of life of the community, which are often not understood by other parties, including the government.
RESEARCH METHODS
The phenomenological research method is a qualitative research method
that aims to understand the meaning of individual life experiences or in philosophical terms the phenomena that occur in individuals or groups.
Phenomenology comes from the Greek and means "appearance". This method was developed by Edmund Husserl in the early 20th century to study subjective experience systematically and thoroughly. Husserl called it lebenswelt (life-world) obtained by the method of reduction in understanding the basic characteristics of consciousness namely "intentionality" and
"intersubjectivity" (Törnberg & Tornberg, 2016). For this, it is necessary to observe the subject's life experience as it is so that the experience manifests or exists, being (Carman, 2017).
In order for the experience of the subject (phenomenon) to give itself as it is without any prejudice or pre-conceptions that contaminate its 'original form', Husserlian phenomenology provides a way of suspending or 'placing in brackets' all knowledge constructions inherent in the researcher's way of thinking. For then, from that presuppositionless point the researcher sees something as something itself, not the construction of our knowledge about that thing. This method Husserl called epoche (Gallagher & Zahavi, 2007). Here, phenomenology wants to provoke the researcher's awareness by turning observations from the artificial everyday world back to the basic and fundamental and transcendental world of life (Prajna-Nugroho, 2013).
The phenomenological research method involves in-depth interviews with selected informants based on life experiences that are relevant to the research topic. The collected data were then analyzed qualitatively to identify themes and patterns that emerged from the informants' life experiences. This analytical process involves not only classifying, categorizing and interpreting data, but also developing new concepts.
The phenomenological research method is operationalized in several stages, first, description of the phenomenon, namely describing the phenomenon or experience to be studied, using a detailed description to describe all the experiences associated with it. Second, phenomenon reduction, namely reducing phenomena by examining every relevant aspect and eliminating irrelevant elements. Third, finding the nature of the phenomenon, namely combining related explanations and looking for the meaning behind the subject's experience. Fourth, analyzing the structure of phenomena by finding patterns and themes that emerge from the experiences of informants. Fifth, do the overall explanation, which combines the results of the previous phase to make an overall explanation for the phenomenon being studied. Phenomenological research methods can be used in various fields (Listyani & Susanti, 2020).
RESULTS AND DISCUSSION Community Habitus and STBM
The description of the phenomenon discovers the community's life experience from the habitus that shapes their perception of the Community-Based Total Sanitation (STBM) program. The STBM program is implemented through the Kikis Open Defecation program (Kikis BABS). The Kikis BABS is an implementation program for STBM through the activity of making family latrines. All community members in the research area do not have private latrines in their homes. The local government, through the STBM program, is implementing a latrine building program for community members who do not have family latrines. This is a sanitation program to build private latrines for those who do not have one. This program is called
“Community-Based Total Sanitation (STBM)”, located in the Kedunggaleng village. Wonoasih District, Probolinggo City. At the time of research, people defecate (BAB) in the river near their
settlement and or in the yard near the river.
The government calls it “Indiscriminate Defecation (BABS)”. The local government, through the Wonoasih Health Center, organizes a sanitation program in this area, Kedunggaleng village, Wonoasih District, Probolinggo City. The Sanitarian of the Wonoasih Health Center, Sulistyo Triantono or usually called Anton, said he chose this area because many of the residents are stubborn and have bad habits of defecating. All residents in this area do not have private toilets in their homes.
According to him, this area is a barometer of further success elsewhere when they succeed in the program for this sub-district (interview, 2016, 2022).
Against this program, the community's reaction was to refuse and not want to participate in this program even though they did not have a latrine. The people in this area do not have house latrines, which is 58.11 percent or 4,431 household heads (KK). Assuming that one family has 2 children, then one family has 4 members, meaning that the total population with open defecation is 17,724 people (Wonoasih Health Center, 2016).
Phenomenology reveals that in the research area, the habitus of the people is used to living without a latrine. They consider it disgusting to have a latrine at home, so they prefer not to defecate at home but away from home, so they choose rivers and land near rivers to obey. This behavior is like what happened decades while they lived there. A'yun, a resident of Kedung Galeng Village said that she and her family prefer to defecate in the river because it is more practical and easy to do and 'does not pollute the house'. She also said that defecating in the house latrine is disgusting and smelly, just like defecating in the house. It smells and disgusting, for throwing faces in the house. Better throwing the shit in the river, so that the house doesn't smell” (defecation in the house latrine is disgusting and smelly. We do this in the river so that my house is clean
and does not smell). A'yun's statement is the same as that of all residents in the village. They also don't want to have a latrine at their own home because the cost of constructing a latrine is very expensive for them. They don't want to spend a lot of money just to make the house dirty and smelly. They prefer to spend their money on secondary goods. They are also used to waiting for free assistance from the government to help them. They also don't want to have a latrine at their own home because the cost of constructing a latrine is very expensive for them. They don't want to spend a lot of money just to make the house dirty and smelly. They prefer to spend their money on secondary goods. They are also used to waiting for free assistance from the government to help them. They also don't want to have a latrine at their own home because the cost of constructing a latrine is very expensive for them. They don't want to spend a lot of money just to make the house dirty and smelly. They prefer to spend their money on secondary goods. They are also used to waiting for free assistance from the government to help them.
The epoche method in
phenomenology allows phenomena to appear as they are. Community members are allowed to show their way of life in perceiving sanitation through the process of socializing with the program innovator (Anton). Previous sanitation program initiatives came from the government and they implemented them through the Wonoasih Health Center. Anton, as the main actor in implementing this program, said that he was the first to invite the public to change their way of defecating by using the home latrine. Previously, people used to defecate in rivers for decades. Anton invites the public to, with their own conscience, want to stop unhealthy and unhealthy behavior, namely the habit of open defecation (BAB) in open places (rivers, backyards, land around rivers, etc.) etc) to turn it into a healthy way, namely using a latrine. He started to make previous
discussions, called "pemicuan" (triggering to start a discussion with people) with the Dasa Wisma (Ten Members of the Neighborhood) set of members, Muslim women's recitation (muslimatan), neighborhood meetings, schools, and even in the PKK (Empowerment of Family Welfare) and Islamic boarding schools.
Society and Personal Trusts
Personal Trusts of community towards local figures or leaders in their daily environment and between community members formed in their daily activities.
The community's habitus forms this personal trust through latrine arisan activities. The City Government of Probolinggo implemented this program with the title of “Kikis BABS” (Eradicate Open Defecation Behavior”) through the construction of private house latrines (Wonoasih Health Center program documents, 2016, 2022).
The experience of implementing the arisan for house latrines and installment payments in the sanitation program in the Kedung Galeng sub-district, Wonoasih District, Probolinggo City shows the nature of the program which is closer to the community. This program was held to change the community's habit of open defecation, which they usually do in the village river and/or the land around the river, to a new and healthy way of defecating using a house latrine.
Sanitation program of “Eradicate Open Defecation Behavior” through the construction of innovative private house latrines. They created a community-based way of eliminating open defecation with the concept of arisan (random profit sharing with regular arisan) and installments (installment payments). They named the program “Arisan/ Latrine Installment Service Innovation System” or abbreviated as “Si Inul Aja”. The program was implemented in Kedung Galeng Village, Wonoasih District, which has 242 households, and all of them do not yet have
access to a hygienic home latrine. The problem is how to change the habits of the people in this area to leave their old habit of open defecation in the river and or on the ground around the river. Most people are conservative in character and also find it difficult to change because they have been in the 'comfort zone' for decades with what the government calls “open defecation”. It's hard to change habits and make social changes or get people to participate in these innovative programs. New interventions will be considered a nuisance. Moreover, such a new program requires quite high financial costs.
Habitus Changing Strategies
Practically, Anton, as the innovator of implementing this innovation program, stated that there are many steps to mobilize community participation that are difficult to change (interview, Probolinggo, 2016, 2022). The first step is to do a transec-walk which invites the public to look directly at the location of the river which is usually used as a place for defecation. From the location of the house to the river through the teak garden and is approximately 600 meters. Once they arrived at the river, there were still human faeces that were still on the river banks. The facilitator immediately collects river water until it arrives. Then asked people to wash their hands in the water in the bucket, and they immediately washed their hands. Then the facilitator takes a tree branch and takes some of the remaining dirt on the river bank, then puts it in a bucket filled with river water. Several people who saw this action vomited. Then the facilitator again told residents to wash their hands in a bucket. All residents of the village immediately refused with disgust, and were afraid of getting sick. This action promotes healthy bowel habits and has changed people's minds about how to have healthy bowel movements. However, they face a new difficulty, namely financing, because the cost of constructing a family latrine is quite expensive for those with an
average low income (below Rp. 500,000 per month). The target was RT 3, 4, 5 (3 RT) in Kedung Galeng Village, Wonoasih Subdistrict, as many as 225 heads of households (KK). The RT 3 group was the first target because their condition was the most severe. RT 3 has 63 families, on average they work as laborers and casual labourers. Then the facilitator again told residents to wash their hands in a bucket.
All residents of the village immediately refused with disgust, and were afraid of getting sick. This action promotes healthy bowel habits and has changed people's minds about how to have healthy bowel movements. However, they face a new difficulty, namely financing, because the cost of constructing a family latrine is quite expensive for those with an average low income (below Rp. 500,000 per month).
The target was RT 3, 4, 5 (3 RT) in Kedung Galeng Village, Wonoasih Subdistrict, as many as 225 heads of households (KK). The RT 3 group was the first target because their condition was the most severe. RT 3 has 63 families, on average they work as laborers and casual labourers. Then the facilitator again told residents to wash their hands in a bucket. All residents of the village immediately refused with disgust, and were afraid of getting sick. This action promotes healthy bowel habits and has changed people's minds about how to have healthy bowel movements. However, they face a new difficulty, namely financing, because the cost of constructing a family latrine is quite expensive for those with an average low income (below Rp. 500,000 per month). The target was RT 3, 4, 5 (3 RT) in Kedung Galeng Village, Wonoasih Subdistrict, as many as 225 heads of households (KK). The RT 3 group was the first target because their condition was the most severe. RT 3 has 63 families, on average they work as laborers and casual labourers. and afraid of pain. This action promotes healthy bowel habits and has changed people's minds about how to have healthy bowel movements. However, they
face a new difficulty, namely financing, because the cost of constructing a family latrine is quite expensive for those with an average low income (below Rp. 500,000 per month). The target was RT 3, 4, 5 (3 RT) in Kedung Galeng Village, Wonoasih Subdistrict, as many as 225 heads of households (KK). The RT 3 group was the first target because their condition was the most severe. RT 3 has 63 families, on average they work as laborers and casual labourers. and afraid of pain. This action promotes healthy bowel habits and has changed people's minds about how to have healthy bowel movements. However, they face a new difficulty, namely financing, because the cost of constructing a family latrine is quite expensive for those with an average low income (below Rp. 500,000 per month). The target was RT 3, 4, 5 (3 RT) in Kedung Galeng Village, Wonoasih Subdistrict, as many as 225 heads of households (KK). The RT 3 group was the first target because their condition was the most severe. RT 3 has 63 families, on average they work as laborers and casual labourers. because the cost of building a family latrine is quite expensive for those with an average low income (below Rp.
500,000 per month). The target was RT 3, 4, 5 (3 RT) in Kedung Galeng Village, Wonoasih Subdistrict, as many as 225 heads of households (KK). The RT 3 group was the first target because their condition was the most severe. RT 3 has 63 families, on average they work as laborers and casual labourers. because the cost of building a family latrine is quite expensive for those with an average low income (below Rp. 500,000 per month). The target was RT 3, 4, 5 (3 RT) in Kedung Galeng Village, Wonoasih Subdistrict, as many as 225 heads of households (KK). The RT 3 group was the first target because their condition was the most severe. RT 3 has 63 families, on average they work as laborers and casual labourers.
Habitus and Personal Trust
Community members have a habit of holding traditional religious meetings every Monday night and Thursday night.
The recitation group consisting of men is led by kiai Fauzan, while for women it is led by nyai Nuraini (Kiai Fauzan's wife). Kiai Fauzan also spearheaded the residents to hold discussions at the prayer room near the kiai Fauzan's house.
After several discussions with the residents, they finally agreed that they were willing to have a family latrine, but they were still constrained by funding. Finally, agree to use the means of gathering as usual. So they did a "toilet pool". The arisan system is to choose a winner at random to determine who will build the first latrine with the collected contributions. It makes it easy for them to pay for the latrine. The money collected is given to the families receiving the arisan, with a maximum cost of making a latrine of Rp. 1.700.000,-.
Residents can determine their own price depending on their abilities. The quality of a latrine is obtained according to the person's financial ability. On average, residents choose a latrine priced at Rp.
750.000,-. Each family only needs to set aside Rp. 2,000, - to pay for the raffle held each time for their routine. Residents who do not attend the recitation group are still subject to the obligation to pay Rp. 2,000,-.
The money collected at Kiai Fauzan is for the construction of latrines. If there is excess money per arisan participant, it will be kept as cash.
In this arisan model, one has to wait for two months to get the revolving funds.
Residents feel bored because they have to wait too long for the social gathering to build latrines. The arisan model is only allowed to build one latrine unit per month for one family. People who haven't got a social gathering are getting bored. Even though the residents are not bored, on this side to make this program successful, because when people can't wait to have a latrine in their house, it means there has
been an increase in awareness and a change in behavior. The arisan model has forced them to increase their ability to do more for latrine development. This is real education for people to change their thoughts and beliefs in making perceptions about the new program.
Then they discussed again at the small mosque (mushalla) where residents used to have discussions there. They choose the installment payment model. Each resident pays installments as a substitute for a latrine, with the nominal amount calculated based on the individual costs of constructing a latrine. The repayment period is adjusted to the recitation schedule, which is 2 times a week.
Residents pay installments to kiai Fauzan who also acts as a payment collector. Kiai Fauzan consulted with Anton as the initiator of the program. And to expedite the construction of this latrine, Anton cooperated with a building materials store to provide material debt for this latrine construction project. The shop owner, Mrs.
Umi, agreed to first lend (bailout) the form of building materials, especially cement and limestone.
They call this work model
"Entrepreneurial Sanitary", which they also label "Si Inul Aja" which stands for "Arisan Innovation System and Latrine Installments". Sanitation Entrepreneurs, as the core driving force and motivator in the
“Si Inul Aja” program, which triggers the start of facilitators, healthy latrine providers/makers, and promoters of arisan/installment latrines. Sanitation Entrepreneurs will build a network with related components. A building shop is needed to supply the material needs for making healthy latrines requested by the community for the construction of latrines.
Health center sanitation officers, PKK, sub- districts, village heads, midwives, vegetable traders as promoters and facilitators for changes in environmental health problems in the community. All components of this community are involved in participation
because they are reluctant to informal leaders, Kiai Fauzan and his wife, Nyai Nuraini. They are the driving elements of society to make behavior changes. If there is a demand from the community for toilet needs, the cadres together with the Sanitation Entrepreneur form a group that can be coordinated and facilitated with the
“Si Inul Aja” program. In the end, the community accepted after going through a long process of the approach taken by the program implementor.
This article explores the fascination of the experience of people who initially refused and then accepted. There are interesting factors that are rarely known by the government in interacting with the community in the context of program implementation. Local governments experience a dilemma in treating the poor when they implement innovative policies and programs related to the poor. The innovative program they want to convey to the urban poor living in Kedung Galeng village, on the outskirts of Wonoasih city is a sanitation program called “Community- Based Total Sanitation Program” or Community-Based Total Sanitation (STBM). One of the activities of the program is “Stop Open Defecation”.
The essence of this program resembles the model of social entrepreneurship, even more as a driving element for the operation of a social entrepreneurship system. Community participation has a direct relationship with the interests of society. This program has elements oriented to the needs of the community. Most of the government programs do not address community needs but are only aimed at completing targeted project aspects and putting community needs first. The implementation of this program is designed in an atmosphere of mutual benefit between the community and the government. Providing real benefits under the logic and needs of the people leads to a smooth approach to the people.
Mobilizing this participation is carried out
by utilizing the potential of social capital that lives socially attached to society.
Personal Trusts: Natural Social Capital Phenomenology also reveals the daily way of life of people who have a habit of obeying informal leaders, namely kiai (kiyae). They really believe in the figures of kiyae (male religious leaders) and nyai (female kiai or kiai's wife) as role models.
This personal trust is one of the social capital they have. Communities in this area tend to entrust joint affairs to these kiyae or nyai. Kiyae Fauzan, as a community leader has an important social role. People in this area rely on kiyae for their social problems.
Socially, the relationship between kiyae and society is social capital in the form of personal trust. This experience shows that the skills of an innovator actor played by the Probolinggo City government, namely the Wonoasih Health Center through a facilitator figure, namely Anton, created trust on behalf of the government to the people in the study area. Innovator actors as agents of change require intermediary agent actors to connect ideas with the target community through the role of informal leaders (kiai, kyae) or often also called kiyae mosengan (local Muslim leaders) who usually lead religious and customary rituals in the area, such as recitation shalawatan, yasinan, sarwe'en, and others as well as dealing with social issues. The personal relationship that is built between government officials (innovators) and the kiyai (kiyae, nyai) influences the ongoing program. The relationship between them and between the kiai and their respective communities is a variant of trust or distrust of local leaders.
These elements are then utilized in accordance with the needs of program implementation and government policies. A personal approach to society patterned on patron-client relationships, as well as on mediation practices and the contextual role of trust at the individual level, which sees civil society's response to new programs
that enter their social sphere, is a reaction from elements of state power and domination. The implication is the recognition of the importance of the relationship by accepting the possibility of political action and voluntary fulfillment of interests in the relationship between the state and citizens. These elements are then utilized in accordance with the needs of program implementation and government policies. A personal approach to society patterned on patron-client relationships, as well as on mediation practices and the contextual role of trust at the individual level, which sees civil society's response to new programs that enter their social sphere, is a reaction from elements of state power and domination. The implication is the recognition of the importance of the relationship by accepting the possibility of political action and voluntary fulfillment of interests in the relationship between the state and citizens. These elements are then utilized in accordance with the needs of program implementation and government policies. A personal approach to society patterned on patron-client relationships, as well as on mediation practices and the contextual role of trust at the individual level, which sees civil society's response to new programs that enter their social sphere, is a reaction from elements of state power and domination. The implication is the recognition of the importance of the relationship by accepting the possibility of political action and voluntary fulfillment of interests in the relationship between the state and citizens. who see the response of civil society to new programs that enter their social area, is a reaction from elements of state power and domination.
The implication is the recognition of the importance of the relationship by accepting the possibility of political action and voluntary fulfillment of interests in the relationship between the state and citizens.
who see the response of civil society to new programs that enter their social area, is a reaction from elements of state power and
domination. The implication is the recognition of the importance of the relationship by accepting the possibility of political action and voluntary fulfillment of interests in the relationship between the state and citizens.
The community's acceptance of the new program is influenced by the community's closeness to the local government through local informal figures.
Personal closeness is needed between the government and citizens. Residents are also accustomed to dealing with individual figures. In implementing the STBM program, they tend to trust Anton's figure.
Personal trust in kiyae and nyai figures is also given to Anton. From the government's point of view, in an effort to make its programs successful for the community members and how the government changes the behavior of the target residents in terms of behavior change, from defecating in rivers and yards around the river to a new behavior of defecating in private latrines belonging to their respective families, explain the motivations and tendencies of citizens in relation to the state, namely the social construction of society towards the government. The social construction of society towards the government influences government policy and the government's political environment, namely whether policy making is carried out based on rational choices or based on the utilization of traditional social capital that is close to the daily way of life of the citizens.
Phenomenologically, the people's way of life is a "rational choice" for the citizens.
The government or other parties cannot judge from their own perspective or construction, but from the perspective or construction of the residents. In other words, from the construction of the experience of the subject, the citizens because that is their way of life, their way of being. The way of life which includes ways of thinking, assumptions, values that frame everyday life in Bourdieu's terminology is called 'habitus'. Empirically, there is a
relationship that shows the consistency of the concept with significantly observable behavior (habitus) on citizen acceptance of government programs. For policy implementers, this has implications for the choice of taking persuasive or coercive actions to foster political relations with regional leaders who are role models for the community. The experiences of residents in the study area provide quite interesting findings regarding the complexity of the character of community participation and the informal leaders who become their role models. Therefore, the exploration of community participation is based on the role of local initiatives, which are called rational beliefs. In this process of rational trust, citizens tend to delegate their interests to informal leaders they trust (as patrons) in their community. These informal leaders then respond according to the level of trust they have in the government. There is a mediation process in the mediatory-relationship before contacting the state, which is played by informal leaders (kiyae, nyai).
There is a constitutive relationship for the operation of rational trust, namely, first, citizens continue their personal trust in leaders (patrons) by delegating policy- related interests to government programs.
Second, the community's personal trust in local leaders has an important role in accepting government policy initiatives or programs. Citizens' acceptance of government policies or programs depends on personal trust.
Habitus+ Personal Trust = Community Participation Activation
Phenomenology finds that habitus is a living space for the epoch or 'the way phenomena manifest themselves'. The phenomenon that manifests itself is the community's perspective on sanitation, latrines, personal trust in kiyae and sanitation program innovator (Anton) and their way of life related to sanitation. This phenomenon appears in daily social
processes that are in harmony with habitus to make personal trust become an enduring habit. The combination of habitus and personal trust influences social interaction to become institutionalized incentive trust that makes their social cohesion better.
Situations like this shift into shared trust embedded among the people. This is a new model to activate community participation.
In the context of people's reactions to government policies and programs, there are issues related to perceptions about the existence and survival of the community and their perceptions of the government.
This condition shows that there is a distance between the state and the people, which gives rise to public perceptions of situational relations with the state, which considers the state to be weak and negligent in implementing public policies and often failing to manage public interests, and so on. Meanwhile, the state regards the people as the weak in accessing power and has weak stamina so that they are worthy of obeying the government under the pattern of assistance.
Bringing habitus closer and growing personal trust and then institutional trust, will encourage public policy inclusiveness.
This has become a crucial subject of discussion in the study of local politics and government, especially in the study of community participation in development, governance and politics. In understanding the relationship between the state and society regarding their respective positions proportionally and fairly, an understanding and explanation is needed that reflects the experiences of each subject. This subject position is to present the meaning of the productive relationship between the state and society. On the government side, the meaning of the situation and perceptions of the community are revived. Likewise, the public also needs to present their perceptions of subjective experience to the government.
Habitusand personal trust narrow the space of mutual suspicion that affects
participation in government policy.
Building the experience of the subject of society influences the formation of the construction of the meaning of life along with the subject's relationship with the state. The approach of each party, between the government and society, through institutionalized habitus and personal trust will in turn also condense into institutional trust.
CONCLUSION
Community participation in supporting local government policies is generally built by the design of the local government itself using a mobilization approach. Communities construct government policies as something foreign so that people prefer to side with their own needs. A common failure of some intervention programs by the government is the lack of public trust in them so that people rarely commit unless they find special things that affect their lives.
Mobilizing community participation effectively is by designing policies and programs closer to the habitus of the community by utilizing the potential of social capital. The original social capital that lives with the community is personal trust in informal leaders. Trust in the government also follows this pattern. The combination of habitus and personal trust is a social engineering strategy to carry out social transformation in order to activate community participation in the implementation of government policies.
Habitus and Personal Trust promote social transformation into institutional trusts in social life (liebewelt) that maintain social capital in harmony with government policies.
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