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The Image of Hong Kong in Dutch Travel Writing
Audrey Heijns
To cite this article: Audrey Heijns (2021) The Image of Hong Kong in Dutch Travel Writing, Dutch Crossing, 45:1, 66-76, DOI: 10.1080/03096564.2020.1821474
To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/03096564.2020.1821474
Published online: 19 Sep 2020.
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The Image of Hong Kong in Dutch Travel Writing
Audrey Heijns
Shenzhen University, Shenzhen, China
ABSTRACT
The travel accounts examined here were written by Dutch travellers to Hong Kong in the late-nineteenth to early twentieth-century. By applying the imagological approach, examples of ethnotypes and Self-Other oppositions found in the travel accounts are analysed.
Findings show that the fact that most Dutch travelled from the Dutch East Indies (present-day Indonesia) influenced their observa- tions of Hong Kong. This is particularly prominent, where writers compare the influence of the British in Hong Kong with that of the Dutch in the Dutch East Indies, in terms of facilities, infrastructure, activities and other aspects. Hence, this article sheds light on how the Dutch represent the image of Hong Kong through colonial eyes.
KEYWORDS
Hong Kong; imagology;
translation; travel accounts;
Dutch
Introduction
‘When Dutch people from the Dutch East Indies travel, they experience things differently compared to ordinary people’ [Indische Hollanders op reis voelen altijd iets anders dan gewone menschen.]1 This observation of an early twentieth century Dutch traveller to Hong Kong shows an awareness of being different as a result of the fact that he is someone coming from the Dutch East Indies (present day Indonesia) as opposed to
‘ordinary [Dutch] people’. It implies that writers like him have different perceptions of the foreign country caused by their different attitude. In this article, I will examine the image of Hong Kong in Dutch travel writing from an imagological approach, in parti- cular where importance is attached to the role of the author: ‘One of the basic insights in image studies is that the mechanism of the representation of foreign nations can only be analysed properly if we take the attitude of the author into account’.2 Here, I will examine travelogues written by Dutch travellers to Hong Kong to understand how these accounts represent Hong Kong and how statements such as the one by Van Wermeskerken cited above are revealing of the way Dutch writers represent Hong Kong. This will not only give an impression of Hong Kong but also a self-portrait of the Dutch writers, for ‘all travel is also a form of self-discovery, a mode of perceiving the self’.3
Travel accounts are often personal reports about experiences in a foreign country and tend to focus on differences. Accounts give the reader a representation of another nation, its people and its culture. By translating their observations into their own language, the writers either opt for a domesticating method of translation whereby they ‘reduce the
CONTACT Audrey Heijns [email protected] Shenzhen University, Shenzhen, China 2021, VOL. 45, NO. 1, 66–76
https://doi.org/10.1080/03096564.2020.1821474
© 2020 Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group
foreign to fit into a framework that reproduces that of the self or, in an opposite anti- imperialist gesture exoticizing the Other so as to make it distant and simply alien from the observing self’.4 Although the methods in each case may not be so extreme, and in some cases, it can be a combination of both, the concept of domestication versus foreignization is important in that it helps us establish the purpose of the translator.
In order to understand the Self-Other contrasts in the travel accounts, the analysis will be carried out by examining examples of descriptions from the accounts. The major part of this study focuses on comparisons and contrasts, since the material that interests the writers of the accounts are often scenes, behaviour, services and objects that they perceive as ‘unique’, ‘different’ and ‘superior’. This perception of Otherness in travel writing is described by Luc Van Doorslaer as follows:
Travel writing and travel journalism form a productive mixed genre for clichés as well as for national or cultural stereotyping, as they register otherness and explore “individual and national identity. [. . .] travel writing is almost invariably about Self and Other” (Coenen 2013: 8) [. . .] Discursive reflections of otherness, or at least of the way otherness is perceived, is the heart of the matter of imagological research.5
Hence, by reading the travel accounts about Hong Kong, we will discover national and cultural stereotypes that represent the nation, in this case, Hong Kong. Based on the study ‘Imagology: On Using Ethnicity to Make Sense of the World’ by Joep Leerssen, the relevant ethnotypes will be analysed. Examination of the travel accounts will not only help to understand how Hong Kong is represented but also the way otherness is perceived.6 First, a brief introduction to the sources and authors of the travel accounts will be given, followed by a description of the historical background, the analysis of the ethnotypes, and a conclusion. The translations of the quotations from the Dutch travel accounts are mine.
Sources and Authors
The travel accounts under investigation were written by Dutch travellers to Hong Kong and date from the period 1880s–1940s. Most travellers visited Hong Kong on a stopover on their journey to other places in the region. The accounts are about their impressions of the city, the people, the harbour and their trip to Victoria Peak, simply known as ‘the Peak’.
The period under investigation is a period of sixty years between two essential high- lights in the history of Hong Kong. 1881 marks the start of the design of the Peak Tram, which has since its construction become a cultural icon, while 1941 is the year that the British Crown Colony surrendered Hong Kong to Imperial Japan. Of the seventeen accounts under investigation, seven were published in newspapers in the Netherlands and ten in newspapers in the Dutch East Indies.7 These newspapers that were originally published in print have been scanned and included in a fully searchable database called Delpher, initiated and maintained by the Koninklijke Bibliotheek [Royal Library] in the Hague, The Netherlands. Many of the accounts were published without mention of the authors’ names save a few exceptions. Hence, in most cases, it is not possible to identify the background of the authors. According to the description on the website of the Koninklijke Bibliotheek, the nature of the newspapers quoted from here is ‘liberal’,
with the exception of the Bataviaasch Nieuwsblad and the Java Bode, both of which tended to be more critical of the colonial government and, to some extent, more concerned with issues related to the so-called ‘Indo people’ in the Dutch East Indies, who were of mixed European and Indonesian heritage.8
Based on similarities between the travel accounts under investigation, it appears that the authors share Van Wermeskerken’s sentiment quoted above: the feeling that he had changed after living in the Dutch East Indies. He was no longer a Dutch person from the Netherlands but rather a Dutch person from the Dutch East Indies. Van Wermeskerken was a journalist and literary writer who lived in the Dutch East Indies from 1913 to 1917, working as editor at the Soerabajaasch Handelsblad and correspondent for the Telegraaf.
Best-known for his travel letters published in newspapers, he also had some short-lived success with his plays, novels and short stories. After only four years in the Dutch East Indies, Van Wermeskerken is leaving by ship on his way back to Europe. It takes six days from Batavia to Hong Kong, where he makes a stop. Van Wermeskerken notes that ships had to take a longer route in 1917, and although he refrains from explaining any details of the circumstances, it is presumably World War I (and the US entering the war) that affected travel between Asia and Europe.
Given that the Dutch position themselves as ‘another’ colonial power, in the sense that they often look at things from their status in the Dutch East Indies instead of Dutch nationals from the Netherlands, the framework of Self and Other in the current study is more complicated. It is not merely an East versus West contrast which according to Van Doorslaer is quite common: ‘Through the centuries there also have been many opposi- tional representations of the East and the West within the Eurasian framework. Oriental
Figure 1. Hong Kong: The Peak. In De Huisvriend, 1896, accessed via dbnl.org (KB).
peoples and cultures were sometimes valorized as cruel, expansionist or despotic, but just as well as mysteriously attractive, inventive or mythical’.9 This contrast can for example be seen in the Dutch praising the English for their colonial accomplishments and criticizing the Chinese local people for their customs and habits. However, there is one more angle to it, which makes it a type of ‘triangular’ connection between the Dutch, the British and the Chinese, caused by the colonial context as explained in the next section.
Historical Context
Looking back in history, the Dutch and British have had a similar presence in Asia, in terms of seeking trade opportunities. This historical context is quite important for an understanding of the authors’ attitudes and perceptions of Hong Kong. Many European nations, including Spain, Portugal, France, UK and the Netherlands, ventured overseas in the early seventeenth century to explore unknown territories. Simply put, these early pioneers went to Asia mainly for three kind of purposes: religion, trade and colonization.
In the present study, the latter two are the most important, while religious pursuit falls outside the scope of this article. The Dutch and British developed trade in commodities, such as spices, silk, tea, rubber, and sugar, by establishing strategic trade ports, under the Dutch (United) East India Company (Vereenigd Oost Indische Compagnie) (1602–1800) and the British East India Company (1600–1874), respectively. Over a period of imperi- alist expansion and changing positions among powers,10 the Dutch lost and regained control over the Dutch East Indies and remained sovereign until its independence in 1949. British rule over Hong Kong, however, was gained differently albeit with the same purpose: trade opportunities. It was the defeat in the first opium war (1839–1842) that led to China’s cession of Hong Kong to the British, as one of the terms in the peace treaty known as the Treaty of Nanking (Nanjing) signed on 29 August 1842.11 It also allowed Britain to trade at five ports in China.
When it comes to governance, both Hong Kong and the Dutch East Indies were headed by a Governor that was appointed by the monarch in the UK and the Netherlands, respectively. Both countries imposed direct colonialism, with the difference that the administration in the Dutch East Indies was ‘dualist’, meaning that European officials worked together with local officials who were appointed by the governor general,12 while ‘the British implanted a colonial state that was unified, bureaucratically organized, and of territory-wide reach’.13 Both countries had colonial policies and major decisions made by the monarch in the motherland.
Against this historical background, Dutch travellers experienced their trip with a colonial mindset and this can be perceived in their observations. Throughout the descriptions of their perceptions of city and harbour, and the behaviour of the people, there is a colonial comparative perspective. Although travel writing is never neutral, this kind of travel, in that period and in that region was even more biased.
The English and Chinese Ethnotypes
The automaticity of stereotyping as Van Doorslaer notes is an interesting phenomenon
‘as an element in the journalistic process of streamlining work and content in the chaos of facts, reminds us of imagological insights such as the oppositionality of ethnotyping or
the ways in which Self-Other oppositions are implied or invoked’.14 Many of the ethnotypes in the travel accounts here are oppositional, given that the English play a central role as the rulers of Hong Kong, while activity in the streets is primarily dominated by Chinese citizens. The Dutch observe the presence and the behaviour of the English and the Chinese, and these observations involve generalizations and taking sides by juxtaposing and contrasting between the English, Chinese and Dutch. There is for instance a nationality-denial, as opposed to what Leerssen calls ‘nationality-affirming or true-to-type behaviour’,15 where the English are concerned:
The Englishman is considered obnoxious in general. But I had no complaints about that on my trip. All the English that I came into contact with, were extremely polite and gallant. The wife of the French consul, a Parisian, explained to me that nowadays the English and French had changed roles. The first had taken over the courtesy and polite- ness of her countrymen; by contrast they [the French] had become inversely suspicious and far from helpful. This explanation, least expected from a French lady, turned out to be correct on my journey.16
This paragraph starts with a general statement about the English which the anonymous writer then repudiates. This is a positive Dutch observation about English people in Hong Kong. It seems to be an attempt to give a good impression of the English people or to undo whatever negative bias people had against the English.
Another typical characteristic of the English which the Dutch notice is ‘generosity’.
Impressed by the Peak Tram and its surrounding facilities, an author concludes that when it comes to architectural design and construction the English are ready to spend unstintingly.
A beautiful funicular railway connects the lower town to the top station, located right next to the Peak Hotel at a height of 1,305 feet. Everything there is built with the solid generosity of the English, which commands admiration. We can see villas, large apartment blocks and a little farther together in a complex: barracks, officer mess hall and clubs, officer flats.17 The Dutch writer Theobald Bredehof, whose background is unknown, emphasizes the generous investment into the design and construction of the Peak Tram which is characteristic of the English. It is a rather positive impression. By pointing this generosity out, it implies that this is a different policy or strategy as compared to what the Dutch do in the Dutch East Indies. Indeed, there is nothing similar to the Peak Tram that the Dutch left behind in the Dutch East Indies, that would command such admiration. Although the Dutch did also build an infrastructure in the Dutch East Indies, it was not in the form of building something so splendid that until now in the present day it is still used by residents and attracts tourists that visit Hong Kong.
Finally, another aspect worth mentioning is the Dutch observation of the English predilection for sports, mainly based on the introduction of tennis and horse racing to Hong Kong. While describing the sights around Hong kong, the authors notice typical English facilities, for example the Jockey Club in Happy Valley and tennis lawns built on private property.
Many of the villas, built entirely in European style, have the lawn tennis courts that they cannot do without. The Englishman’s love for sports shows everywhere and always. But I have never been able to understand why adults like to hop around and throw their balls, in imitation of their five-year-olds.18
This remark about the English habit of lawn tennis shows an awareness of English customs introduced into the territories. But it also stresses the fact that the Dutch are comparing English and Dutch colonial presence. It is unlikely that this Dutch writer ever learnt how to play tennis so that his judgement of the sport is merely based on observa- tions. He pokes fun at people who play tennis by claiming that their movements resemble that of small children. This indicates that the Dutch are not familiar with tennis, and it was not popular among Dutch people back then. But there is a realization that the sport is important to the English so that they imported it into Hong Kong, and again, this is in contrast with Dutch strategy in the Dutch East Indies. The English colonial method is more invasive, which can also be seen from language policy. The British implemented the policy of providing English language education to their colonies, first promoted in Hong Kong between 1842 and 1860.19 The Dutch, however, preferred not to introduce their own language. Besides insisting on the purity of Dutch, it was also an attempt to prevent unrestricted access to Western knowledge, which they saw as a threat to the stability of the colony.20
The ethnotyping of the Chinese people is different, in that it is not put in contrast with the Dutch authors. Yet, there are observations that seem ‘nationality-affirming or true-to- type behaviour’ of the Chinese. The Chinese are described as noisy, violent and indus- trious people. Mention of them mostly concerns the service industry, the Chinese being servants in hotels and restaurants, sedan chair carriers, shop keepers, etc.; they are hard- working people and without them the city could not run.
[.] a final drive through the colourful streets of Hong Kong, with the vertical Chinese signboards and the cackling Chinese population, so crowded that people always wonder how the rickshaw pullers manage to work their way through them.21
This is a very typical street scene: the colours, the noise, the crowds. In fact, it is a description that is still valid today, in the sense that the streets in the city are still as colourful and crowded, although of course now without the rickshaws. To the Dutch writer, the Chinese presence in the street is acutely felt. The streets are very Chinese.
Besides recurrent mention of Chinese people employed in the service industry, there are also anecdotes of travellers being deceived by the Chinese. The purpose of reporting cases of deception not only serves as a warning to readers to be alert at all times but at the same time it confirms the existing image of the Chinese.
The above ethnotypes of English and Chinese people help understand Dutch perception of the people of Hong Kong. The examples are revealing of the general- izations that the Dutch made from their own perspectives. Yet ‘the underlying notion of a discursive identity in ethnotypical discourse’, as Leerssen argues, ‘are really interiorizations of a hegemonic, exotic view from outside’.22 This is further explored in the next section.
Contrasts
Auto-images that can take the form of auto-exoticism appear in contrastive descriptions, where the status and position of the English (or more in general: the Europeans) and Chinese are exposed. They occur in seemingly simple descriptions for example about the use of sedan chairs:
The European residents, forced to purchase an equipage (less than a dozen keep horse and cart) most own their own sedan chair, which is carried by four or six Chinese servants wearing some kind of uniform.23
The occurrence of using the sedan chair seems common enough, because the writer found no need for a detailed description of this kind of transportation. What is special though is the habit of purchasing and owning either an equipage or a sedan chair. The contrast here is European owners versus Chinese carriers which shows the great differ- ence between the status of the European residents versus the Chinese. Yet, the way this is described so naturally implies that the Dutch are not surprised at the phenomenon of being carried around.
The writing style of authors describing people can also greatly influence the image on the reader. Sentences filled with adjectives stress the extreme contrast found in people on the streets, for example the following about noisy Chinese versus English knight-errants:
[. . .] screaming Chinese with arms and legs forming angles of all degrees, and English. Tall, stiff, lean, sinister characters with crooked noses and short trouser legs, the English move parallel to themselves with long strides unperturbably like knight-errants.24
The author writing under the name of Ahasverus25 is possibly Mrs. Benham from Surabaya, said to have been travelling around the world, but unfortunately no further details about her identity can be found. Ahasverus gives a very clear contrast of the perception of the noisy, disorderly Chinese against the stiff, unperturbable English. There is order among chaos, silence among noise, parallels among corners. Usually, peculiar behaviour of Others can be noticed because it is different from our Selves. This descrip- tion would then imply that the Dutch are neither of the above. It also provides a highly interesting comparison from Dutch perspectives that reveals the Dutch position, which helps understanding above-mentioned ‘underlying notion of a discursive identity’. In other words, by giving descriptions of other people, the writers also establish their own identities. The following example is evidence of the Dutch awareness of their position in colonial history:
There are other things that the man from the Dutch East Indies must notice. The beautiful wide streets, well maintained and the wonderful order amid the hustle and bustle that simply surpasses the hustle and bustle of Batavia [present day Jakarta].26
In spite of the fact that the streets of Hong Kong are more crowded and busier than those in Batavia, Hong Kong streets are perceived as more beautiful, wider and better main- tained. This is an example of street life in Hong Kong as opposed to that of Batavia. There is a difference in the presence between the Dutch and the English, which is expressed in the order and maintenance of the streets. The same goes for the market which is compared with the passar (Malay for market) in the Dutch East Indies: ‘[. . .]
a beautiful passar – the building is so solid and firm that people fear to label it “market”
to be associated with the name of “passar”, reminiscent of unpleasant smells, disgusting filth and screaming crowds’.27 The way this is compared, the market in Hong Kong is clearly the opposite of what stands for passar in the Dutch East Indies. The same occurs with the description of the hotel experience. Again, the Dutch compare the hotels with those in the Dutch East Indies. They enjoy the luxury of the hotels in Hong Kong, which
have much more advanced and cleaner facilities for the guests than the hotels in the Dutch East Indies.
The Hong Kong Hotel is the best in Victoria. It is a beautiful luxurious building of five floors high. The prices of the rooms vary from 6 to 15 dollars. The rooms are carpeted and neatly furnished. A chimney in a corner, in which thank God no fire needs to burn yet. On each floor are some delightful bathrooms, which would make a Dutch East Indian heart salivate, if a heart could do that.28
Most visitors are pleasantly surprised by the fireplace, because there are none in the Dutch East Indies, simply because of the difference in climate. Another traveller who is also surprised about the fireplace remarks: ‘In every room, there is a fireplace with a coal bucket, a tong and a poker – a strange sight for someone who has been in the Dutch East Indies for a long time; it evokes visions of ice skating and New Year’s Eve celebrations’.29 For this writer, the fireplace not only contradicts his experience in the Dutch East Indies, it even brings memories of the time prior to his arrival in Asia, of the good times in winter in the Netherlands, when they went ice skating and celebrating the New Year which then is in fact Dutch culture. But it does show that the Dutch from the Dutch East Indies are ‘in-between’ travellers, not any ordinary Dutch but one who has lived in the Dutch East Indies who has changed his view, feelings and perceptions of the world.
In sum, by reading reflections of Self in observations of Other, it is possible to better understand the Dutch writers. The writers are often comparing Hong Kong with the Dutch East Indies, which has more in common than a comparison with the Netherlands would have. If we look at it from the choice of writing methods, then the way the writers look for similarities with the Dutch East Indies, aspects that the readers can relate to, it is obviously a domesticating method of translation. There are similarities in the composi- tion of the multi-cultural society and foreign rule over local residents, which offer points of recognition, but which would be absent in a Hong Kong–Netherlands comparison.
Only if a unique aspect is lacking, such as the fire-place, are the writers reminded of life in the Netherlands.
Conclusion
The examples from the travel accounts provide a new angle on how Dutch travellers write about Hong Kong, and through their ‘colonial glasses’ they give a unique perspective of Hong Kong. It is not only the comparisons they make, but also the attitude towards Hong Kong that gives an insight into travelling, especially this claim that Dutch travellers from the Dutch East Indies experience it differently, when compared to ordinary Dutch people. It is exactly this method of translating Hong Kong for Dutch readers that gives it something to relate to, and hence it is a form of domestication, because the writers found a way to introduce aspects of Otherness in such way that they were familiar to their observing Self.
In the descriptions, the general stereotyping of English and Chinese people in general does not give much surprising images, they are expected in the sense that they are
‘nationality-affirming’. It is the contrastive way, in which they perceive the street scenes with the people, that helps form this ‘representation’ of Hong Kong. This representation is not so much about the way they write about the noise and lack of hygiene of the
Chinese, which is almost common knowledge, albeit important too. The value rather lies in the fact that they put Hong Kong opposite the Dutch East Indies and that makes Hong Kong a kind of ‘ideal’ type of colony in the eyes of the Dutch. The observation of Other is also a reflection of Self. The idealized impression that readers get is formed by descriptions of various aspects including the luxury of the hotels, high level of hygiene of the market, generous investment in the Peak Tram, and maintaining order in the streets.
It gives an awareness of the identity of the writer and the position of the Dutch in Asia.
For future research, it would be helpful to compare Dutch travel writing from post- colonial times and see if there are any changes in their perceptions and attitude towards writing about Hong Kong.
Notes
1. Van Wermeskerken.
2. Leerssen quoted in Van Doorslaer, 61–62.
3. Kerr and Kuehn, 5.
4. Ibid., 7.
5. Van Doorslaer, 60.
6. Leerssen.
7. The details of the 17 accounts are listed in Appendix A.
8. There is a description of the newspapers in ‘Koloniale kranten Indonesië’ [Colonial Newspapers Indonesia], on the website of the Koninklijke Bibliotheek kb.nl.
9. Van Doorslaer, 63.
10. For more on the comparison between British and Dutch colonial empires, see Moore and Van Nierop.
11. For more details about the history of Hong Kong, see Welsh and Carroll.
12. Van Anrooij, 11.
13. Lange et al., 1427.
14. Van Doorslaer, 61.
15. Leerssen, 17.
16. “Naar en in Japan”.
17. Bredehof.
18. See note 16 above.
19. Evans.
20. Groeneboer, 332.
21. See note 1 above.
22. Leerssen, 22.
23. “Reisbrieven VI”.
24. Ahasverus.
25. An anonymous article ‘Een Vrouwelijke Ahasverus: 27 Jaar de Wereld rond’. [A Female Ahasverus: around the World for 27 years] published in News of the day for the Dutch East Indies of 18 May 1933, writes that this traveller had time and money to travel around the world for more than 27 years.
26. See note 1above.
27. See note 16 above.
28. See note 24 above.
29. “Schetsen uit Hongkong”.
Disclosure Statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.
Notes on contributor
Audrey Heijns received her Ph. D. from Leiden University, and is currently an Assistant Professor in the School of Foreign Languages, Shenzhen University. Her research interests include travel writing, early Dutch sinologists, and bilingual dictionaries. She is also a literary translator and the editor of the online Database VerreTaal: Chinese Literature in Dutch Translation <www.unileiden.
net/verretaal>.
Bibliography
“Een Vrouwelijke Ahasverus: 27 Jaar De Wereld Rond. [A Female Ahasverus: Around the World for 27 Years].” Nieuws van den Dag voor Nederlandsch-Indië, 18 May 1933.
Koloniale kranten Indonesië [Colonial Newspapers Indonesia]. kb.nl
Carroll, J. M. A Concise History of Hong Kong. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2013.
Evans, S. “The Introduction of English-Language Education in Early Colonial Hong Kong.”
History of Education 37, no. 3 (2008): 383–408. doi:10.1080/00467600600745395.
Groeneboer, K. “Waarom Het Nederlands Geen Wereldtaal Is Geworden. [Why Dutch Never Became a World Language.].” Ons Erfdeel, Jaargang 45 (2002): 325–337.
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Appendix
Appendix A: List of 17 Travel Accounts (texts are available on delpher website)
Ahasverus. ‘Een reis om de wereld in meer dan tachtig dagen. IV’. [Around the world in more than eighty days] In Locomotief: Semarangsch handels- en advertentie-blad, 27 November 1902.
‘Bladen uit een reisjournaal’. [Pages from a travel journal] In Bataviaasch nieuwsblad.
5 January 1889.
Bredehof, Theobald. ‘Chineesch Tourisme’. [Chinese Tourism] In Soerabaijasch Handelsblad, 2 March 1929.
‘Brieven uit China. Hongkong’. [Letters from China. Hong Kong.] In De Telegraaf, 19 May 1921.
De Bruin, Annes Gerardus. ‘Indrukken van China’. [Impressions of China.] In Nieuwsblad van Friesland: Hepkema’s Courant, 4 August 1916.
‘Het leven te Hongkong’. [Life in Hong Kong] In De Telegraaf. 3 July 1921.
‘Hongkong’. [Hong Kong.] In Bataviaasch Handelsblad, 27 November 1889.
‘Hongkong’. [Hong Kong.] dbnl.org. De Huisvriend, 1896.
‘Hongkong, een Oost-Aziatische wereldstad’. [Hong Kong, an East-Asian world city] In Leeuwarder Courant, 31 March 1913.
‘Hongkong, het Engelsche bolwerk in China’. [Hong Kong, the English stronghold in China] In Haagsche courant, 15 January 1938.
‘Hongkong, voorheen en thans’. [Hong Kong past and present] In Java-bode: nieuws, handels- en advertentieblad voor Nederlandsch-Indië, 18 January 1884.
‘Kijkjes in het Verre Oosten. IV. Hongkong’. [Views of the Far East. IV. Hong Kong.] In Bataviaasch Nieuwsblad, 10 October 1895.
‘Naar China’. [To China.] In Bataviaasch Nieuwsblad, 19 November 1927.
‘Naar en in Japan’. [To and in Japan] In Baviaasch Nieuwsblad, 16 July 1904.
‘Reisbrieven VI’. [Travel letters. VI.] In Java-bode: nieuws, handels- en advertentieblad voor Nederlandsch-Indië, 20 August 1892.
‘Schetsen uit Hongkong’. [Sketches from Hong Kong.] In De Indische Courant, 1 November 1923.
Van Wermeskerken, Henri. ‘Feuilleton. Reisindrukken. Vaarwel aan Indië’. [Serial. Travel impressions. Farewell to the East Indies.] In De Telegraaf, 9 December 1917.
