Professor Anne Booth is a distinguished scholar specializing in the economy and history of Southeast Asian countries, with a particular focus on Indonesia. He was a student of economics at the newly established Fakultas Ekonomi Universitas Indonesia in the 1950s and graduated with a doctorate in 1959.
PROFESSOR ANNE BOOTH, EMINENT AND PROLIFIC SCHOLAR, GENEROUS FRIEND
AND COLLEAGUE
Thomas Lindblad and Thee Kian Wie Leiden University and Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI)
This consultancy gave Anne a better knowledge of the economic and social problems facing the largest country in the South Pacific region. In addition to scoping the Indonesian economy during the Soeharto era, Anne has also written three chapters, one on fiscal policy, with Peter McCawley; one on income distribution, co-authored with R.M.
SOEHARTO ERA: A REVIEW
But in the first decade of the Soeharto Orde Baru government, the situation changed dramatically. Almost all people in this group live and work in the 'informal sector'.
CENTRALIZED STATISTICS AND LOCAL REALITIES 1
During the second half of the eighteenth century, the VOC harbor master was not the only person who monitored Makassar's trade. The Trade of Singapore 1819-69”, Journal of the Malay(si)an Branch of the Royal Statistical Society [JMBRAS].
EDUCATIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN THE NETHERLANDS INDIES, 1871-1942
Below I will return to the complex relationship between the Dutch colonial government and Islamic schools. These figures reveal the impact of the long-term presence of Christian missionary schools in the outer provinces. This commitment quickly gave way to austerity measures following the global economic crisis of the 1930s.
In a global comparative perspective, a share of expenditure on education in the order of 3-6 per cent of the total budget was far from impressive. This difference reflects the development of the colonial education system in the Dutch Indies in the late nineteenth century, which was specifically aimed at children of the Dutch elite (Hartgerink 1942). The duality of the education system in the Dutch Indies corresponded closely to the language of instruction.
The consequences of the Dutch schoolstrijd for the development of education in Indonesia were far-reaching. According to him, the educational philosophies of the mission schools aligned much better with the daily life experiences of the people of Desi.
JAPANESE OCCUPATION
DEVELOPMENTS IN THE DUTCH INDIES IN THE 1930S. Like the rest of the world, the Dutch Indies experienced a serious economic crisis in the early 1930s. It is estimated that the GDP of the Netherlands Indies fell by 3.4 percent per year during these years (Booth 1998: 39). The strong competition of Japanese ships in the international and inter-island shipping of the Netherlands Indies caused great concern to the government of the Netherlands Indies (Gonggrijp.
The main targets of the Japanese operations in the Dutch East Indies were the oil fields at Tarakan off northeast Kalimantan, Balikpapan in East Kalimantan and Palembang in South Sumatra. The demoralized troops of the Royal Netherlands Indies Army, KNIL (Koninklijk Nederlands-Indisch Leger) in Tarakan surrendered on the morning of 12 January (De Jong 2002: 35). India was complete with the capture and detention of the Governor-General, the symbol of Dutch power in the Dutch Indies.
Therefore, the existence of the Dutch East Indies de facto ended on that date (Van den Doel 2001: 62). Therefore, the result of the Japanese occupation was that the communication infrastructure with overseas countries was practically cut off.
DECOLONIZATION: LESSONS FOR INDONESIA?
Thomas Lindblad Leiden University
The Dutch-language account of the situation in Indonesia after the transfer of sovereignty in December 1949 also touches only in passing on the continued presence of Dutch officials in Indonesia (Meijer 1994). The British joined the Malay elite in the fight against communist rebels within the territory of the colony (Harper. In the late 1930s, the hierarchical composition of the civil service in the Dutch Indies was still dramatically skewed (Lindblad.
A proposal by Chinese and Indian representatives to the Legislative Council of the FMS, the Malayan counterpart of the People's Council (Volksraad) in. In Indonesia, the indigenization of the civil service at the time of decolonization was dictated by the political necessity and logic of an early declaration of independence, not by the Dutch.7. 7 Little is known about the gradual withdrawal of the Dutch from the Indonesian bureaucracy in the first half of the 1950s.
Nevertheless, the overall share of Malays in those ranks of the civil service would still be less than 30 percent for the foreseeable future. One of the most complex cases concerned the compensation of departing foreign officials.
INDONESIANISASI OF ECONOMIC LIFE IN YOGYAKARTA IN THE 1950s
Lack of capital and labor did not hinder the three economic projects launched by Sultan Hamengkubuwono IX in Yogyakarta in the early 1950s, but was rather caused by the policies of the Indonesian government. These secondary sources are very useful in establishing the nature of the role of indigenous Indonesians in the Indonesian economy during the late colonial and early independence periods. Some of them worked in the traditional agricultural sector because most of the land was land that was no longer occupied by plantations.
This instability was caused by several factors, such as the unfinished impact of the economic depression in the 1930s, the Japanese occupation, revolution and the structural colonial legacy. In addition to some activities already mentioned above, the issue of Indonesianization in Yogyakarta must be found in the internal dynamics of the local communities. According to Lindblad, a delay in economic decolonization after the declaration of independence does not mean neo-colonialism, since the economy of the country was still modeled on economic nationalism (Lindblad 2008).
In this context, Indonesianisasi was never seen as a set of concepts where the public could participate in the economic welfare of a newly independent country. Conflict and Coexistence: Multicultural Images of Urban Yogyakarta in the First Half of the Twentieth Century.
UNREALISED BY FIVE PRESIDENTS, 1966–2014
This development meant that while there was a decline in agriculture, there was an almost 400% increase in the mining sector. This meant a significant increase in foreign investment in the mining sector, while the agricultural sector lost its former economic advantage. In the last quarter of the nineteenth century, the cultivation system was maintained under Dutch rule and poverty spread among the indigenous population.2.
During the Dutch colonial period and through the economic depression of the 1930s, prices and trade between islands and provinces had been controlled to guarantee basic food sufficiency for all. Geertz (1963a:13) concluded that Java already contained one of the highest ratios of cropland to total area of any extensive region in the world. In the province of East Nusa Tenggara, east of Bali, 62.7 percent of the rural population was still categorized as poor, and 26 percent of these were classified as very poor.
In the years following the Asian financial crisis of 1997/98, the political, economic and social development of Indonesia received less emphasis compared to Anne Booth's assessment of the conditions and trends that prevailed between 1960 and 1992. Translation of Indonesian Economic History in the Dutch Colonial Era (New Haven, CN: Yale University Press.
MASSIVE POLICY FAILURE
Kerosene came under the control of the state oil company Pertamin (later Pertamina), which from mid-1965 had the monopoly of the domestic distribution of all oil products (Hunter 1966). Nevertheless, in the mid-1960s, when domestic consumption was only half of refinery output and less than 20 percent of crude production, it was noted that 'the near-zero price of refined products (under production sharing agreements with foreign oil companies) led to a sharp increase in domestic demand (about 50% in 5 years)' (Hunter 1965: 26). Fuel subsidies are the largest component of the central budget besides transfers to the regions, about 25 percent more than salaries.
The biggest domestic oil price debacle occurred in 1998 in the aftermath of the Asian financial crisis. On the other hand, oil prices also started to recover from the shock of the Asian financial crisis. The price of regular petrol would be set at 100 percent of the price in Singapore, that of diesel and industrial kerosene at 75 percent (Deuster 2002: 23).
Sen and Steer expressed hope that the "fuel subsidy saga will finally end for the SBY government". Part of the rationalization was that Indonesia is an oil producer and "the people" should enjoy its benefit.
CASE STUDY IN RIAU, INDONESIA
When Sukamaju, along with other settlements in the Pasir Pangarayan area, was transferred from the resettlement agency to the Riau Provincial Government in 1993, it was doing well economically. In 1990, a company with a forestry concession adjacent to the emigrants' land set up a sawmill in the village. Land use patterns are reflected in the sources of income of transmigrant households in Sukamaju and Karang Tengah in 2001, as shown in Table 1.
With the expansion of palm oil in Riau province, paid employment was available on large plantations established by companies about 75 kilometers south of the migrant villages. Households in the poor group (monthly incomes from Rp. 300,000 to Rp. 500,000) obtained most of their income from the agricultural sector. In the following week, the price was Rp 210, indicating the trends in the value of the rupee.
When oil palm prices fell in households in the two towns, they got very little for home consumption or selling their houses. The second implication is the general insecurity that was already visible in the area in 2001 due to clashes between the indigenous people and the North Sumatran staff of the plantation company.
DECADE OF THE 2000s: EMPLOYMENT AND LABOUR PRODUCTIVITY IN MANUFACTURING
In Indonesia, sluggish growth in productivity and job creation in manufacturing was particularly disappointing in the first decade of the 2000s. First, the relationship between labor management systems and productivity and the potential impact of changes in the regulatory environment on labor productivity. In contrast to robust growth in China, India and Vietnam, output growth in the manufacturing sector in Thailand and Malaysia halved in the first half of the 2000s (Figure 1).
After the crisis, Indonesia liberalized in a number of sectors and expanded labor regulations. The impact of the regulations has not been scrutinized in the Indonesian case, with the exception of minimum wages. These two industries represent, to some extent, two extremes with regard to the main variables of interest: employment growth and labor productivity in the post-crisis period.
Characteristics of workers in the TCF and M&M industries in the Bandung region in 2012 (percentages). These differences were understandable given the high proportion of non-permanent employees in the TCF companies.
