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Omaha sociology

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Flfeche, who was formerly head chief of the Omahas, also said that (pegiha was nearly equivalent to "Dakota." When the Omaha was in the dark, when he was on his own land, he generally answered, "Iam. At that time the Yauktons inhabited in a densely wooded country near the head of the Mississippi.

Fig. 12.— The Omaha tribal circle 220
Fig. 12.— The Omaha tribal circle 220

SUBSEQUENT MIGRATIONS OF THE OMAHAS

Above this stream aud occupied the land between the ilissouri and above this stream aud occupied the land between the ilissouri and the Black Hills, although they did not go to the Black Hills. After a while they went downstream and stayed together until they reached the mouth of the river. Niobrara, where the Ponkas stopped. The Omahas and Lowas continued their journey until they reached BowCreek, Nebraska, where the Omahas reached their village while the Lowas continued on.

214 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY

PEESENT STATE OF THE OMAHAS

THE STATE

216 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY

DIFFERENTIATION OF ORGANS IN THE STATE

STATE CLASSES

The functions of these guardians of the sacred tents, especially those of the two Haiiga men, appear to be both religious and civil. One of these elders is always the servant of the other even though they exchange places.

COEPOEATIONS

See §143.) Some of the Wasabe-hit'ajl meu are servants of the Weji° cte geus, who act as such in the sacred teut. The wag^a or messengers who act as callers for the feast are for the time being the servants of the giver of the feast.

THK GENTILE SYSTEM

THE OMAHA TRIBAL CIRCLE

In the first case, women of a lineage might say, "Move a little and give us more space." Make them over a large part of the country.” This is the only occasion on which the command is told how to pitch the tents.

Fig. T2.— Tbe Oaiaha tribal ciicle.
Fig. T2.— Tbe Oaiaha tribal ciicle.

THE SACRED TENTS

When the tribe returned from the hunt the gentes camped in reverse order, Weji° cte and Ictasanda gentes having their tents at the end of the circle nearest home. There is some indication that there were special areas, not only for the gents, but even for the sub-gentes, all members of some sub-gentes with their lodges arranged in the same area.

THE SACRED PIPES

221Ictasauda, ​​were very distant sometimes there were small attacks of Ictasauda, ​​were very distant sometimes there were small attacks of enemies. Thus, in the Inke-sabg genera, there are some who camped near Weji° cte, and others near Hanga; some of the Haiigakampuar further Inkesabg, and others afterwards (fatada, and so on.

222 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY

This man, who knows the ritual, sends everyone else out of the lodge, as they must not listen to ancient words. When my father was about to install the chief, Mahi° -zi, whose duty it was to fill the pipes, leave them in the ground, break a law, and prevent the proceeding of the ceremony.

SACRED PIPES — THE ELK GENS. 225 LAW OF MEMBERSHIP

Then one of the servants of the Elk gens took out the pipe and the eel bladder, after tying the sinew, removed some. The Elk man gave the pipe to one of the bravest of the young men, whom he wanted to be the leader of the scouts.

DOKSEV) THE ELK GENS. 227

Ni'tgu or Wa

Fig. 14. — Frank La Flt^che
Fig. 14. — Frank La Flt^che's stetcli of the luke-aabs tent, as he saw it when he went en The buftalo hunt.

232 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY

DOESET.] PERSONAL NAMES THE IIANGA GENS. 233

THE HANGA GENS

234 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY

These Wasabe-hit'aji are the servants of the Elk people, whom they assist in the worship of the god of thunder. Sections and sub-sections of sub-geni.— Wani^a-waq6 of Xa-da genstohl methatthe following were iWajiuga- division.

3 ETH— 16

But Lion said that there were four subgentes, and that Maja° ha(fi° was the chief of the first, or Niniba. A member of the gens told the writer that Four Peaks, which Lion assigned to the subgens of Za^zi-mandg attributed, the owner of the holy tent.

242 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY

According to Cauge, the name Qube was given to his part of the lineage after the death of the Black Bird; that's why it's a modern name, not an ancient one. Among the Kansas Indians, the Ma"yinka-gaxe people included the genus Elk, and part of the latter is called Mi^'xa unikaci°ga, the Swan.

244 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY

The place of this geus in the tribal circle is after Xe-siudens. All the members of the clans gather on the fifth day after the birth of a child.

THE ICTASANDA GENS

These are sometimes called Keepers of the Claws of the Wild-cat, because they bind these claws to the waist of a. At the end of the ceremony the parent took the child home, and on arrival the father cut the child's hair, according to the style of the gens.

THE KINSHIP SYSTEM AND MARRIAGE LAWS

CLASSES OF KINSHIP

Ibaha^bi said that he called a member of a gens of another tribe, when related to him by nikie, " my father," if the latter was very old ; "Myelder brother," if. Moreover, Ibaha"bi, for example, occupies the place of StandingBearofthePonkaWajaje; and whatever relationship StandingBear maintains to Hisada, (Jjixida, Nikadaona, etc., is also maintained to the members of each sweater of Ibaha^bi.

254 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY

If my brother-in-law is the husband of my father's sister or my own sister, his sister is my grandchild and not my potential wife. A man is my brother-in-law if he is the husband of my father's sister, since he can marry my own sister, but my aunt's husband is not mine.

MARRIAGE LAWS

Two Grows cannot marry any lilike-sabe woman belonging to the subgens of his son's wife; but he may marry one belonging to any of the remaining subgentes. He cannot marry any woman of the subgens of his father's mother, at the same rent; but he can marry any woman who belongs to the other subgentes of his paternal grandmother's line, since they are not related.

3 BTU— 17

He cannot marry the daughter of any woman who is his ihaDga, as such a daughter he calls his daughter. And vice versa, any woman can marry a man who is her husband ija° (fe, i^ange, i^imi, or i^ujauge.

258 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY

DOMESTIC LIFE

COURTSHIP AND MARRIAGE CUSTOMS

Collect the presents and let him take them to his relatives." Then the husband's relative gives the wife horses, food, etc., and the husband's mother tells the daughter-in-law to take the presents to her parents. Then she can help you with your work." If the first wife refuses, the man cannot marry another woman.

DOMESTIC ETIQUETTE BASHFULNESS

But sometimes the woman has married him, despite the warnings of her relatives, who have told her: "Heismaleficent; do not take her." He also said that if the mother-in-law wanted to give the son-in-law food, it was always given to her. the girl for him; and if the girl was absent, the mother-in-law put the food on the ground and retreated from the lodge to pick it up and eat it."

PREGNANCY

Another custom prevails, which Dougherty described as follows: "If a person enters a dwelling in which his son-in-law is sitting, the latter turns his back and takes advantage of the first opportunity to leave the premises. If a person her residence at the lodge of her visit. father, the latter averts himself, and conceals his head with his garment, and his hospitality is continually extended by means of his daughter.

264 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY

DORSET.] ACCOUCHMEXT CHILDREN. 265 CHILDREN

Both sexes liked to make mud houses, hence the verb ^igaxe, to mal-e lodges, to play games. Some young people fasted in October; some fasted in the spring, after the ice broke up on the Missouri River.

STANDING OF WOMEN IN SOCIETY

He was just as sporty as the girl, although it was not common for many boys and girls to play together. The husband got his share of the labor, because the man was not used to living a useless life.

CATAMENIA

Before the introduction of firearms, man had to rely on his bow and arrow for killing the buffaloes, deer, etc., and hunting was not an easy task.

WIDOWS AND WIDOWERS

268 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY

EIGHTS OF PARENTS AND OTHERS

While the wama^he has shelter, he is expected to do his share of the hunting of game, &c. to do, just as all the other male members of the household do, and he must bring it in for the benefit of his host the household. Sometimes the ama^hy gives a skin tent to the wama° hy, who then goes elsewhere, as he has a lodge of his own.

270 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY

MEALS, ETC

272 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY

Before the coming of the white man, the Grandmas had a custom, which was related to the writer by Frank La Fleche. The first man's act was known as 'ni;a gibaqfukife', which caused another man to have his ears pierced.

VISITING CUSTOMS

THE CALUMET DANCE

CALUMET DANCE THE PIPES. 277

Fig.21—Rattlesuaedinthe Pipedauce. . the white mena piece of red blanket or Indian cloth replacedV)eeii. lii"qpe, or plumes of the eagle. Feastincj ensinfjinrj.— The next morning before sunrise some of the visitors sing as a signal for the people to rise and assemble.

Fig. 24. — Decoration of the child
Fig. 24. — Decoration of the child's face.

DOKSEY.J THE DANCE PRIVILEGES OF THE CHILD. 281

CHAPTER VIJ

INDUSTRIAI; OCCUPATIONS

HUNTING CUSTOMS

This precaution was taken every succeeding night, or else the next row before the departure of the hunters. The Waij;a° or directors of the hunt.— The chiefs always appointed four men to act as directors of the hunt.

292 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY

These skins, obtained during this season, were called "ja'lia" and were used in the construction of the skin lodges, as well as for their individual clothing during the hot weather. But those who knew how would cut three, long slices (waga) to dry. "The legs of the thighs, on which a small amount of meat was attached, were placed before the fire until the meat was sufficiently roasted, when they were broken.

294 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY

ANOINTING THE SACRED POLE SHAM FIGHT. 295

296 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY

The next morning five, six or seven of the Inke-sabg men, accompanied by one of their wives, went in search of a suitable tree. In the sun dance, the man who dug the "uje;i" in the center of the trunk circle in front of the sun pole had to be a brave man, and he was obliged to pay for the privilege.

298 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY

They had nothing to do with the anointing of the sacred pole, mock battle and Hede-watci, which ceremonies could not be performed twice during the year. Return of the tribe of diesnmmerjag.- The people started. homeward immediately after the mock battle and the Hede-watci. there were always four runners present about five or six days before the main body.

FISHING CUSTOMS

Trapping.—Since the coming of the white men, the Omahas have made small houses or traps of sticks about a meter long to catch the mijjasi (prairie wolves), big wolves, gray foxes and even the wild cat. They take a number of young willows of the species called "fixe-sagi," or hard willows, and after bending them downwards, they weave them under the surface of the water.

CULTIVATION OF THE GROUND

But if the fish are big and swim on the surface, they can jump and escape.

FOOD AND ITS PREPARATION

304 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY

Sometimes they place an ear of corn before the fire to roast it (.j6'a"he), instead of covering it with hot ashes. The rest of the pounded corn is mixed with much water, which is "nig^uze," very watery , and is eaten as soup with dumplings.

306 OMAHA SOCIOLOOY

Wnts. - The "bud" is like the horn, but grows on a different tree, the trunk of which is red (red oak? J. These nuts are fully ripe. The stem extends to the end of the leaf and rises about two feet on the water.

310 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY

CLO THING AND ITS PREPARATION

CLOTHING AND ITS PREPARATION. 311

PROTECTIVE INDUSTRIES

WAR CUSTOMS

DORSET] WAR CUSTOMS DEFENSIVE WARFARE. 313

3U OMAHA SOCIOLOGY

PONKA FORT OFFENSIVE WARFARE. 315

316 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY

Sometimes two leaders cook together or on the same day. Sometimes they take separate days, and sometimes when they cook separate days they observe no fixed order, viz. the first manager can. The warriors and leaders blacken their faces with charcoal and rub mud over them.

318 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY

The two crows themselves, being one of the captains, went with Sinde-xa'^'xa" to make analyses. When one of the chief captains was killed, he always stopped the war, even if he belonged to the victorious parties.

328 OMAHA SOCIOLOGT

34;Those who struck living enemies wore feathers upright in their hair, while those who struck dead enemies had to wear their feathers lying down." He-icatei. — The closing part of the He^ucka was called "H^-watci .” It was danced by only one man, a member of the He^ucka community.

332 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY

I should be ashamed if you were wounded in the back; but it will please me to hear that you are wounded in the breast." By and by there was war with another tribe. Let them alone; I will take care of them." He found the eldest son wounded all along the back, but facing the house.

AMUSEMENTS AND CORPORATIONS

GAMES

D0H6EV.] RIDDLES PEOVERBS GAMES. 335

These hacksaws often serve to i) prevent the hoop from escaping from the forked ends. Two little girls of about twelve years of age stand at either end of the playground and act as uhe giuaji" for the women as boys do for them.

Fig. 32. — Tbe banange.
Fig. 32. — Tbe banange.

340 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY

Then four small sticks are placed on the robe and the cards are shuffled, cut and given two to each player, after which the trumps are turned over. Musicians. - This included the musicians for special occasions, such as the Quj [for the service of the guardians of the sacred tents of the.

342 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY

CORPORATIONS

Of the otter skin bags, about two had a red feather placed crosswise in the animal's mouth. This dance takes place in the spring of the year, beginning on a good day when the grass is about six inches high.

344 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY

There are several steps in the dance, and each person keeps time with the beating of the drums. A few of those tote bags imitate the cry of the otter or that of the flying squirrel: “Ten.

348 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY

A man thinks: "I will cook", and invites to entertain those who have the nieilicine of Witcita society. It resembles the dance of the Wasejide a^i^ma, which has a medicine similar to that of the ja^i° wasabe.

352 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY

Some tell their exploits two or three times, viz. e. they may require two or three intervals or periods of time after strokes. drum to tell all they have to say. ThePadankadance.-The PddaQkawatci (Camanchedance?) has not been held among the Omahas since jafi° na^paji can remember.

REGULATIVE INDUSTRIES

THE GOVERNMENT

The custodians of the sacred flutes are considered chiefs in a sense, although they are not allowed to speak in tribal assembly. The women and children stay outside or at the back of the circle because they are afraid of the tube.

360 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY

DORSEV.] INAUGURATION OF OMAHA CHIEFS. 361

362 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY

They could not participate in the proceedings of the tribal assembly, although no council could be opened without their help. They could beat any of the disobedient persons even when not ordered to do so by the principal chiefs.

CHAPTER XII,

PERSONAL LAW

According to LaFleche and TwoCrows, there have been many in recent years. mi"cked, but it was not so before, when the Indians were the only inhabitants. The manor boy who was the victim of this crime was called a mi"-quga, or hermaphrodite. e) Rape.— But one Omaha has a bad reputation in the tribe because he has often been guilty of this crime.

366 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY

PKOPERTY LAAV

Debtors.—When a man asked another to lend him something, such as a knife, a kettle, etc., the owner would not refuse. Sometimes, if the borrower was a relative or friend of the lender, and returned his property to the latter, the lender said to him: 'Keep it!'.

CORPORATION LAW

If the use of the thing had diminished its value, the borrower always returned another object of the same kind, which had to be in as good condition as the first one was when it was borrowed. Succession order. - First the eldest son, who becomes the head of the household or family; then the other sons, who get shares from their brother; if these have sisters, they get from their eldest brother what he thinks they should have.

GOVERNMENT LAW

When the borrower finished using it, he returned it to the lender because he would be ashamed to keep it as his own. When what he had stolen was stored here, half of his own property was returned to him, and it is to the.

INTERNATIONAL LAW

MILITAKY LAW

RELIGIOUS LAW

When one man killed another, the relatives of the murdered man wanted to avenge his death, but usually the chiefs and the brave men intervened. He was obliged to pitch his tent about a quarter of a mile from the rest of the tribe when they went hunting, for fear that the spirit of his victim might raise a strong wind, which might cause damage.

Gambar

Fig. 12.— The Omaha tribal circle 220
Fig. T2.— Tbe Oaiaha tribal ciicle.
Fig. 14. — Frank La Flt^che's stetcli of the luke-aabs tent, as he saw it when he went en The buftalo hunt.
Fig. 17. — The sacred pole.
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