Optimizing MSME Fund Turnover through Digital Sharia Microfinance at Nurul Jadid Islamic Boarding School

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, World Development Perspectives 38 (2025) 100676

Optimizing the Turnover of Islamic Boarding School MSME Funds Through Digital-Based Islamic Microfinance Technology Innovation at the Nurul Jadid Islamic Boarding School, Paiton

Ahmad Zaenal Abidin

a Universitas Nurul Jadid prodi Perbankan Syariah

A R T I C L E I N F O A B S T R A C T

Keywords:

Islamic Boarding School, UMKM, Sharia Fintech, Microfinance, Digitalization, Inclusive Economy

Islamic boarding schools do not merely act as religious educational institutions, but also have a strategic position as a catalyst for empowering the people's economy, especially through the development of micro, small, and medium enterprises (MSMEs) based on Islamic values. In the context of a community-based economy, Islamic boarding schools play an important role in instilling Islamic business ethics as well as being a potential social ecosystem to encourage economic independence based on spirituality. However, this potential has not been fully optimized due to various structural constraints, such as low efficiency of fund circulation and limited access to adaptive and inclusive sharia financial services. These obstacles indicate an urgent need for systemic innovation in the management of MSME finances in the Islamic boarding school environment.

This study aims to examine in depth the implementation of sharia-based and digital microfinance technology as an instrument to strengthen fund circulation in the MSME ecosystem of Islamic boarding schools. The case study was conducted at the Nurul Jadid Islamic Boarding School, Paiton—an Islamic boarding school that has adopted a digital financial system in managing its economic activities in an integrated manner. The research method used is a descriptive qualitative approach, with data collection techniques through participatory observation, in-depth interviews with Islamic boarding school economic actors, and analysis of institutional documentation. Through this approach, a comprehensive picture of the dynamics of financial digitalization in Islamic boarding schools is obtained.

The results of the study indicate that the integration of a digital-based financial system that is in line with sharia principles has proven to be able to significantly increase the efficiency of fund management. In addition, the application of this technology also expands the reach of Islamic financial services to Islamic boarding school MSME actors, including students and the surrounding community, thereby encouraging the acceleration of capital rotation and increasing local economic productivity. However, challenges are still found, especially related to low digital literacy, limited human resource capacity, and the suboptimal supporting information technology infrastructure.

Despite facing various obstacles, a community-based approach that prioritizes the values of togetherness, trust, and sustainability, as well as consistent application of sharia principles, has proven effective in supporting the process of adopting financial technology in Islamic boarding schools. This study provides a theoretical contribution to the formation of a contextual and applicable digital-based Islamic microfinance framework. In addition, these findings also offer relevant practical implications for the transformation of the Islamic boarding school economy towards a more independent, inclusive, and sustainable system, in line with the agenda of empowering the people's economy in the digital era.

1. Introduction

Zimbabwe has a history of cyclone-induced floods.

Listing the names and years of cyclones reminds us of the many disasters in Zimbabwe over recent years: Cyclone Eline 2000; Cyclone Japhet 2003; Cyclone Dineo 2017;

Cyclone Idai 2019; Cyclone Eloise in 2021, Cyclone Ana 2022 and Cyclone Freddy 2023 (Macheka, 2024, Sibanda and Matsa, 2020). Meteorological evidence indicates that the intensity of these cyclones started deepening around the 2000s, with the floods significantly disrupting the

livelihoods of different communities and causing huge losses (Dube, 2017). Taking the year 2000 as a starting point, Tsholotsho in Zimbabwe experienced Cyclone Eline- induced floods (Manikai, 2010). In the following years, i.e.

the 2013/2014 rainfall season, Tsholotsho also saw unparalleled destruction caused by flooding. In 2017, the Gwaai River breached its banks, flooding homes and public infrastructure thus causing substantial harm to both property and livelihoods, displacing an estimated 2,000 people (United Nations Population Fund - Zimbabwe, 2017, Ngulube et al., 2024), with the greater impacts

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Research paper

* Corresponding author at: School of Geography, Archaeology and Irish Studies, University of Galway, Ireland.

E-mail addresses: [email protected] (T. Ncube), [email protected] (U. Murray). https://doi.org/10.1016/j.wdp.2025.100676 Received 23 July 2024; Received in revised form 6 March 2025; Accepted 3 April 2025

Available online 15 April 2025

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T. Ncube and U. Murray World Development Perspectives 38 (2025) 100676

reported in parts of wards 5 and 6 (Sibanda and Matsa, 2020). Based on available literature, it is evident that Tsholotsho district has been one of the communities taking the brunt of cyclone related floods in Zimbabwe. A report prepared by the Civil Protection Unit - Zimbabwe (2017) goes back further to 1978, demonstrating that a number of areas namely Mapili, Mbamba, Mahlosi, Mahlaba, Mbanyana and Tamuhla in Tsholotsho experienced flooding due to the bursting of Gwayi River and its tributaries with these same areas affected by floods in 2001; 2013 and 2017, leading to communities being evacuated and settled at Sipepa (Civil Protection Unit - Zimbabwe, 2017). Communities in the district continuously live in flood-prone areas along the Gwayi, Zombani and Manzamnyama rivers, with other settlements situated in floodplains and low-lying areas (Dube, 2017, Ncube and Chipfakacha, 2021, Civil Protection Unit - Zimbabwe, 2017), and hence face ongoing and increasing vulnerability to flood related hazards.

In general, research on internal displacements in Zimbabwe remains limited. Tanyanyiwa, 2020 highlights the need for more studies on the scope and scale of IDPs.

Ndlovu (2021) aptly summarises the research gap as follows:

“Although the amount and quality of information on internal displacement in Zimbabwe has improved in recent years, most of it is presented at the national level and considers IDPs to be a coherent group with similar needs and characteristics. This is, however, not the case. Internally displaced women, men, and children all experience displacement differently: they each have specific demands and resources they can rely on. These specificities must be better understood and taken into account to design more efficient policies and programmes to support them all”

(Ndlovu, 2021:2).

Climate variability is anticipated to increase the rate in which climate-induced displacements will occur in Zimbabwe (Jegede et al., 2022, World Bank, 2021, Brown et al., 2012). Despite the district’s history with climate change and disasters, only a few studies focus on Tsholotsho floods and displacements. Taking a vulnerability and resilience lens, Dube et al. (2018a) investigated the interaction between floods and poverty in Tsholotsho, whereas adopting the disaster risk reduction dimension, Sibanda and Matsa (2020) explored flood disaster preparedness. On the other hand, Ncube and Chipfakacha (2021) conceptualised a framework for managing climate-induced displacements. Others have focused on post-disaster related issues, with Ngulube et al. (2024)’s recent study exploring the factors impacting participatory post- disaster relocation and housing reconstruction in Tsholotsho, and Nyoni et al. (2019) investigating the challenges faced by cyclone survivors post-displacement.

Our research investigates how those affected by climate induced floods navigate the (im)mobilities, livelihoods dynamics, and quandaries of post displacement through a lived experiences approach. We respond to Martin and Bergmann (2021)’s call for research that explores and addresses the agency, needs, and challenges of immobile populations, by highlighting the needs of those who live in a state of negotiated (im)mobility in Tsholotsho.

IDP research is often conducted by international agencies and in some cases, researchers from the global North, leading to a disproportionate focus on few countries (such as Colombia) while neglecting other areas (such as the Central African Republic (Ferris, 2020b). In the case of Zimbabwe, the International Organization for Migration (IOM) has been playing a leading role in documenting the IDP situation, e.g. IOM (2018b)’s Tsholotsho District Displacement Report. Our study focuses on the views of those displaced in Tsholotsho district (Zimbabwe), supplemented by in-depth interviews from meso-level officials. Our research utilises locally informed knowledge, also drawing from the first author’s personal experience with displacement as a native of Zimbabwe.

2. Analytical framework

Underpinned by our research questions: how do households displaced by climate change in Zimbabwe navigate the process of achieving a durable solution; and t he role of mobility and immobility in post-relocation contexts in Zimbabwe, we use the Inter-Agency Standing Committee (IASC) Framework on durable solutions (Table 1) to assess the lived realities of those living in Sawudweni and Tshino post-relocation (Inter-agency Standing Committee, 2010), leveraging the key principles to inform our research.

Table 1

Principles guiding the search for durable solutions (Inter-agency Standing Committee, 2010).

Principles Description

National responsibility The primary responsibility to provide durable solutions for IDPs needs to be assumed by the national authorities.

Voluntary informed and choice of location for a durable solution

IDPs must have the right to make an informed and voluntary decision on the durable solution they pursue.

Participation of IDPs in the planning and management of durable solutions

IDPs must be involved in the planning and management of durable solutions, ensuring their needs and rights are considered.

Access to actors supporting durable

solutions National authorities have the primary

responsibility to provide durable solutions, with international humanitarian and development actors playing complementary roles.

Human Rights & IDP centred processes and programming

The needs, rights and legitimate interests of IDPs should be the primary considerations guiding all policies and decisions on durable solutions.

An IDP’s choice of local integration or settlement elsewhere in the country, in the absence of the option to return, must not be regarded as a renunciation of his/her right to return should that choice later become feasible.

Guaranteed safety Under no circumstances should IDPs be

encouraged or compelled to return or relocate to areas where their life, safety, liberty or health would be at risk.

Durable solution status is achieved when a response program ensures that IDPs have:

• Capacity to enjoy long-term safety • Access to health care and basic education

• Security and freedom of movement • Access to employment and livelihoods

• An adequate standard of living • Access to effective mechanisms that

• Access to adequate food, water and restore their housing, land and property housing or provide them with compensation

• Access to effective remedies

Based on the perspectives of those in the location, we explored the IASC (2010) criteria to assess whether the planned relocation in Tsholotsho has achieved a durable solution status.

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3. Literature

3.1. Planned relocations in response to climate change – A growing phenomenon

Many people around the world live in areas exposed to evolving and intensifying effects of hazards, disasters, and climate change, increasing the likelihood of displacements. According to the Platform on Disaster Displacement (PDD),¹millions of people are displaced annually due to floods, tropical storms, droughts, glacier melting, earthquakes, and other natural hazards. Most of these individuals seek refuge within their own countries.

In 2023, 26.8 million of internal displacements were as a result of climate-related disasters, with floods displacing 9.7 million individuals, and storms accounting for 9.5 million IDPs (IDMC, 2024b). As a phenomenon, climate- induced displacements are the unplanned, mostly involuntary movement or relocation of humans due to a climate change induced crisis or disaster from weather events (CARE International, 2020). Climate-induced displacement includes both temporary as well as permanent displacement (e.g. if people cannot go back to their homes after a disaster).

Scientists caution that climate change is expected to exacerbate displacement in the future, resulting in the need for more planned relocations (Ferris and Bower, 2023). Due to an improved and growing understanding of the relationship between climate change and displacements, governments and communities are making efforts to minimize the damages caused by disasters including through a process of planned relocation (Bower and Weerasinghe, 2021). However, displacements have severe impacts on individuals and present complex challenges that require collaborative efforts. The concept of planned relocation relates to a process in which persons or groups of persons move or are assisted to move away from their homes or places of temporary residence to be settled in a new location and provided with the conditions for rebuilding their lives (Brookings Institution, Georgetown University & UNHCR, 2015). In essence, planned relocations are used to prevent people from becoming displaced from or trapped in places with worsening climatic conditions (Bower and Weerasinghe, 2021). Climate-related planned relocation refers to the systematic relocation of people and assets away from places that have become uninhabitable or are considered to be at increasing risk to climate change impacts, such as sea-level rise, coastal erosion, flooding, thawing permafrost or land loss (Farbotko et al., 2020).

Planned relocations have become commonplace. In 2018, Fiji became one of the first countries to develop a

‘framework to undertake climate change related relocations (Benge and Neef, 2020).²With a target of forty villages earmarked for relocation within a projected 5–6- year plan, Fiji relocated six villages in 2023 (Koop, 2023).

Similar relocations have also been seen in China (Zheng et al., 2013). However, research suggests that planned relocations often result in maladaptive livelihood outcomes, thus an understanding of how planning decisions affect livelihoods is required, including physical, economic, natural, human, social and cultural assets (Bower et al., 2023). Indeed Farbotko et al. (2020) recommends that planned relocation programmes must

go beyond minimizing people’s physical exposure to climatic hazards to sustaining and enhancing people’s livelihoods, socio-cultural assets, wellbeing and resilience to climate risks in sites of resettlement.

While relocations may be considered as an adaptation strategy that can protect lives in the long term, the ability to adapt through relocation does not mean that people do not suffer loss and damage (McNamara et al., 2018).

Piggott-Mckellar et al. (2019)’s study on relocating people in Fiji, concluded that planned climate-induced relocations have the potential to improve the livelihoods of affected communities, yet if these relocations are not managed and undertaken carefully, they can lead to unintended negative impacts, including exposure to other hazards.

The authors recommended that inclusive community involvement in the planning process for planned relocations, together with regular and intentional monitoring and evaluation is necessary for maintaining livelihoods through targeted planning and should be accounted for in future relocations to ensure outcomes are beneficial and sustainable (Piggott-Mckellar et al., 2019). In a study exploring policy issues and interventions in relocation of people in Western China’s mountain areas, Chen et al. (2021) highlighted the importance of assessments that evaluate the consequences of relocation programs, including the impact on the future sustainability of people’s livelihoods in areas of destination. Despite the interest in assessments, Ferris and Bower (2023) indicate that part of the challenge is that we do not know what success looks like or how to measure outcomes, and we do not understand what constitutes an effective assessment (Ferris and Bower, 2023).

4. The various faces of mobility and their implications for planned relocation

Behind planned relocations lie a complex interplay of government actions and community decisions, including choices to move (mobility); stay by choice (voluntary immobility) or remain due to a lack of options (involuntary immobility or trapped populations). According to (de Haas, H., 2021), mobility refers to people’s capability (freedom) to choose where to live, including the option to stay instead of a more or less automated, passive and cause-and-effect’ response to a set of static push and pull factors (Haas and H., 2021). Immobility on the other hand refers to the “spatial continuity in an individual’s centre of gravity over a period of time” (Schewel, 2020). While these concepts may seem straightforward and somewhat self-explanatory, understanding the terminology requires an appreciation of the underlying conditions and choices that influence them. Mobility and immobility are not fixed categories as one can become immobile after being mobile and vice versa (Zickgraf, 2019), just as one can move back and forth between irregular and regular migration statuses (Zickgraf, 2019). Classifying people as immobile or mobile is thus complicated considering that all people are to some extent mobile and immobile at the same time, and thus no one is constantly in motion or constantly in stasis (Zickgraf, 2019). In addition to the challenge of fitting people into a specific category, (Bergmann and Martin, 2023) note that it is difficult to make generalizations about the effects of immobilities

1 https://disasterdisplacement.org/ Accessed on 15 June 2024.

2 Fiji Government, 2018. Planned Relocation Guidelines A Framework to Undertake Climate Change related Relocation. Suva.or.

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because a range of factors influences why and under which circumstances people opt to stay.

Structural conditions in affected areas such as state action and policies, power, marginalization, economic factors, availability of livelihoods, culture, and gender norms, play a critical role in shaping these factors and their implications. Individual factors, such as people’s capabilities and aspirations to move or stay, interact with these structural conditions to determine the well-being outcomes of immobilities (Bergmann, 2023). Resources required for mobility are usually not the same as those required for populations to stay (Mallick and Schanze, 2020), thus (Bergmann and Martin, 2023) indicate that

‘staying put’ may require agricultural skills for climate resilience, while moving may necessitate social and job networks in destinations. Within a context of staying, Balgah and Kimengsi (2022) suggest that the capacity to develop coping strategies of affected persons is a determining factor for immobility, a case that was common in the coastal Indian Sundarbans where social and livelihood resilience influence populations’ capacity to be voluntarily immobile (Sengupta and Samanta, 2022).

Ferris (2020a) argues that more attention should be devoted to enabling IDPs to integrate locally while not excluding the possibility of return when circumstances change. This may mean shifting from approaches that single out IDPs for assistance to area-based approaches where the needs of host communities are also addressed.

IOM (2020) states that a continuum of affected populations, rather than discrete categories better reflects contemporary conditions and the commensurate need for wide ranging responses which address vulnerabilities.

While recognizing the protection needs of refugees and IDPs, the needs of other migrants and affected populations, who may be equally vulnerable because of a crisis and associated displacement, must also be considered. This is important in host locations and areas already experiencing poverty. Tsholotsho in Zimbabwe experiences widespread poverty, with 89.3 percent of households living in poverty (USAID, 2018, Zimbabwe National Statistics Agency, 2019). Due to current ongoing El Nino droughts, both those who were formerly displaced and their hosts equally need assistance.

5. Climate-induced internal displacements in Zimbabwe: Trends in planned relocations

Between 2009–2023, about 139,000 disaster-induced internal displacements were recorded in Zimbabwe (IDMC, 2024a), with floods displacing 75 000 individuals.

Based on the awareness of these negative climate change outcomes, Zimbabwe put in place measures to address the impacts, including planned relocations. Chatiza (2019) confirms that relocation of people who have been displaced by disasters or who live in risk-prone areas is a growing and an important policy response in Zimbabwe (Chatiza, 2019).

Internationally, Zimbabwe continues to show commitment towards addressing climate change related issues. In a paper analysing climate displacement trends and the relevance of climate justice in Africa, Jegede et al.

(2022) commend Zimbabwe for fulfilling its obligations under the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), attested by submission of three consecutive communications to the UNFCCC.,³⁴⁵Jegede et al. (2022) however note that these communications do not fully address the issues and impacts of climate- induced displacement on the lives of the displaced persons, or the relevant response mechanisms that are required, focusing mainly on mitigation (Jegede et al., 2023:53). Many governments, including in Zimbabwe, have never been keen on explicitly commenting on IDPs.

Studies conducted on IDPs in Zimbabwe (Ncube and Chipfakacha, 2021, Tanyanyiwa, 2020, Naidu and Behura, 2017) highlight that although the government of Zimbabwe has recognised the existence of IDPs following widespread displacements caused by development projects and political violence, it had rejected the use of the phrase internal displacement. Naidu and Behura (2017) noted that this stance on rejecting the ‘name tag’

was driven by government’s not wishing to be associated with a crisis. International aid agencies coined alternative euphemistic labels such as ‘mobile and vulnerable populations’(MVPs) referring to IDPs as a way to gain access to displaced communities in Zimbabwe (Ncube and Chipfakacha, 2021).⁶This led (Ndlovu, 2021) to conclude that contrary to the picture the government of Zimbabwe portrays, internal displacements are more prevalent in the country than is at first discernible.

From a regional standpoint, Zimbabwe became one of the first countries to demonstrate a commitment to a legally binding framework on internal displacement by signing the African Union Convention for Protection and Assistance for Internally Displaced Persons in Africa (also known as the 2009 Kampala Convention)⁷ (Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre, 2014). While Zimbabwe ratified the convention in 2013, in 2021 Ndlovu indicated that provisions have not yet been incorporated into domestic law (Ndlovu, 2021), nor has Zimbabwe designated an authority responsible for IDP issues (Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre, 2014, Ndlovu, 2021). (Ndlovu, 2021) notes that while there is no national legal framework specifically recognising and providing for the protection and assistance of IDPs, the 2013 Constitution articulates a Bill of Rights that protects the basic rights of IDPs. However, similar to other countries, this provision subjects IDPs to broad blanket solutions that only regard them as a vulnerable group without emphasising specific programmes to support their unique needs (Ndlovu, 2021). These issues were raised in a report by (Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre, 2014) which highlighted that while the government of Zimbabwe acknowledged the existence of IDPs, the frameworks,

3 Government of Zimbabwe. 2022. Zimbabwe’s Initial Adaptation Communication to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change. Harare, Government of Zimbabwe.

4 Government of Zimbabwe 2016. Zimbabwe Third National Communication to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change. Harare, Government of Zimbabwe.

5 Government of Zimbabwe 2022. Fourth National Communication to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change.

Harare, Government of Zimbabwe.

6 See also: IOM. 2018a. New Funding to Provide Critical Assistance to Zimbabwe’s Mobile and Vulnerable People [Online]. Harare: IOM.

Available: https ://www.iom.int/news/new-funding-provide-critical-assistance-zimbabwes-

7 The Kampala Convention was adopted by the African Union in October 2009 and Zimbabwe ratified it November 2013 Zimbabwe Human Rights Commission, 2017 . Human Rights Commission Report on 2014 Tsholotsho Flooding Commissions Watch Harare..

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laws, and national policies failed to explicitly address the challenges they face.

An advocacy brief published in 2022 by the University of Pretoria’s

Center for Human Rights (2022), celebrates Zimbabwe for having a Framework for the Resettlement of Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs). According to the Center for Human Rights (2022), this framework helps humanitarian actors evaluate and promote resettlement as a durable solution option for IDPs in Zimbabwe as it adopts relevant legal principles which include the principles behind the Kampala Convention in order to provide internationally recognised standards. (Mavhinga, 2015) adds that the framework was adopted by international aid agencies working in Zimbabwe, and although not legally binding, it draws on relevant legal standards to guide resettlement processes in Zimbabwe. Beyond these two citations, our review did not find other studies that referred to this framework.⁸We noted that the document is hosted by the

‘refworld’ website and did not locate it on any government agencies or department websites. In terms of content, the framework outlines that it is a tool for assisting humanitarian actors to assess and promote options for resettlement as one of the three durable solutions for IDPs in Zimbabwe. Annex 2 of the framework outlines the conditions absolutely necessary for considering a ‘durable solution’ to have been achieved in Zimbabwe’. In short, conditions related to livelihoods; standards of living; civil status and land tenure documentation; and safety are captured in the framework:

• IDPs have access to livelihoods that at least allow them to fulfil their core socio-economic needs.

• IDPs have adequate access to essential food, water, basic shelter and housing, essential medical services, sanitation and at least primary school education.

• IDPs have access to personal documentation required to access public services, to vote, as well as documentation providing a legal and acknowledged right to access land.

• IDPs do not suffer harassment, intimidation, persecution or other forms of punitive action.

Turning to the literature on planned relocations in non- climate contexts in Zimbabwe, we identified gaps in planning and implementation. Research on post- relocation experiences of survivors of the Tokwe Mukosi dam-induced floods in Zimbabwe, indicates that communities were relocated to smaller plots, which presented various limitations. Capacity to produce enough crops to feed their families was reduced, with the overall impacts showing people lack access to assets necessary for livelihoods after relocation (Mapuranga, v., 2016;

Mavhinga, 2015). Relocation areas did not have water, and while government had estimated that it would take seven years to set up irrigation systems, during that time relocated communities were expected to sustain themselves (Mavhinga, 2015). In a separate study on politically- induced displacements and relocations (Hopley and Caledonia relocation areas), Naidu and Behura (2017) found that forced relocation undermined the capacity of IDPs to shape their lives as they would probably have done in their previous homes. Overall, these gaps highlighted in previous relocation projects underscore the importance of Chatiza (2019)’ recommendations that underscore that relocations should be planned and implemented in a participatory manner and guided by an appropriate support framework based on legislation (Chatiza, 2019) in Zimbabwe. In light of the findings from the literature, and because of the likelihoods more displacements in the coming years, we thought it timely to ask the IDPs themselves about their experiences.

6. Methodology

This study draws from qualitative fieldwork conducted between mobile-and-vulnerable-people [Accessed 11/04/2024].

8 See: National legislative bodies/national authorities. 2011. Zimbabwe: Framework for the Resettlement of Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) [Online]. Available: https://www.refworld.org/policy/strategy/natlegbod/2011/en/ 120651 [Accessed 11/04/2024].

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December 2023 and January 2024 in Tsholotsho and further key informant interviews up to May 2024.

Tsholotsho district is in the Matabeleland North province ( Fig. 1), south-west of Zimbabwe (Dube et al., 2018b), and lies between geographical coordinates 19^◦46′0′′South and 27^◦45′0′′East, with an average altitude of 1072 m above sea level (Zingi et al., 2022). The district is

categorised as a dry area and is located in the ecological zone of region five. However, over the years, characterised by stream bank cultivation. Some villagers have drilled their own boreholes to bring water to their gardening activities throughout the year (Zingi et al., 2022). While streambank and riverbank cultivation enable communities to access fertile soils, these practices have also increased community vulnerability to cyclone-induced flooding.

the district has recorded high levels of flooding owing to climate variability and increased erratic rainfall (Sibanda and Matsa, 2020).,⁹¹⁰In addition, Tsholotsho is susceptible to cyclones due to Zimbabwe’s location in the pathway of cyclones from Mozambique and the Indian Ocean (Ngulube et al., 2024). Ngulube et al. (2024) add that due to the semi-aridity and low-rainfall characteristics of the area, Tsholotsho is

7. Research design, data collection and ethical considerations

Using a case-study research design, the aim was to explore lived experiences of those relocated by the government of Zimbabwe post- Cyclone Dineo in 2017.

Adopting a purposive site sampling approach, our research focused on two villages - Sawudweni and Tshino in Tsholotsho (Fig. 1). Purposive sampling played an important role in our research design, as the researchers had specifically identified the IDPs they wanted to interview to obtain the most valuable insights (Campbell et al., 2020). Informed by our literature review findings, the survey is contained in Annex 1. Sixty-seven surveys with Cyclone Dineo survivors were conducted, alongside six key-informant interviews with district level government officials and community leadership, including one transact walk. The length of each interview ranged from 30 min to one hour. We ensured that there was variation in gender, life stage, and age

Mupuro, J. M. & Muzira., N. M. 2020. Revision of Zimbabwe’s Agro-Ecological Zones. Harare. See also: Government of Zimbabwe 2013.

Agricultural Sector Gender Assessment Report. Harare.

Table 2

Frequency table | Respondent details.

9 Zimbabwe is divided into 5 Agro-ecological regions. Region I receives a mean annual rainfall of above 1 000 mm; Region II receives a mean annual rainfall of 750–1000 mm; Region III receives a mean annual rainfall of between 650––750 mm; Region IV receives a mean annual rainfall is between 450–650 mm, and Region V is characterised by erratic rainfall, severe dry spells and periodic seasonal droughts during the rainy season, receiving a mean annual rainfall that is below 450 mm. While these are typical agro-ecological regions in Zimbabwe, emerging research suggests that due to climate change there is need for their revision.

10 See also: Manatsa, D., Mushore, T. D., Gwitira, I., Wuta, M., Chemura, A., Shekede, M. D., Mugandani R., Sakala, L. C., Ali, L. H., Masukwedza, G. I.,

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Fig. 1. Study Site, Source: Ngulube et al. (2024).

Participant Role N Sex Sex Mean Age

M F

Median Age Age range Data collection modality

Physical Online

Household head 67 32 35 50.34 Key informants 6 4 2 39.83 49.5

39.5

25yrs – 65+

35–45

67 .

2 4

amongst our participants. The ages of participants ranged from 25 to 65 + years, and 36 participants were male, 37 females (n = 73), (Table 2). Data was uploaded to KoboToolbox.¹¹Slightly more than half of the survey participants were females, indicating a balanced gender representation in our sample.

Participants were asked a variety of questions including their ratings of specific relocation services such as housing assistance, and regarding their ability to rebuild their lives. The lead author utilised his understanding of the community’s cultural dynamics and politics to navigate and incorporate cultural considerations into the research (Brockie et al.,

Table 3

Respondents’ ranking o

appropriateness. f housing assistance in relation to adequacy and

Rating Frequency Percentage

Very dissatisfied Dissatisfied Neutral Satisfied Very satisfied Total

35 19 9 0 4 67

52.2 28.3 13.4 0 6 100

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The research was conducted within the framework of an ethical approval granted by the University of Galway Ethical Research Committee (reference number 2023.10.013). Permission to interact with the communities was secured through the Ministry of Local Government and Public Works in Zimbabwe, as well the District Development Coordinator’s Office in Tsholotsho.

All subjects gave their informed consent and voluntary participation. Applying reflexive thematic content analysis, data was analysed (Braun and Clarke, 2020).

Responses were anonymised and participants assigned pseudo codes, numbers, and grouped into: Household Head (HH); Government Official (GO); Community Leader (CL).

8. Results and discussion

This section presents the results of our thematic analysis of survey responses and key informant interviews, structured to the extent possible around the IASC (2010) Framework on Durable Solutions for IDPs.

8.1. Gaps in achieving durable solutions were evident A durable solution for IDPs is one that lasts (Ferris, 2020a) and is achieved when IDPs no longer have any specific assistance and protection needs that are linked to their displacement, and can enjoy their human rights without discrimination on account of their displacement (Inter-agency Standing Committee, 2010). Although the government’s response to the floods in Tsholotsho demonstrated their commitment to providing immediate relief and supporting the affected communities by re- housing them, in our study, we found that there are gaps in achieving long term solutions seven years post-Cyclone Dineo and hence the Tsholotsho relocation project has not yet met the standards of a durable solution. When asked about their resettlement experience and their existing assistance needs, typical response from participants showed that they still required assistance linked to their displacement. As first level of our inquiry, we asked respondents “On a scale of 1 to 5, how satisfied are you with the adequacy of supports for IDPs”,¹²being

11 KoboToolbox is a free toolkit for collecting and managing data in challenging environments and is the most widely- used tool in humanitarian emergencies. Data from interviews or other primary data is collected both online or offline. Visit https://www.kobotoolbox.org/ for more information.

12 1 = very dissatisfied and 5 = very satisfied.

particularly interested in measuring participants’

perceptions of housing assistance as part of the durable solution. Overall, housing assistance (relocation project) was lowly rated, with the majority of respondents indicating that there were “very dissatisfied” and a significant portion of respondents being “dissatisfied”, while very few were “neutral” or “very satisfied”, and none were simply “satisfied” (Table 3). The low rating was associated with how the relocation alienated people from their livelihoods.

Twenty-nine (43 %) of the respondents indicated that they are living in a state of economic displacement arising from a relocation program that did not factor the potential for post-resettlement livelihoods (see below excerpts):

“Moving to Sawudweni has been one of the most difficult decisions, back at Esidakeni I used to grow crops and sell the surplus and use the profit to participate in savings groups. This has not been the case as I don’t have access to a piece of land here, the arrangement is that on farming seasons we have to go back where we used to live but due to my age, I can’t be up and down that much (HH 34, Female, Sawudweni).

“I think the housing assistance and some of the other support we received after the cyclone were designed with basic needs in mind, and as a result did not address future needs […] The land here does not allow agricultural activities and we still look up to government

for food assistance […] (HH 52, Male, Tshino)”

“While the biggest component of the social assistance was provision of standardised housing that can resist future destruction, the trade- off was too big. In future relocations or housing assistance should take into cognizance people’s livelihoods so that the support does not undermine people’s livelihoods and wellbeing […]” (HH6, Male, Sawudweni).

As described by the some of the development banks (E uropean bank for reconstruction and development, 2017, Asian Development Bank, 2009), economic displacement is characterised by the forced disruption of livelihoods;

economic instability resulting from both displacement and relocation; and a lack of alternative livelihoods in the newer locations. We found that economic displacement poses a significant barrier to achieving a durable solution for those living in Tsholotsho. Our findings align with a recent article published by The Chronicle (a prominent state-owned newspaper) which reported on a visit by the Special Advisor to the President responsible for monitoring and implementation to Tsholotsho. The article confirmed the existence of gaps in long-term solutions for government programmes. Moyo (2024), when reporting on the visit quoted the Special Advisor saying: “I have also been informed that the soils at the new sites are sandy and not suitable for grazing gardening and farming […].

Therefore, would like to urge relevant authorities to ensure that for future relocation programmes, a holistic approach is adopted considering the safety concerns as well as the issue of sustainable livelihoods”.

Apart from economic gaps, our results indicated that there is lack of access to basic amenities such as schools, clinic and water. The majority (92 % of participants) expressed the need for water, citing its importance for nutritional gardens or small livestock projects within their yards. One respondent said:

“[…] While we are grateful for the houses we are staying in, I think the assistance came at a price, we need water supply systems so that we can have nutritional gardens and start other projects” (HH 67, Male, Tshino)

Moyo (2024) confirms these findings.¹¹In addition, (Mkwananzi, 2021) highlights that gaps in the amenities indicate a lack of critical infrastructure required to improve the living conditions and wellbeing of relocatees. Beyond Tsholotsho relocations, research shows that planned relocations have a history of negative economic impacts in Zimbabwe. Exploring the economic consequences of internal displacement amongst those 11 In the newspaper article entitled “Relocated flood victims struggle to access basic amenities”,

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who were forcibly relocated to Arda Transau from Chiadzwa-Mutare (through development/mining induced displacement), Mandishekwa and Mutenheri (2020) reported that IDPs had lost significantly in terms of land, size of animal herds, employment opportunities and incomes. As IASC stipulates that among the re- establishment of the most basic services (schools, basic healthcare, water and sanitation) or where these already exist, their adaption to the specific needs of IDPs should be part of the early recovery priorities relevant for durable solutions. We conclude that Tshino-Sawudweni has not achieved this status seven years later.

8.2. IDPs emerged as active agents in the aftermath of the cyclone

In response to inadequacies in the Tsholotsho relocation plan, the results indicate that IDPs are proactive in addressing gaps related to accessing livelihoods, employment, housing, land and property. Below we present our thematically analysed findings, having identified ‘agency’ as a significant factor, particularly in relation to livelihoods, housing, land, and property; as well as across the theme of negotiated (im)mobility. Changed gender relations also emerged as a finding, resulting from families living in two different locations.

IDPs are active agents in solving the employment and livelihoods challenges. We found that households engage in a back-and-forth form of movement between government-designated relocation areas and cyclone affected regions, a phenomenon we conceptualise as

‘negotiated (im)mobility’. Although this is roughly a distance of twenty-five to thirty kilometres, this journey can take up to 5–7 h travel by foot, or 45 min by public transport. This oscillatory phenomenon involves men moving back to places of former residence to grow crops and engage in other livelihood activities while women and children remain in the places of relocation. We note that this phenomenon is a response to the economic gaps experienced in achieving a durable solution for those resettled in Sawudweni and Tshino. Forty-nine respondents (73 %) attested to tracking back-and-forth, with one of the participants opining:

“[…] I and other IDPs, have to travel back to our fields we used before the floods. That is the only way we can put food on the table and support our families” (HH 67, Male, Tshino).

Through the process of negotiated (im)mobility, households go through a decision-making process underpinned by the need to navigate the challenges and opportunities of being (im)mobile. In Place A (original location before displacement), cyclone survivors derive their livelihoods, social networks, and cultural experience thus demonstrating the community’ agency in preserving their way of life and sustaining their economic activities.

Migration or movement to Place B (a government- provisioned relocation area) reflects respondents’

perception of government housing as a ‘safe haven’ in case of climate-related hazards, which Place A is prone to. In essence, the decision-making process surrounding negotiated (im)mobility involves households as independent decision-making units/agents, engaging in a process of risk assessment to determine the terms of their mobility based on safety, livelihoods, and well-being considerations.

We note that as a complex approach, negotiated (im)mobility is a potentially beneficial strategy in post- relocation contexts as it allows households to make trade- offs between safety and economic security. As a concept, negotiated (im)mobility underscores the multi- dimensional decision matrix of (im)mobility, recognizing that movement and settlement decisions are not binary but exist on a spectrum that involves households’ capacity to negotiate based on their unique circumstances. Our results confirm Zickgraf (2019)’s view that mobility and immobility are not fixed categories as one can become immobile after being mobile and vice versa. Thus negotiated (im)mobility allows households the flexibility to adopt contextual responses to environmental risks, highlighting the flexibility to adapt in response to changing conditions.

Based on respondent HH 67′s response and through the concept of negotiated (im)mobility, we challenge Ngulube et al. (2024)’s assessment of Tsholotsho relocations based on the notion that a successful relocation and housing reconstruction project should be measured by the utilization of housing facilities and no return of communities to at- risk areas (Ngulube et al., 2024). We note that the Tshino-Sawudweni relocation project cannot be classified as a failed project in totality as the households have not completely abandoned the housing facilities but utilise them strategically. We argue that when negotiated (im) mobility is viewed as an act of agency, rather than a response to a failed relocation plan, it highlights the proactive and strategic decision-making of households. This is established by two other separate studies, i.e. (Mkwananzi, 2021) who observed that families who were relocated from Gwayi riverbanks in response to Cyclone Dineo had since returned to the riverbanks due to lack of arable land and pastures for their animals, and Nyoni et al. (2019) who found that due to lack of emergency relief funds to recapitalize and re- energize the livelihoods in Tsholotsho post-Cyclone Dineo, and failure by government to provide alternative livelihood options for the affected people, previously displaced communities retreated to their original homes to cultivate their fields resulting in the ownership of dual residences. Through the concept of negotiated (im)mobility, we observe that those in Tsholotsho are navigating challenges posed by a government relocation programme primarily conceived as a housing project.

Funds were mobilized to facilitate the physical relocation of populations rather than to also support a long- term protection strategy that includes the restoration or improvement of socioeconomic conditions and successful long-term adaptation (IOM, 2017).

Mobility between the relocated area and their original locations appears to be a common trend among populations resettled under planned relocation programmes. Studies outside Zimbabwe confirm this.

Usamah and Haynes (2012) in their examination of the resettlement programmes aimed at volcanic risk reduction in the Philippines, found that people relocated from permanent volcanic danger zones frequently returned to their old homes. This behaviour was driven by their strong dependency on farmlands for livelihood, coupled with insufficient skills that hindered their ability to sustain alternative jobs or earn adequate income to support their families (Usamah and Haynes, 2012). This scenario was conceptualised by (Bower and Weerasinghe, 2021) as pursuing “translocal” lifestyles, characterised by regular movement between both sites.

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Relocation projects should be understood beyond simplistic narratives, as they often involve complexities.

This includes cases where people may return to previous locations not as a form of opposition to the relocation project but as an expression of agency.¹²We propose that future relocations should also consider relocating people within closer vicinities if possible. This approach appears to enhance the capacity of relocated populations to effectively navigate their lives post-relocation, facilitating freedom of movement – a crucial a component as stipulated by IASC (2010). Zickgraf (2019)’s study on climate mobility and relocation in Senegal and Vietnam showed that IDPs highly ranked/favoured relocation plans that did move them outside their districts or provinces as this allowed them to maintain their social networks and sense of community.

Despite its positive contribution to livelihoods and household resilience, the act of negotiated (im)mobility also has negative gender related implications. As (Cernea, 1997) earlier noted, relocation may lead to risks of impoverishments such as landlessness; homelessness;

social disarticulation; loss of access to common property etc. Our results indicate that beyond these impoverishment risks, there are gender issues that arise from navigating quandaries associated with relocations in Tsholotsho. Planned relocations in Tsholotsho are characterised by negative socioeconomic outcomes and familial dislocation that emanates from the back-and-forth migration and two locations arrangements. Thirteen (19

%) of the participants indicated that managing two locations negatively imposes resource allocation constrains as captured in the excerpts below:

“For the most of us, managing to keep our new houses habitable and also ensuring that livestock and agricultural land at Esidakeni are safe kept, hasn’t been easy as the capacity to balance the investments demands money to keep things moving on each end (HH14, Male Tshino).

Izinto azange zafana futhi (Things have not been the same since), ukuba lendawo ezimbili umuntu ahlala kuzo kwenza impilo ibenzima ikakhulu nxa sikhangeke ekugcineni imali (having two places to manage is demanding, particularly in how it affects savings).

Unkosikazi labantwana bahlala lapha, mina ngiyabe ngilapha sometimes so imali yiyo engavumiyo (My wife and children live here, and I am usually in the other place, and money has become a challenge) (HH22, Male, Sawudweni).

Indeed, twenty-four respondents (36 %) expressed familial dislocation as a result of engaging in the process of negotiated (im)mobility. Respondents had the following to say:

“[…] We live far apart from our partners, and that is causing strain to families as well” (HH6, Male, Sawudweni Village).

“[…] As it is, our husbands spend half the time in Esidakeni while we’re here in Tshino, it’s causing strain on relationships and incomes (HH16, Female, Tshino Village).

“You know it’s tough raising the children alone here.

There are days they ask for their father and no matter

the explanation, they do not understand […] they have even asked to go and live with him, but that cannot work (HH61, Female, Sawudweni Village)”

Thus, engaging in negotiated (im)mobility is not without consequences as households have to make a range of trade-offs between safety, family harmony and managing scare resources. The excerpts highlight the predicaments faced by households. We note that while the main objective of relocation is to ensure that communities are ‘safe and sound’, we observe a trend of trade-offs that compromise household wellbeing. Indeed, trade-offs post-displacement seem to be a common

dilemma. Zickgraf (2019) noted that those who had been relocated in Senegal faced financial stresses in commuting between their relocation area and their existing plots and fields, leading to situations where others become economically worse off than before relocation as they accrued debt in the process. Our findings underline (Betancur, 2024)’s assertion that while the agency and work of IDPs are inspiring, it is not enough, and more must be done to assist them and ensure their human rights are respected and protected through the achievement of durable solutions.

Our findings emphasise the importance of carefully considering the suitability of land in relocation areas,¹³as land is an essential productive asset for relocated families to sustain their livelihoods (Ferris, 2017; EBRD, 2017). We observe that relocations in Tsholotsho highlight the complexities and trade-offs involved in balancing the imperative to save lives with ethical, participatory, and moral expectations, which also leads to different gender dimensions.

IDPs are active agents in addressing housing, land and property related gaps in the post-Cyclone Dineo solution. Gaps in access to housing and property regarding the Tshino-Sawudweni relocation project are well documented (Chigodo, 2020; Gono, 2020; Mkwananzi, 2021; Moyo, 2024; Nyoni et al., 2019; Ngulube et al., 2024 ). Research reports indicate that due to the stalling of housing construction and protracted displacement, villagers were living in old and torn tents (Gono, 2020).

Our research found that in response to the gaps in housing provision, cyclone survivors were exercising agency. One community leader noted:

“Our people have shown a spirit of resilience and flexibility over the years in response to the obvious challenges faced by government in fulling its housing promise, in particular the seven families whose houses have not been completed after seven years of displacement have rebuilt their lives independent of government assistance even though we are anticipating government to finally resettle them” (CL, Male, Online).

In their discussion of factors impacting participatory post-disaster relocation and housing reconstruction in Tsholotsho, Ngulube et al. (2024) conclude that due to reliance on resources, funding and assistance from NGOs and external governments, the Government of Zimbabwe was ill-prepared to undertake a large-scale relocation project without set and adequate funds to initiate and 12 For example, it could be difficult to restrict people from going back to previous areas of residence if they have socially ties with the location of origin making it hard for them to socially adapt. These scenarios usually involve

13 Quality of soil for agricultural activities when it is a rural relocation

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complete the project within the specified time frame. In a toolkit for planning relocations, (Ferris, 2017) underscores the importance of availability of funding sources within national and local budgets. Indeed, (Cernea, 1997) recognized that resettling displaced populations is accompanied by ‘risks of impoverishment’ e.g.

landlessness; homelessness; food insecurity; social disarticulation; loss of access to common property etc. We found that Cyclone survivors face such risks of impoverishment.

8.3. Policies and systems for planned climate-induced relocations hinder long-term solutions and affect accountability to affected populations

To comprehensively explore the state of policies and systems for planned climate-induced relocations in Zimbabwe, we separated our findings and discussion into two segments, with one focusing on how policy related challenges undermine achievement of long-term solutions, and the other segment discussing how policy gaps undermine accountability to affected populations.

Policy related challenges hinder the achievement of long-term solutions in Tsholotsho. While planned relocations should be underpinned by governance frameworks (Garimella, 2022), officially recognized in

the nation’s legal and policy frameworks, and aligned with national and local plans and priorities United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), 2022 to address displacement-specific needs across

shrines, and burial sites that cannot not be moved to the relocation sites, hence people may always return for reasons beyond what government can control for.

reconstruction, human rights,and development (Inter- agency standing committee, 2010; Ferris, 2020a), we found that such systems and policies are still nascent in Zimbabwe. This has led to poor economic, social and political outcomes in the lives of those affected.

Our results show that economic displacement in Tsholotsho stems from weak policy and governance systems which are demonstrated by disagreements on activities related to land use; a lack of standards on land and property restoration such as land/plot sizes; and authoritative allocation which limits access to land and other livelihood related resources etc. Fifty-nine (88 %) of household respondents emphasised this as follows:

“Imthetho elapha aysivumeli ukuthi silime, into esasijayele ukuziphilisa ngayo ukuze sithole amagconswana lokokudla (The laws do not allow us to embark on any agricultural or farming activities, something that we used to rely on for our consumption and incomes). Akukho kuhle lokho okwalapha, imithetho leyi, ngeyendlala (It is an unfair arrangement, these are laws of hunger)” (HH65, Female, Tshino).

“I would appreciate if we were to be allowed to bring or have our livestock with us here for continuity of our livelihoods and their security because we are not allowed to have our livestock, like goats and cattle here” (HH 67, Male, Tshino).

Following responses from household heads, and based on our literature search, which revealed inconsistencies regarding the existence of a framework for resettling displaced populations in Zimbabwe, we were interested in ascertaining how laws prohibiting livelihood activities were being implemented and their origins. We asked key informants about the policies and protocols used to determine land use and authorise relocations in Tsholotsho. The following are some responses from Government Officials:

“[…] My brother, we don’t have a relocation policy; I do not want to lie […]. Most of what was done here was based on common understanding and not informed by any policies” (GO1, Male, Online).

Regarding laws restricting people from engaging in agricultural activities, another Government Official responded:

“About whether people were allowed to grow crops or not, there was no law prohibiting that. It was a verbal arrangement than anything legally binding, and that

caused confusion. We later told people that they can bring their livestock and grow crops here now […]

government communicated this change” (GO2, Male, Tsholotsho Centre).

Yet, as indicated earlier, those residing in the relocation area are experiencing economic displacement. This contrasts with the assertion by GO2 who stated that there are no laws prohibiting people from engaging in livelihood activities. According to IOM (2018b), however, the new settlements in Sawudweni and Tshino resemble a peri- urban set up, where livestock or crop production is restricted by the government (IOM, 2018b). Taken together, our synthesis leads us to conclude that due to a weak policy environment, planned relocations were conducted under the influence of ‘politics of place’. The term ‘politics of place’ in this paper refers to ‘the politics governing the place (Tshino and Sawudweni villages)’

including the socioeconomic activities (who gets to keep livestock and gets to grow crops), with the role of local authorities and other key stakeholders shaping the authoritative allocation of local resources (Easton, 1965) including land (Moore, 1998).¹⁴Local laws regarding land- use are the main tension point for those relocated to Sawudweni and Tshino, with conflicting views on land use amongst government participants and relocated household respondents stemming from a weak policy environment.

Our analysis suggests that due to the lack of a national framework that should set the standard on land and property restoration as stipulated by IASC (2010), dislocated communities struggle, and are excluded from decision making processes. Examined within a human rights framework, Cyclone Dineo-induced relocations underline the importance of conducting planned relocations based on well-defined and appropriate legal frameworks, governance systems while also acknowledging the complexity that characterizes relocation as a process (Durand-Delacre et al., 2023, United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), 2022).

Indeed, Mkwananzi (2021) concretises this view arguing that Tsholotsho relocations illustrate the importance of adequate planning and the need for strategies to compensate communities’ post-displacement. In line with

14 We adapt Moore (1998)’s definition of politics of place to address out conceptual requirements.See: Moore, D.S. (1998).

Subaltern Struggles and the Politics of Place: Remapping Resistance in Zimbabwe’s Eastern Highlands.

Cultural Anthropology, Vol. 13, Issue 3, pp. 344–81.

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