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Does Hamayotsu's claim that the decline of Islamic political parties, especially in the post-reform era, indicate the decline of political Islam?7 If this is the case, then what explains the increased implementation of Sharia law at the regional level, almost throughout the Indonesian archipelago. In order to understand the connection between political Islam and Islamic political parties, a research gap needs to be filled. In other words, the manifestations of political Islam are not only evident in Islamic political parties; but also in Islamic movements with society as the focal point.

The paper argues that a decline in support for Islamic parties does not necessarily mean that political Islam is in decline. Therefore, the rise or fall of political Islam in Indonesia may not be a reflection of Muslim people's support for the Islamic political parties. Still, the decline of Islamic parties after the reform era does not mean that Indonesian Muslims no longer support political Islam.

Minangkabau People: Social and Political Changes

Symbolically, the difference between bodi chaniago and koto piliang is reflected in the floor construction of their rumah gadang hall25 (traditional building). As in the tradition of bodi chaniago and koto piliang, leaders cannot assume a role similar to a king, sultan or emperor. There is a proverb about differences of opinion: Passing wood to the hearth makes the fire glow"28.

At the national level, War of Independence and in the early 1950s it was a 'golden' period for Minangkabau people. This confirms that the influence of traditional Islam in the formation of democratic values ​​was at the community level. Those who have returned from other areas in the region or even overseas often bring new ideas for the betterment of their society.

During the decision-making process, the Minangkabau people always held discussions based on the principle of alue Jo patuik (rationality) by considering circumstances, circumstances, time and circumstances. A result on the consequences of the Merantau culture in the early 19th century had disastrous consequences. 36 “Tuanku” was a title given to high-ranking ulama in Minangkabau, who were recognized authorities in Islamic sciences.

Historically, Islam had already entered Minangkabau society at the beginning of the sixteenth century.40 Although its impact was marginal. 48 Marapalam is the small area at the base of Mount Sago, Lintau, in the Tanah Datar region. Therefore, it was not surprising that a 'second wave' of Puritans, the Kaum Mudo, re-emerged in Minangkabau in the early twentieth century.

51 Manti to convey the decisions taken by the penghulu at the Nagari level meeting.

Modern State and the Political Islam of Minangkabau People By understanding the Islamic purification movement’s character

After the PRRI's defeat, the military had full authority to appoint local leaders. The centralized government under guided democracy had also undermined the “local democratic values” of the Minangkabau people. Under the New Order regime, all local political elements were precisely regulated in a centralized manner, disregarding the heterogeneity of local political systems that existed long before the establishment of the modern Indonesian state.

This is evident from the election results under the New Order regime, where the majority of Minangkabau voted for Golkar. The number of votes obtained by the Golkar Party during the New Order regime in West Sumatra almost always exceeded the national average of the party's vote share and dominated the number of seats in the local House of Representatives (Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Daerah, DPRD) (See Table 3). 63. Distribution of seats in the local parliament (DPRD) as a result of the New Order elections in West Sumatra.

Political pragmatism was also on the agenda, especially with the local leaders who ruled and were influential in West Sumatra. Such pragmatic behavior was also reflected in the existence, operation and role of non-governmental organizations (NGOs). The character of these organizations was strongly influenced by the autocratic model imposed by the new order.65 Under the regime, non-governmental organizations were generally subordinated to the representative of the state.

Kerapatan Adat Alam Minangkabau (LKAAM, the Foundation of Minangkabau Customary Laws), established at the beginning of the New Order, always supported the Golkar party. A similar situation also occurred in the Muhammadiyah, many cadres of this organization were the members of the Golkar party.

Post Suharto West Sumatra

For example, the foundation of the women's organization Bundo Kanduang not only focused on cultural issues, but also had a political goal, namely to strengthen the legitimacy of the regime in power. Instead of implementing the reform agenda of improving bureaucracy and public services, the members of the West Sumatra DPRD were involved in a massive corruption scandal between 1999 and 2004. The Padang court has found 43 members of the West Sumatra Provincial Legislative Council guilty of corruption involving the 2002 provincial budget.66 Rampant corruption cases in West Sumatra damaged the image of the regional parliament, a pattern that has been seen throughout Indonesia. is visible.

The cases involved not only members of the legislature at the provincial level, but also several members of parliament and kotamadya at the district levels, namely, Lima Puluh Kota, Padang, Padang Pariaman, Payakumbuh, Agam and Tanah Datar districts. Ironically, although a number of corruption cases involving a member of the West Sumatra DPRD from 1999-2004 were uncovered, it did not affect the voting behavior of the local population in the region. Moreover, the ideas of democracy, human rights and freedom of speech were only used to protect their interests.68 The result of the 2004 elections illustrated that there were no fundamental changes in the political structure of West Sumatra province.

The power to mobilize money was the most decisive factor in the victory of the Golkar Party in the 2004 parliamentary elections, aided by the "pragmatism" of the people of West Sumatra. How can we believe that the elected legislature will represent the real will of the people? At the end of the meeting, the residents asked for some money or goods to be disbursed by future legislators.

Depending on the rate at which money or material assets are disbursed to citizens, the community was more likely to agree to provide the political support needed to secure the election of a future legislature. The success of the Democratic party in West Sumatra also reflected the pragmatic political behavior of the Minangkabau society, which was willing to exercise flexibility, especially since the Democrat was the governing party.

Political Islam in West Sumatra: Wayang vs Dalang

The 1955 election, the post-reform situation in the province of West Sumatra seemed to suggest that Islamic parties did not have a significant political base. However, this does not mean that political Islam in West Sumatra is on the decline as the facts show otherwise. As well as imposing Sharia law at the provincial and regional level, the public sphere in West Sumatra is controlled by Islamists.

Understanding the logic of "wayang", it must be recognized that support for the Golkar party under the Suharto regime cannot be interpreted as a sign that Muslims in West Sumatra have changed their political orientation from religious to secular. We should not forget that the relationship between the ulama and society in West Sumatra has long been institutionalized through patron-client norms. The role of the ulama in rural West Sumatra has not changed despite the change in the political system.

Although secular parties dominated elections in the post Suharto era, it would be a mistake to assume that the influence of ulama in West Sumatra has weakened, especially their ability to influence voter behavior. Some of Syattariyah members managed to become members of parliament of various political parties in West Sumatra. The situation in West Sumatra is very similar to other Islamic cities in the world.

Such attempts to establish an Islamic society in West Sumatra take place through the legal process, specifically through the parliament. Most MPs in the West Sumatra province support these ideas regardless of their party's political background.

Conclusion

Furthermore, due to the endemic corruption, severe economic dislocation and moral degradation in the urban areas of West Sumatra, Islamism has emerged in various platforms as the most powerful anti-systemic social force opposing corruption, economic disparity and all social problems. Using a bottom-up strategy, Islamist groups in West Sumatra manage to control public discourse that includes virtually all social classes, genders, and status groups. Therefore, the public sphere and government in the province of West Sumatra will slowly but surely be controlled by Islamists.

A'la, Abdul, “Silsilah Radikalisme Muslim di Indonesia: Kajian Akar dan Karakter Gerakan Padri,” Jurnal Islam Indonesia. Abdullah, Taufik, “Sekolah dan Politik: Gerakan Kaum Muda di Sumatera Barat Seri Monograf No. 50, Cornell Modern Indonesia Project, Cornell University, 1971. Sebuah Pemikiran Awal” dalam Yerri S Putra (ed.), Minangkabau di Persimpangan Jalan Generasi, Padang: Fakultas Literasi Universitas Andalas, 2007.

Ancaman Terorisme Asia Tenggara, Singapura: Institute for Defense and Strategic Studies Nanyang Technological University and World Scientific Publishing, 2003. Chaniago, Andrinof A, “Hambatan Demokratisasi di Indonesia” dalam Maruto MD dan Anwari MK (eds.), “Political Reformasi dan Kekuatan Masyarakat: Kendala dan Peluang Demokrasi", Jakarta: LP3ES, 2002. Esten, Mursal, “Identitas Minangkabau Malaysia dalam Proses Perubahan Budaya”, dalam Sastri Yunizar Bakri (ed.), Menelusuri Jejak Melayu Minangkabau, Padang: Yayasan Citra Budaya, 2002.

A Comparative Analysis of Religious Parties in Indonesia's Muslim Democracy, Journal of Current Southeast Asia Affairs. Mele (ed.), Urban Studies: Contemporary and Future Perspectives, Santa Cruz: Center for Global, International and Regional Studies, University of California, Blackwells, 2001.

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