Jewish Sufism.” The hybrid identity in this regard is associated with the tendency to move towards different elements from within and outside the existing traditions towards a speciation, thus creating a hybrid that creates a new space for religious expression. Who is a Jew?" (in Hebrew, mihu yehudi?) is an eternal question that is not easy to answer, even within the Jewish community.2 The question suggests a. From a historical perspective, the Jews in question are the medieval Egyptian Jewish community, and more precisely, the Arab Jews.3 The Arab Jews speak Arabic for daily conversations and live in the Arab culture.
Many of them perpetuated the narrative of diaspora as "exile" and thus longed to return to their homeland as divine redemptive act. Tenth-century Muslim historian al-Maqdisī in his work Kitāb al-Bad' wa'l-Tarīkh ("The Book of Creation and History") enlisted thirteen Jewish groups (quoted in Camilla Adang, Muslim Writers on Judaism and the Hebrew Bible Marina Rustow, "The Legal Status of Ḍimmī-s in the Fatimid East: A View from the Palace in Cairo," in Maribel Fierro and John Tolan (eds.), The Legal Status of Ḍimmī-s in the Islamic West (Turnhout ) , Belgium: Brepols, 2013), p.
Uvod," v Paul Fenton, The Treatise of the Pool of R. Ariel, "'The Eastern Dawn of Wisdom':. Problem odnosa med islamskim in judovskim misticizmom,« v David R. eds.), The Encyclopaedia of Islam. 27 Shlomo Dov Goitein, »A Jewish Addict to Sufism: In the Time of the Nagid David II Maimonides,« The Jewish Quarterly Review 44, št.
Egyptian Ḥasidism
They lived on the threshold of the millennium, at the transition from the end of the fifth millennium to the sixth millennium of the Jewish calendar.35 Thus, the acceptance of Sufism for some groups of Jews coincided with these circumstances.36 Mysticism and messianism were alternative solutions for some groups within the Jewish community to preserve the Jewish spirit high during tribulation. The Maymunī family was originally from al-Andalus (the Iberian Peninsula) and moved to Egypt to escape persecution by the Almohads. The adoption of Ṣūfī's philosophy into this spiritual system was followed by his imitation of Muslim worship.
His religious reform project is regarded as restoring the biblical prophetic ideal rather than endorsing the spiritual ideal of the Muslim.37 At this time, regardless of the Ṣūfist stance of his undertaking he aimed at, traditional Jewish texts were endowed with rich sources to feed his life. spiritual proposition. To see the full affinity of Ḥasidim and Sufism and to better understand the opposition to this group faced by other Jews, here are some Ṣūfī practices practiced by the Ḥasidim:44 1) ablution (wudhū'; tebila), 2 ) prostration (sujūd) and kneeling (ruku'), 3) spreading the hand, 4) crying, 5) orientation (qibla), 6) watching (nightly devotion),45 and standing and fasting (al-qiyām wal-ṣiyām), 7). It is worth noting that the practice of sujūd was common among the adherents of Karaite Judaism and Coptic Christians at that time (Al-Qirqisani Center, An Introduction to Karaite Judaism: History, Theology, Practice, and Custom (Troy, NY.: al-Qirqisani Center for the Promotion of Karaite Studies Emil Maher Ishaq, “Sunday”, Aziz Suryal Atiya (ed.), The Coptic Encyclopaedia (New York, etc.: Macmillan Publishing Co., 1991), V: 2159; Michel van Esbroeck, "Holy Pidjimi," .
The conflict seems to have attracted the attention of the Ayyubīd's Sultan, Al-Malik al-'Ādil, for Ibrāhim was a high official in the Sultanate court. Ibrāhim received a warning letter.47 Nevertheless, this conflict became the burden of the later generation of Ḥasidim. To conclude this part, a trace of the interplay between Judaism and Sufism appeared in a curious way at an unexpected place and time.
Now prepare for the greatest battle [milḥama gedola].” They asked, "What is that greatest battle?" and he answered: “Battle against instinct and its hosts [endser ha-ra, “evil instinct”].”48. 46 Shlomo Dov Goitein, "A Treatise in Defense of the Pietists by Abraham Maimonides", The Journal of Jewish Studies 16, No. The anecdote traces back to a prominent medieval Jewish philosopher and spiritualist, Baḥya ibn Paquda.49 However, it is clear that Ibn Paquda used the full story from the Ṣūfī tradition.
The original Muslim version goes like this: “upon his return from battle, Prophet Muḥammad remarked: 'We have returned from the lesser war (al-jihād al-aṣghar) to the greater war (al-jihād al-akbar ).' When asked what he meant by that, he is said to have replied: 'The greater war is the struggle against the self (mujāhadat al-nafs)'.”50 The theme of jihād al-akbar became the most important discourse among the Ṣūfīs. which expanded. this in the theme of jihād al-nafs, the struggle against the ego.51 This example can expand our understanding that the outcome of cultural interaction in the past can be expanded and transformed beyond the limit of time. The one who overcomes his (or her) inclination to do wrong, as it is said: 'The one who is slow to anger is better than the mighty, and the one who controls his (or her) temper than the one who overcomes a city'” (Pirqe Avot 4:1).
Pool and Water: Reflection on Minority Status and Exilic Experience
56 This kind of reading is called sod (“secret”) and remez (“hint, allusion”) in the traditional Jewish interpretation of Scripture. The exile motif is evident in this section, indicating that the Jews were now in a state of exile, in danger and lacking spiritual support to continue their journey toward final redemption in the Messianic era. The mystical text that narrates the unique human experience with God represents the intersection between the human body and the world and represents the sensual aspect of the mystical experience.
He also promised us that the Exile would end, because with the end of the Exile, (spiritual) union [ittiṣāl] and perfection would be possible” (fo 25a). By emphasizing the Jewish body in its frailty, 'Abd Allah envisions the new and uplifted possible Jewish life that survived the danger of exile. This situation, as the Boyars strongly argue, is "a perfect representation of the dangers and powers of the diaspora."62.
Al-Ghazzalī devotes a chapter of his Iḥyā' 'ulūm al-dīn ("The Revival of the Religious Sciences") to discussing the pond of the Prophet Muhammad (Ḥawḍ al-rasūl). The process of clearing the heart, compared to clearing the pool, requires mental persistence and continuity. Abd Allah and Al-Ghazālī share that this purification is rewarded by writing the name of the mystic on the celestial tablet.
Ṣūfī traditions used the term lawḥ maḥfūẓ extensively.70 Al-Qāshāni (d. 1330), a Ṣūfī of Samarkhand, for example referred to it in The Record Sheet, that is "Universal Soul (al-nafs al-kuliya), which is the heart of the world." 71. 67 Abū Hāmid Muḥammad ibn al-Ghazzālī, Iḥyā' 'Ulūm al-Dīn, III, p. 70 Arent Jan Wensinck and Clifford Edmund Bosworth, "Lawḥ," in P. eds. ), The Encyclopaedia of Islam. Abd Allāh does not use the more Jewish general conception of the "Book of Life" (Sefer Ḥayyim) as the heavenly book in which the righteous names are inscribed.74 His entry on al-Ghazzali's term and moreover the choice of "Tablet" over "Book" is interesting.
Always strive for the abundant and wholesome waters which quench the (thirst) of man and abstain from all others which only increase the thirst of man, that "the disciples who come after you may drink thereof and die, and the heavenly Name be profaned,”76 Or lest it be said of you, “They have forsaken Me, the fountain of living waters, and have hewn out cisterns for it, broken cisterns, which cannot hold water.”77 Consider this. Broken cisterns,” as quoted from the Biblical passage from the Book of Jeremiah, represents idolatry.83 The account of the “four pardes entered” is symbolic of many failures in mystical achievement and is a problem for the wider Jewish community. The understanding of the second God (deutero theos) in this account leads to a philosophical idea of the Christian belief in the Trinity.
The Talmudic rabbis gave him the contemptuous name 'Aḥer ("other") to avoid direct mention of his name.
Conclusion
Al-'Attār, Farīd al-Din, Tadhkirāt al-Awliyā, Bersikulo ni Arthur John Arberry, Ames: Omphaloskepsis, , Londres, ed.: Islamiko a Kappon ti Panagsukisok, 1937. Al-Qāshāni, 'Abd al-Razzāq, Kitāb Iṣṥāt alṣṥ -Ṣūfiyyah, Bersikulo ni Nabil Safwat, Londres: Oktagono,
Al-Shahrastanī, Muhammad ibn Abd al-Karīm, Kitaaba al-Milal wa al-Niḥal, kan hiikame Theodor Haarbrücker, Halle: C.A. The Eastern Dawn of Wisdom’: Rakkoo Hariiroo Iccitii Islaamaa fi Yihudootaa gidduu jiru,” David R. Barreto, Manuela and Naomi Ellemers keessatti.
Not Only Eshatology and Messianism,« v Benjamin Hary in Haggai Ben-Shammai (ur.), Esoteric and Exoteric Aspects in Judeo-Arabic Culture, Leiden in Boston: Brill. Goitein, Shlomo Dov, »A Jewish Addict to Sufism: In the Time of the Nagid David II Maimonides,« The Jewish Quarterly Review 44, No. New Documents from the Cairo Genizah,« v Roberto Almagià (ur.), Homenaje a Millás -Vallicrosa, Barcelona: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, 1954, I: 709-720.
Ibn Isḥāq, Muhammad, Sīrāt Rasūl Allāh, Verse by Alfred Guillaume, Lahore [translation]: Oxford University Press, 1955. Ibrāhīm ibn Maymūn, Kifayāt al-'Ābidīn, Verse 2, Samuel Rosenblatt, Balmorensblatt, Samuel Rosenblatt, John Rosenblatt. Press, 1938. Newby, Gordon Darnell, A History of the Jews of Arabia: From Ancient Times to their Eclipse Under Islam, Columbia, S.C.: University of South Carolina Press, 1988.
Pirqe Avot, translated by Ben-Zion (Benno) Halper, New York: The American Jewish Book Co, 1921. Rustow, Marina, “The Legal Status of Ḍimmī-s in the Fatimid East: A View from the Palace in Cairo,” in Maribel Fierro and John Tolan. Stillman, Norman A., The Jews of the Arab Lands: A History and Sourcebook, Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society of America, 1979.
Tritton, Arthur Stanley, The Caliphs and their Non-Muslim Subjects: A Critical Study of the Covenant of 'Umar, London, etc.: Oxford University Press, 1930.
