However, it is not always that the kyai figure as a local government leader would bring more equality, better life and prosperity. Tauhid (oneness of God), ibadah (worship) and dakwah (missionaries) are the areas that are ultimately identical to the role of kyai in society2 more than local investment, business climate and micro-enterprise. To clarify its focus, this paper limits its analysis to the role of the kyai as bupati (district leader).
Since kyai is the center of Islam in the sense of religion as an institution, it is possible to identify the work of power in religion in the figure of kyai. However, a critical question exists about the implications of a kyai's participation in politics for citizens as a whole. In the past, Kyai's role in politics was an alternative, subservient or marginalized role, but at the same time they became an impetus for the anti-colonialist and anti-government movements.
In the Old Order era, the role of the kyai became more evident and can be identified from the thick political involvement of the kyai in the political parties. Meanwhile, under the new order, there was a systematic exclusion of the role of kyai in politics. Soeharto's political ascension to take over political power from Soekarno led to a contrasting political atmosphere of Soekarno's in relation to the role of kyai in practical politics.
Some people see this positively as it encouraged wider, equal involvement from Kyai on the political scene.
A Brief Review of the Social and Political Setting of Kebumen Since Reformasi
However, when Rustriningsih won the Central Java gubernatorial election and had to sit in the deputy governor's seat in Semarang accompanying Bibit Waluya, the governor-elect, there seemed to be a sharp contrast in the government's performance that people could feel. Thus, when Nashiruddin replaced Rustri, it is understandable that Nashiruddin found great difficulty in fixing the government's performance. Instead, for Murtajib, it is a deliberate choice of leadership style to show the people of Kebumen a clean way of running the government.
From this point, we can later understand why government performance differs from leader to leader. Besides the general overview of government performance, the most important aspect to be compared is usually economic development. Although Amin Soedibyo led Kebumen when the government system was generally characterized by a centralized model, people could still recognize Amin Soedibyo's efforts to improve Kebumen's economy.
Alifah argued that the government does not seem to be making efforts to support small entrepreneurs, such as through microcredit. As Syamsul said, from the late Soeharto period to the early Reformasi (until 2000), when Kebumen was led by Amin Sudibya, the government wanted to strongly promote local investment and industry. However, Syamsul realized that the government in the Amin era was more dependent on Jakarta, which is usually associated with the product of centralization in the New Order.
There was also no response to citizen complaints sent via text and email, even though the government had announced an e-government program. Nevertheless, Syamsul realizes that in addition to the problem of leadership style, the politics surrounding the government office were also complex. The government has not touched on the issue of transparency, although the public service reform program has been announced.
Meanwhile, there are still many people who, in isolated areas about 40 kilometers from the city, have to come and come again to the government office to register. In relation to this, some people saw that the government needed to be more assertive about local investment. Of course, if the government is not available these days, the government will lose the opportunity to expand its economy, Wardopo explained.
The reduction in infrastructure projects is a result of Nashiruddin's caution in running the government. He brought a kind of informality to government that made it easier for Kebumenians to see him without complicated bureaucratic procedures. Wardopo added that the government's health assistance program for the poor sometimes did not work because of the bureaucracy inherent in health workers.
Aris Panji continues his argument that the government's choice to build a new hospital somehow sounded insensitive.
Conclusion
First, as Wardopo argued, the government installed people with insufficient skills in the education office, so they could not deal with the complex issues of education. For Wardopa, such a problem arose as a result of a looting system that was implemented for the benefit of a political group. People expect a lot from Nashiruddin to be more decisive in controlling and improving the functioning of the government, but the Nashiruddin administration has not got a clear answer to this fulfillment.
Since government reform slowed considerably during Nashiruddin's tenure, it is not surprising if people believed that Nashiruddin was not effective enough in managing Kebumen's administration. Because kyai were seen as a threat to Soeharto's ruling government and to the potential of a social movement that kyai could inspire—to fight the injustice and repression that Soeharto had committed—it was not uncommon for Soeharto to view kyai as subversive. Dakwah (mission) kyai were often spied on in anticipation of widespread anti-government discourse.
Kyai during the Soeharto era was massively weakened.34 Therefore, Reformasi was seen as good news for the future of political openness. The way Nashiruddin led Kebumen in the perspective of public policy reflects inaction, disfavoring the citizen, even though this was done in the name of keeping him away from political deals and corruption. Thus, it is not surprising that most of the participants interviewed in this research answered that in terms of leadership effectiveness, Rustriningsih was better than Nashiruddin.
In many cases, informants also directed their frustration at Rustriningsih for the politics of cronyism and dynasty she practiced, especially in her last administration. People generally attribute the ineffectiveness of Nashiruddin's leadership to his religious background, which is perceived as a religious priority. Epley, Jennifer, "Voice of the Faithful: Religion and Politics in Contemporary Indonesia," PhD Dissertation, University of Michigan, 2010.
Fox, James, "Currents in Contemporary Islam in Indonesia," papir præsenteret på Harvard Asia Vision 21, Cambridge, Massachusset, 2004. Heterodox Reform Symbioses: The Political Economy of Investment Climate Reforms in Solo, Indonesia," Asian Economic Journal, Vol. Strenski, Ivan, "Religion, Power, and Final Foucault," Journal of the American Academy of Religion, Vol.
