Bihar is the twelfth largest state in the country by geographical area and the third largest by population.1. Borders and borders played a decisive role in the creation, destruction and transformation of the country. In contrast, the oppressor/exploiter class of the plains was largely rooted in the landed elite, becoming an increasingly important element of the capitalist land lords in the second half of the 20th century.
Approaches to conflict resolution
Moreover, the Jharkhand state was born in the interstices of claims of recognition of a distinct tribal heritage and culture and compulsions of democratic politics - many patterns of which have persisted in the form of contests over access and ownership over water, land and forests on the one hand while demands for greater (and often different structural forms) of local governance on the other. A complex mix of many of these overlapping lines of contestation lies at the root of so-called Maoist or Naxal violence permeating these states—something that preoccupies the contemporary public policy imagination. Focusing on a dialogue with the Maoist insurgents, with a view to ceasefire between the rebels and the state, will remain insufficient to achieve a sustainable peace in the region.
Governance: Approaches and Institutions
Elections are often seen as the only means of gaining legitimacy for the government, which has often given rise to pre- and post-election violence, in addition to election-day violence in India. Dialogue will be necessary with the members of different segments of society, and would enhance the peace-building capacity of society. The main gap, however, has been the ineffective implementation of these policies and the emergence of what has been described as 'bureaucratic feudalism'.43 This has led on the one hand to the privatization of public services44 and to a public awareness of the existing social conflict by, on the other hand, a failed state policy45.
II Bosnia and Herzegovina
- Core indicators
- Conflict background
- Formal and informal conflict actors
- Approaches to conflict resolution; policies of regional partners
- Governance
After the war, the Dayton Agreement was seen as consolidating divisions along ethnic lines. As the VP has executive powers, the international community plays a key role in the governance of Bosnian society. The UN Development Program (UNDP) is actively engaged in the reconstruction of the country.
III Cyprus
- Background of the conflict
- Core indicators of economic development
- Formal and informal conflict actors and agendas Greek Cypriots
- Approaches to conflict resolution: policies of external actors The EU
- Governance approaches to conflict resolution
This led to a hardening of the island's division and a rapid ethnic 'dispersion' between the Greek south and the Turkish north, separated by the so-called Green Line. Shortly after the Turkish Cypriot community, now controlling the courtesy of 40,000 Turkish troops, 39% of the island in the north declared a 'federated state' in preparation for their desired federal settlement, which would recognize their new territorial continuity. In 1983, the Turkish Cypriot part of the island, under nationalist leader Rauf Denktash, declared itself the "Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus".
From 1974 to 2003 several rounds of completely unfinished talks were held between the internationally recognized government of the Republic of Cyprus (meaning the Greek Cypriots) and the leaders of the Turkish Cypriot side (and their unknown state). Due to the recent nationalist shift in the Turkish Cypriot leadership after the 2010 elections and the informal format of the talks however, the sustainability of this tentative progress may depend on the influence of Turkey, Greece and the EU on the parties to the conflict. Demetris Kristofias, the leader of the Greek Cypriots, has shown some willingness to compromise in talks with his former counterpart Mehmet Ali Talat.
However, within the framework of the EU, the Republic of Cyprus has sought to continue the pressure on northern Cyprus and its continental supporter Turkey. The EU's attempt to promote conflict resolution by offering EU membership in return for accepting the Annan Plan ultimately failed. 77 For an explanation of the European Council's acceptance of the Republic of Cyrus without the condition regarding a settlement of the conflict, see Saskia Ramming, “Cyprus' accession negotiations to the European Union: Conditional carrots, good faith and miscalculations”, International Negotiations .
Unlike the other case studies in the project, Cyprus's separation of the two warring communities into ethnically homogenous and geographically separate entities presents a very different set of governance challenges.
IV Georgia
- Background of the conflict
- Core indicators of economic development
- Formal and informal conflict actors and agendas Georgia
- Approaches to conflict resolution: policies of external and regional actors The US
- Governance and Institutions Georgia
The situation worsened when Georgia's armed forces clashed with rebels in the South Ossetian capital of Tskhinvali on 7 August 2008. Industry (18%) constitutes the largest share in the sectoral structure of GDP, followed by services (16%), public administration and infrastructure and communications (12%), agriculture, forestry and fishing (8%) and construction (7%).96 In the same year, Georgia's foreign trade turnover amounted to USD 6,678.5 million, which is an increase of 21% compared to 2009. In addition to its intrastate conflicts, Georgia is involved in interstate conflict dynamics, including the conflict between Georgia and Russia and the broader tension between Russia, the EU, and the United States in the former Soviet space.
As part of this strategy, the Georgian government has developed an action plan, establishing a status-neutral liaison mechanism to facilitate the involvement of the Georgian authorities with the Abkhaz and South Ossetian counterparts. In the case of South Ossetia, on the other hand, the authorities seem rather focused on integration with North Ossetia and thus into the Russian Federation. To date, the policies of two major players in the region – the US and the EU, involved in conflict mediation along with the OSCE and the UN in the Geneva talks – have remained controversial and ineffective.
In the area of conflict resolution, little has been done, both in terms of mediation and the EU-Russia dialogue, even if conflict resolution has been declared one of the main priorities of the European Neighborhood Policy (ENP). Since the early 1990s, Turkey has been an important security, economic and political actor in the Caucasus and Black Sea regions. Most notably, in the wake of the Georgian-Russian war, Turkey launched a proposal for a Caucasus Stability and Cooperation Pact (CSCP), which could be revamped in light of Turkey's protocol agreement for the normalization of relations with Armenia signed on October 10, 2009.
According to the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD), the World Bank and International Financial Transparency International, Georgia ranks first in this regard in the post-Soviet space.105 Despite extensive reforms that reduce the level of corruption, this remains one of the main challenges. for that of Saakashvili.
V Kashmir
- Core indicators
- Background of the Conflict
- Conflict Actors and Agendas
- Governance Approaches and Institutions
At about 66 percent, Hindus are numerically in the majority in the Jammu subdivision, but Muslims form a significant minority with 30 percent of the population. The burden of dependency in Jammu and Kashmir is quite high as only 43 percent of the population is in the productive age group. 114 The figures in this section are obtained from the various chapters of Jammu and Kashmir Development Report by the State Plan Division of the Planning Commission, available at http://planningcommission.nic.in/plans/stateplan/sdr_jandk/sdr_jkch1.pdf, .
Jammu and Kashmir was one of the first states in independent India to introduce progressive radical land reforms. An important aspect of the unemployment scenario in Jammu and Kashmir is the growing segment of educated unemployed youth who ultimately look to the government for employment in the absence of employment opportunities in the private sector. Famed for its scenic beauty tourism had been the backbone of Jammu and Kashmir's economy but was hit hard by recurring violence.
India, which explicitly rejected this line of thinking, sees the admission of Muslim-dominated Jammu and Kashmir as the acid test of its secular nation-building project. The outbreak of armed insurgency in the Indian-administered part of the Kashmir valley in 1989 shifted the terms of discussion from the problem "of" Kashmir to the problem "in" Kashmir. This provision limited the powers of the Indian parliament to legislate for Jammu and Kashmir, unless ratified by the state's legislative assembly, except in those matters specified in the instrument of accession, namely defence, communications and foreign policy.
Jammu and Kashmir Judiciary: The Constitution Implementation Order, 1954 extended the jurisdiction of the High Court to the State of Jammu and Kashmir. However, the actual functioning of governance institutions is mediated by fragmented and fragmented politics in the state and power relations in society. The experience of governance in Indian-administered Jammu and Kashmir shows that making democratic institutions work amid the militarization of state and society and the existence of a political economy of patronage and violence represents a daunting challenge and requires a shared political will. which is clearly missing.
VI North East India
- Environment of the conflict
- Background of Conflicts
- Formal and Informal Conflict Actors and Agendas
- Approaches to conflict resolution – policies of regional partners
- Governance: approaches and institutions
The region accounts for one of the largest concentrations of tribal people in the country - accounting for about 30 percent of the total population - but with a skewed distribution of more than 60 percent in Arunachal Pradesh, Manipur, Meghalaya, Mizoram and Nagaland combined. With the sole exception of Kerala out of it, three states of the region - Nagaland, Mizoram and Meghalaya contain an overwhelming majority of Christians and 70.03 percent respectively). India's northeast was the theater of the country's earliest and longest lasting insurgency - in the Naga Hills - when a district of Assam, where violence centered on independence demands began in 1952, followed by the Mizo rebellion in 1966 and a multiplicity of more recent conflicts that have increased especially since the late 1970s.
Following the failure of the cease-fire agreement with the Naga insurgents, the Government of India entered into separate ceasefire agreements - periodically renewed to this day - with two of the leading factions of the National Socialist Council of Nagalim (NSCN ) in 1997 and 2001. Both Mizo National Front (MNF) and the Government of India signed a Memorandum of Understanding in 1986 and Pu Laldenga, the rebel leader, subsequently formed his own political party and became the Chief Minister of the Indian state of Mizoram . However, the 1991 census indicated a marginal reversal of the trend, with the tribal population rising to 30.95 percent.
The National Liberation Front of Tripura (NLFT) – one of the main rebel organizations active in the state, for example, calls for the expulsion of all Bengalis settled in the state after September 9, 1949 – the date of. The isolation of the northeastern states began earlier as a result of British imperialism, when the region was cut off from its traditional trading partners, such as Bhutan and Burma and other parts of Southeast Asia. Immediately after the Sino-Indian border conflict in 1962 and in view of the growing insurgencies in the region, the security discourse has become dominant (Das 2007; Das 2005).
In the case of northeast India, the issue of human security is often neglected.
