Chapter Five: Political Decentralization and Ethnic Violence: A Comparative Analysis of BTAD, Karbi and Dima Hasao of Assam. Competition for resources and ethnic violence 193 Summary and comparison of cases: Political decentralization and ethnic violence.
Abstract
Chapter One Introduction
Introduction
The thesis attempts to contribute to the literature on ethnic violence and political decentralization. The following sections in the chapter explain the concepts used in the thesis to understand the relationship between political decentralization and ethnic violence.
Understanding concepts: ethnicity, ethnic identity, ethnonationalism
Furthermore, Connor notes that ethnonationalism is based on the sense of commonality along the lines of ethnic identity. Ethnic demands include the demands for homeland and political representation of the aggrieved ethnic groups.
Conceptualizing ethnic violence
As some scholars argue, the violence against Hindus and Muslims in India in 1992 was not due to the groups' original feelings, but due to elite manipulation of ethnic identity. These actors (rumourmongers) fill the minds of the members of the local communities with hatred and fear.
Research Design and Methodology
The researcher selects a number of cases based on differences between the cases on some dimensions for analysis of the study. The selection of the case is also based on the violent events and processes experienced in the decentralized areas.
A Brief Research Note: Lessons learned in the field
Therefore, in the field I took the help of a translator to understand and communicate with the respondents in some cases, e.g. The most difficult task in the field is transport and communication in areas where there is no adequate road infrastructure.
Organization of the Thesis
Chapter 5 examined the relationship between political decentralization and ethnic violence in Bodoland, Karbi Anglong and Dima Hasao from the perspective of elite incentives. In practice, however, the process of political decentralization failed to reduce ethnic violence in the decentralized areas.
Summary
Chapter Two
Literature Review
Existing Approaches on Conflict Prevention
Competition for political power in the decentralized structures also contributes to violence between the warring ethnic groups. Lack of power-sharing arrangements in the decentralized institutions can also lead to competition for power and violence between the warring ethnic groups. According to Lijphart, power sharing is the inclusion of political leaders belonging to different ethnic groups in the decision-making process of the state (Lijphart, 2004; Lijphart, 1991).
Research Questions
The first body of literature emphasizes the process of political decentralization which helps governments prevent ethnic violence, while the second body of literature adds to the consideration of decentralization as a potential cause of ethnic conflict and violence. To summarize, the analysis of two bodies of literature on political decentralization and ethnic violence shows that political decentralization may not always reduce ethnic violence. Therefore, the thesis argues that political decentralization as a conflict prevention mechanism can produce different results and therefore the effect of political decentralization should be examined separately at a deeper level using historical and contextual factors of the particular case in question .
Objectives
In this thesis, ethnic violence will be understood from the perspective of elite competition for electoral incentives. This section attempts to understand whether intra-elite competition can fuel ethnic violence in decentralized regions. Therefore, from this perspective, this thesis also tries to understand how competition for resources (relative inadequacy of resources) drives ethnic violence in the decentralized regions of Assam.
Chapter Three
Governance structure, political mobilization and process of decentralization in Assam: A historical analysis
46 Edward Gait said: "The so-called Aryans and many later invaders, such as the Greeks, Huns, Pathans and Mughals, entered India from the north-west, while from the north-east through Assam, have come successive hordes of immigrants from the great hive of the Mongol race in western China Their influence is seen in the modified physical type of the present inhabitants as classified by Mr. The uneven land mass was important to the colonial rule in the administrative structures of the British period.
Advent of British and their administration in undivided Assam (1826- 1935)
In the Jaintia hills and in the plains of Nowgong district, two remarkable revolts against the taxation measures of the British took place (Guha, 2012).57. Therefore, separate administrative policies have been formulated for the management of tribal and non-tribal areas in the North Eastern region. Therefore, the British administration maintained the traditional administrative structures of the tribal communities living in the hills of Assam.
Administrative policies of British (1935-1947)
The partially excluded areas consisted of Khasi Hills District, Garo Hill Districts and Karbi Hills.78 The hill people of Naga Hills and North Cachar Hills appreciated the decision to set up regional councils in 1952. For the administration of excluded or partially excluded areas except for the zones, no act of the federal legislature shall apply unless it is necessary and notified as such by the Governor for enforcement. The bicameral structure of the Legislative Assembly was transformed into a unicameral one in the year of independence.
Bordoloi Committee’s recommendation for Sixth Schedule
The Chairman of the Drafting Committee, while considering the matter on 13 February 1948, incorporated the Sixth Schedule to the Constitution of India. During the survey, it was found that people in the hill areas were comfortable with the isolation and separation of hills from regular areas in Assam. Later, amendments were made to extend the Sixth Schedule to other areas of the North East with the recommendations, views and comments of the Advisory Council for Autonomous Districts.
Creation of autonomous councils and implementation of Sixth Schedule
Autonomous district means an area so declared under paragraph 1(1) of the Sixth Schedule to the Constitution of India. The administrative system in force in the autonomous districts was laid down in the provisions of the Sixth Schedule of the Constitution of India. Some provisions for the administration of tribal areas in the Government of India Act, 1935 were adopted in the Indian (Provisional Constitutional) Order, 1947.
Post-independence political history of Assam
98 See the report of the Assam Disturbances Inquiry Commission- on Tribal Belts and the Line System, Assam, 1950. The government's electoral incentives forced the Indian political elites to initiate the reorganization of the states in Northeast India. 103 See The States Reorganization Act, 1956 (37 of 1956): An Act providing for the reorganization of the States of India and, in matters relating thereto, the Government of India.
State formation in Northeast India
The Assamese Language Act of 1960 was passed which further fueled the demand for a separate Hill State as the Assamese language was not accepted by the communities living in the hill districts. But after the Accord, the tribal communities had their own grievances, which they felt were not met in the Accord. All tribal communities felt that they were deprived in the interest of the larger composite identity of being "Assamese".
Sixth Schedule in Northeast India: Amendments and implementation
In the 1990s, due to protests by various organisations, Karbi Anglong district was renamed as Karbi Anglong Autonomous Council by incorporating greater autonomy under the Sixth Schedule to the Constitution (Amendment) Act, 1995. Various demands and counter-claims from other communities led to inter-communal conflict. which may have led to ethnic violence in the Sixth Plan areas of Assam. But political decentralization failed to reduce separatism in the decentralized areas under the Sixth Program areas of Assam and other parts of the Northeast.
Political decentralization and implementation of Sixth Schedule in plains tribes areas of Assam
The next section deals with the implementation of the Sixth Schedule in the plain areas of Assam, particularly the Bodo areas. Although the implementation of the Sixth Schedule to the Constitution of India in the plains (Bodo-dominated) areas has helped in the development of infrastructure and other facilities, it has also increased the competition for greater autonomy and the demand for statehood by the Bodo leaders. Despite the political decentralization (granting of the Sixth Schedule) of many areas in the northeastern region, violence continued.
Chapter Four
Nature of ethno-political demands, political decentralization and violence in Bodoland
In the case of Assam, the implementation of Assamese as the sole official language and the signing of the 1985 Assam Accord, which contained no provisions for the tribal communities of Assam, made them think as an excluded group compared to the Assamese speaking population. However, this development created a conflicting situation between the Assamese speaking population and non-Assamese speaking people living in Assam who believed that their languages would be in a disadvantaged position and that these will gradually become extinct due to the imposition of Assamese as the sole official language (Weiner, 1978). . This chapter attempts to understand the history of mobilization, the movement for autonomy, the process of decentralization and violence in Bodoland.121 The chapter also attempts to understand the likely factors responsible for ethnic violence in the decentralized areas of Bodoland.
Ethnopolitical mobilization of Bodos and demands for political decentralization
The newly emerging middle class tried to protect the Bodo community and worked for the socio-political consciousness of the Bodo community. The ethnic movement led by the Bodos for a separate state was based on political, economic and cultural grievances of the Bodo people. But the invasion of the Brahmaputra valley by the Ahoms and frequent wars with Ahoms in the 16th century led to the loss of control of the Bodo-Kachari rulers in the areas.
Ethnopolitical mobilization and identity politics of Bodos (1920s- 1940s)
Then, in the 1920s, there were demands for adequate representation and rights of tribal communities. The line system/inner line also restricts other communities from settling in areas inhabited by tribal communities to reduce violence in such areas. However, labor brought in from other parts of India required the withdrawal of the line system so that migrants could work and settle on unused land in tribal areas.
Ethnonationalism and identity politics of Bodos: (1947- 1993)
Bodo ethno-nationalism intensified when Assamese as an official language was institutionalized in Assam. On the other hand, the tribes living in the plains of Assam did not enjoy either of the two provisions. On the other hand, Misra examines another factor for the radicalization of the Bodoland movement.
Bodo Accord and beyond (1993-2003)
Competition between the two armed groups led to increased violence in the proposed BAC areas. They believed that decentralization did not meet the aspirations of the Bodo people in the region. The agreement granted legislative, executive, administrative and financial powers for governance in Bodo-dominated areas.
Political decentralization and violence in Bodoland (2003-2017)
The next section clarifies this issue by analyzing the nature of violence in BTAD areas. Non-Bodo organizations have alleged that there are discriminatory policies towards other communities living in the area where the BTAD administration provides government facilities only to the Bodo community. The violence that took place in the area was a result of protests launched by various non-Bodo organizations such as the Onaboro Surakhsha Mancha (Forum for the Protection of Non-Bodos).
Challenges to political decentralization
One of the propositions used to study ethnic violence is related to elite competition in the decentralized areas. A satisfactory explanation for understanding ethnic violence in BTAD after political decentralization is to consider elite competition in the region. A small spark and rumor spread by elites may have spread ethnic violence in the other regions of the decentralized areas.
Chapter Five
Political decentralization and ethnic violence: A comparative analysis of BTAD, Karbi Anglong and Dima Hasao in Assam
To provide an overview of political decentralization in the post-colonial period throughout the North Eastern region; in the next section there is a table illustrating the formation of the councils of the autonomous districts and the years of their creation. 1 Khasi Hills Autonomous District Council of Meghalaya 1952 2 Jaintia Hills Autonomous District Council of Meghalaya 1952 3 Garo Hills Autonomous District Council of Meghalaya 1952 4 North Cachar Autonomous District Council of Assam 1952 5 Karbi Anglong Autonomous District Council of Assam 1952 17 Heart/SARDAT/SARDAT/ SARDAR/SARDAT/SARDAT/SARDAR/SARDAT/SARDAR/SARDAR/SARDAT/TENAPI AUTONOS 18 Sardar Hills Autonomous District Council Manipur 1973 19 Churachandpur Autonomous District Council Manipur 1973 20 Ukhrul Autonomous District Council Manipur 1973 21 Tamenglong Autonomous District Council Manipur 1973 22 Autonomous District Council of Chandel District Manipur 1973.
Understanding the relation between political decentralization and ethnic violence
Competition for resources between political elites also plays a decisive role in politically decentralized areas which can lead to ethnic violence if land and other resources such as work and services are used as political symbols to mobilize the ethnic group on the basis of indigeneity. The competition for resources such as land and other services can lead to ethnic violence. The issue of alienation of land and other resources plays a decisive role in mobilizing and creating mistrust among the ethnic groups which has led to ethnic violence.
Bodoland Territorial Area Districts
Karbi Anglong Autonomous Council
The process of political decentralization in the form of transfer of power under the provisions of the Sixth Plan granted Karbi Anglong powers to accommodate the Karbis and enable their own governance. In Karbi Anglong district, resources were made available in the form of government funds. The contractors and members of the extremist groups assisted the political elites in the electoral process by financing the party and gaining support.
Understanding the relationship between political Decentralization and ethnic violence in Karbi Anglong
184 Interview conducted by Deputy Commissioner of Karbi Anglong under the Challenges of Building Capacities in Conflict Situations in Eastern India project. In the process, Karbi Anglong experienced competition among the leaders of various political parties for electoral incentives. 192 interviews conducted in Karbi Anglong under the project Challenges of Building Capacities in Conflict Situations in Eastern India, IIT Guwahati, December 2011- December 2013.
