The mixed properties of gerunds will then be attributed to the functional properties characteristic of these constructions. Although the external distribution of gerunds appears to parallel that of DPs, in contrast to spoken nouns, their internal structure indicates that they are sentences. On the other hand, the external distribution of gerunds parallels that of DPs, suggesting the nominal status of gerunds.
Another distributional feature of gerunds that parallels DPs is that, unlike clauses, they can be the subject of P. However, gerunds exhibit properties that suggest the presence of T, indicating the clausal status of gerunds. Further evidence indicating the clausal status of gerunds is that the plosive there and 'weather' it, whose distributions are restricted to subject position, can appear in gerunds as discussed in Reuland (1983).
As seen above, the external distribution of gerunds appears to be similar to that of DPs rather than that of typical CPs. Note that the structures of gerunds given in (22) are analogous to the structure of for-to-infinitives in that C is a prepositional filler that takes a non-finite TP, as shown in (23).
Support for a Prepositional Complementizer in Gerunds
Kayne (1984) notes contrasts in derivation from a gerundive complement of P, as illustrated in the following examples. The examples in (25) clearly show that when a gerund is the object of a preposition, object derivation is possible while subject derivation is not. The contrast observed is analogous to the contrasts known as the "that-trace effect" and the "per-trace effect" observed in the following examples.
Raposo claims that in French the appearance of the preposition de with infinitives in the complement position of A and N is related to case. If the contrasts observed in the above examples are due to the availability of case for the infinitive complements, it naturally follows that these infinitives are nominal in nature. Further support for the claim that Romance infinitives are nominal can be found in the fact that in several Romance languages infinitives can be preceded by a definite article.
In the proposed analysis, T of gerunds is a bundle of features consisting at least of [–finite, +NT]. Prepositional complementizers are apparently present only when gerunds are in complement position N, A (as in (31)) and V subcategorized for PP (as in (30) above) and when they appear in adjuncts as in (32). The proposal is well founded considering that gerunds can appear in the subject position of finite sentences.
When a gerund is the complement of N, A, or V, which selects the category P or a lexically specific P, a preposition occurs as an overt C in the gerund. In sentences (30) and (31.a), the prepositions on and in, which are due to the selection of the higher V and N, become complementary in the respective sentences. The infinitive T in gerunds has a nominal feature in the form of the feature [+NT], which is responsible for licensing the -ing inflection and a preposition as a complementizer.
The complementizer in a rondium can be non-overt, but when this is required by the selective property of the higher head or by semantic features, an overt prepositional complementer must be present.
Nominal and Clausal Properties of Verbal Noun Clauses in Japanese
Verbal Nouns Heading Verbal Projections
It will be shown that problems associated with the “verbal nouns” can be explained on the basis of underspecification of the category and its associated functional features. When verbal nouns are followed by the so-called light verb suru (or shita, shiteiru, the past tense and the progressive form respectively), a. What is interesting about verbal nouns in relation to the discussion in the previous section is that verbal nouns in certain contexts can function as V without a light verb suru and that they project a sentence structure.
As Shibanani and Kageyama (1988) discuss, verbal nouns can be followed by temporal expressions such as -no ato. Before the ruling party submitted the bill to the Diet session, the bureaucrats stayed up all night to write the draft." In addition to taking the gender marker, verbal nouns can demonstrate a variety of other case particles commonly observed with predicate verbs and adjectives.
If the differences in the case particles indicate that verbal nouns project either a noun or a clause, the differences should also be reflected in adjectival/adverbial modification of verbal nouns. Before the ruling party hastily tabled the bill in the Diet session, the bureaucrats stayed up all night to write the draft.”. Yotoo-nee houan-no kokkai-e-no awatadasii [ruling party-gen the Diet-to-gen bill-gen hastily.
Since President Bush will/will remain in Kyoto, a strict security system has been organized.” Under the circumstances in which Jun will be/is/was in London on business, the meeting was cancelled.”. The hotel in which Taro will stay/stay/stay in Italy was once a nobleman's castle.”.
In the examples in (43), the VN-suru clauses corresponding to the VN-clauses in (42) form relative clauses. The hotel where Taro will stay in Italy was once a noble castle." Assuming that the VN-clauses in (42) have a structure parallel to the structure of the VN-suru relative clauses in (43), the structure of the parenthesized noun phrases in (42) will be illustrated as in (44).
Deriving the Nominal Properties of VN-Clauses
Having established that the words appearing after the sequence of a VN clause and the particle -no are nouns, the structure of adverbial VN clauses is illustrated as in (47) below.6. Another argument against analyzing the particle -no associated with VN clauses as a nominalizing particle comes from the fact that the sequence of VN clause followed by the particle -no cannot be followed by a case particle or the subject marker -wa. A fairly strong argument has been made to rule out the possibility of -no being a nominalizing particle after VN clauses.
If the particle -no after VN clauses is the genitive-case particle, a question arises as to why the particle is obligatory after VN clauses while it is excluded after VN-suru clauses in the same contexts. As observed in (51.b) and (51.c), in the contexts where both UN-clauses and UN-suru clauses are possible, the latter cannot take a nominalizer. In the following it will be suggested that the problem of the genitive-case particle attached to UN clauses can be given essentially the same explanation as the account proposed for gerunds.
Verbal nouns in VN clauses do not show verbal form, and these clauses do not indicate independent time values. Assume that the non-finite T in VN-sentences contains a feature with a nominal property equivalent to the NT feature proposed for gerunds. I will conclude the discussion by suggesting the possibility that the genitive particle -no could appear as an instance of complementizer after VN-clauses.
The examples in (56) below show that the complementizer toyuu can appear after VN-clauses instead of the genitive-particle -no.8. Since, as shown in these examples, toyuu can appear after VN- or VN-suru articles, its occurrence is independent of NT. To the extent that the analysis of toyuu as a complementizer is correct, the clauses in (56) confirm the clausal status of VN-clauses.
It can further be suggested that the genitive-case particle -no can appear after VN clauses as an instance of a complementizer consistent with NT.
Conclusion
Because of this feature, gerunds can become the complement of P, appearing as a prepositional filler, and the genitive-case particle can follow UN clauses. The analysis presented in the article suggests that the classification of functional features into the dichotomy of N-related and V-related features may not be sufficient. 3 The observation presented in Abney (1987) that POSS-ing gerunds show more nominal properties than ACC-ing gerunds can be attributed to the relative prominence of [+N. T] in POSS-ing reflected in the subject case.
While the detective was questioning the suspect, the real culprit was arrested.” ii) [proidaigaku-o sotugyoo]-sidai, Juni-wa kagyoo-o tui-da. proiuniversity-acc graduation]-as soon as Jun-top family business-acc succeed-past. As soon as he graduated from university, Juni succeeded the family business.”. iii) [proidaigaku-o sotugyoo]-go, Juni-wa kagyoo-o tui-da. proiuniversity-acc graduation]-after june-top family business-o success-past. While the nouns discussed in the text, sai, ori, tame, etc. are among the native Japanese vocabulary, nouns like tyuu 'while', sidai 'as soon as' and go. after' is of Chinese origin.
Words in the latter class are linked forms, and so they can only appear attached to the immediately preceding word. The court will decide who is responsible." ii) [[Dare-ni sekinin-ga aru ka]-no handan]-wa muzukasii. who-to responsibility-nom be Q]-gen decision-top difficult. It is difficult to decide who is responsible.” iii) [Dare-ni sekinin-ga aru ka]-o saibankan-ga kimeru.
8 Nakau (1973) states that toyuu is the noun complementer, involved in the embedding of a sentence as a complement to a noun, unlike to and yooni which are involved in predicate complementation. Because the distribution of VN clauses is limited to the position immediately preceding a noun, they cannot be tracked. by a complementizer belonging to the latter type. The claim that mushrooms are effective in cancer prevention is compelling.” ii) [[Kinoko-wa gan-yoboo-ni kooka-ga aru. mushroom-top cancer prevention-with effect-nom have].
Mushrooms are said to be effective in preventing cancer." iii) [[Kinoko-wa gan-yoboo-ni kooka-ga aru TP] yooni CP] omow-are-teiru. mushroom-top-cancer prevention-to effect-nom have ].