The rules and regulations of the centralized EIS system were published in the Official Gazette of the Philippines. Rules and regulations were needed to specify the details of the system by answering questions such as: How the EIS system will be administered. 21 personal interview with Amador Remigio, EIS Section Chief, NEPC, Manila, Philippines (November 6, 1984).
30 As described below, agencies required detailed definitions of the projects and areas covered by the EIS system. The Ministry of Human Settlements has further exacerbated the resentment among the agencies by converting the EIS system into a centralized regulatory process managed by NEPC.3 5 This happened because many agencies did as well. 44 This significantly expanded the role of NEPC from policy making to both policy making and management of the EIS system.
Despite its wide coverage, the administration of the EIS system seemed feasible because responsibility for implementation was decentralized. The generally unresponsive attitude of the regulated agencies towards the EIS system only made matters worse. However, there are some aspects of compliance registration that reduce the apparent effectiveness of the EIS system.
The use of ECPs and ECAs to limit the coverage of the EIS system came into effect in 1983. In 1982, out of the 60 major development projects approved by the National Economic Development Authority, only four had complied with the EIS system . In the Philippines, the evaluative control of the EIS system was entrusted to the National Environmental Protection Council.
A CORPORATE PLANNING STRATEGY FOR A BETTER IMPLEMENTATION OF THE PHILIPPINE
ENVIRONMENTAL IMPACT (EIS) SYSTEM
The influence of limited experience with public participation in the environmental impact assessment process on the EIA decision could not be precisely determined. Cordero strongly departs from Tolentino's observation of a "learning process" by noting that actual implementation of the EIS system has not occurred. In doing so, he critically approaches the experiences of environmental management in the country in connection with the implementation of the EIS system.
It reviews the components of the EIS system and assesses its strengths and weaknesses. What is the level of performance of the EIS system with regard to environmental management in the country. Conducting an objective documentation and critical evaluation of the EIA experience in the Philippines, as well as that of environmental management;
Formulation of an analysis of the corporate planning strategy in order to identify the problems and opportunities of environmental management as well as the strengths and weaknesses of the EIS System; and 3. The study was undertaken within the broader framework of a strategic management process in pursuit of a policy study of the EIS System. A corporate planning strategy represents both the "end" and the "guide" of the strategic management process.
One of the main tasks of this study is to rationalize the scope of the EIS system and in the process include more urban projects under its scope. After about eight years, it appears that EIA and the EIA system have remained governmental functions or activities within the strict purview of the agencies and committees in. Although there is a strong recognition of the need to assess the impact of projects on the environment, such a conviction does not find concrete translation due to the lack of more than superficial knowledge of the EIA and the EIS system.
This ambiguity and insufficiency of knowledge is exacerbated by a lack of management will to directly address the legal questions about the enforceability of the EIS requirement. The previous assessment of the implementation of the EIS system and the perceptions of key respondents have underlined the complex and overwhelming weaknesses of the ErS system and its implementation. Despite all the weaknesses of the system, EIA remains the cornerstone of Philippine environmental policy.
RURAL-RURAL INTERACTION MODEL: A MODEL FOR REGIONAL PLANNING IN DUALISTIC
ECONOMIES IN CRISIS*
Thus, second-generation growth with equity models, such as those in Taiwan and the Philippines, became popular during the 1970s5.4 These models attempted to reduce inequality without impeding overall growth. The macro (national) focus of the growth model gave way to the sub-macro (regional) growth focus of capital models. However, until now, the problems of equity - and growth - in many LOGs like the Philippines remain intractable.
The situation worsened (as if things were not bad enough) as growth rates fell and many LOGs entered a "state of crisis" early in the current decade. misery of the crisis economies. In fact, these models - which always prescribe rural-urban interaction and integration - may have themselves contributed to the crisis in these LOGs. The RRIM will fall under a completely new or third generation of development models, which in this paper will be called parity with growth models.
Therefore, this third generation claims that growth processes in the crisis economies can only be initiated through massive social participation. Unlike growth with equity models, equity with growth models seeks to reduce socio-economic disparities, even if overall growth slows temporarily. Basically, the fundamental question that equity with growth models addresses is: "How can growth processes finally be initiated and subsequently sustained in the case of persistently poor groups, sectors and areas within LOGs?" Growth with the regional focus of equity models is further narrowed to equity with the subregional focus of growth models.
See, for example, Economic Commission of Latin America, "Preliminary Overview of the Latin American Economy Dec. Belonging to the family of second-generation growth with equity models are rural-urban interaction models, which fall under very popular planning approaches, including integrated area development (lAO) .This is not surprising because such models have grown out of the unique comfortable experience of Western planners regarding markets.
The premise behind urban-rural interaction is that rural areas are poor because they are not sufficiently connected to progressive urban centers. Theoretically, there may be a healthy, symbiotic relationship between rural and urban areas, as assumed in the urban-rural interaction models. In reality, however, things are strikingly different, especially in the case of crisis economies such as the Philippines, where we observe: a] Severe market imperfections – both oligopolistic/oligopsonistic and monopolistic/. The monopsonistic forces discussed in the economics textbooks are historical and persistently pre-. essay originally written as a summary of the Conference on the Role of Cities in Economic Development, held in Chicago in May 1954).
AREAS
The characteristics are: displacement, but not disappearance, of the indigenous (rural) political-economic structure; [b] emergence of an urban-dominated political structure; and [c]. stagnation of the traditional eeonornv". First, there was a neglect of the fragmented socio-economic structure typical of dualistic economies. This classical lAD approach will be compared with what will be termed the "neo-classical lAD approach". of the RRIM.
That growth is the primary goal of the classical IAD approach stems from the goal pursued by second-generation models: to reduce socio-economic disparities without hampering overall growth. On the other hand, the primary goal of the neoclassical approach derives from the goal of third-generation models: to narrow socio-economic disparities even when overall growth slows temporarily. The infrastructure strategy of the classical IAD approach requires huge capital inputs, a substantial part of which comes from foreign sources.
On the other hand, the social service strategy of the neoclassical approach emphasizes indigenous human and natural resources. Because of the assumption that the market works, the classical lAD approach concentrates resources in growth centers. In contrast, the neo-classical approach involves a "targeting" of the poorest and most disadvantaged rural areas, which may never have been in the mainstream of development.
34;Paternalism" is defined in terms of the relationship between central government and these local institutions. This should encourage the use of local resources and the participation of the private sector in rural development. The organizational structure of the RTD will be discussed in the last section of this paper.
The local community would have assumed full management responsibility at the end of the Maturity Phase. Members of the upland farmers' assembly, for example, are all dependent on the vast mountain areas for their livelihood. What is important is that overall the economic interests of the poorest groups are protected.
The Chairman of the respective SCs will sit in the Rural Town District Control Council (RTDGCI which includes the mayors of the). It will serve as the policy-making body of the RTD and will have authority to decide on all local issues or problems.
PLEASE FILL OUT AND MAIL
UNIVERSITY OF THE PHILIPPINES ~ \1/
CAREERS IN
URBAN AND REGIONAL PLANNING
DEGREE PROGRAMS
NON-DEGREE PROGRAMS
