F. Jason Diller
Department of Linguistics, Payap University, Chiang Mai 50200, Thailand Email: [email protected]
Received: February 24, 2020 Revised: April 24, 2020 Accepted: June 11, 2020
Abstract
This study examines Prai literacy practices where spirits are the primary target audience. In Thailand, the Prai are an Austro-Asiatic ethnic minority group with both long-established literacy practices mediated by non-traditional texts as well as recently introduced traditional literacy practices with customary texts.
Ethnographic research methods including participant observation and interviews were employed. Research highlights seven distinct literacy practices that attend to spirits: collecting specific objects as texts, weaving bamboo symbols, wrapping a token food gift, tying strings, tattooing, and writing and singing Prai songs. Findings show that these literacy practices communicate primary messages in three categories: a) to protect against spirits, b) to petition good from spirits, and c) to honor a spirit. In addition, traditional conceptions of literacy call for the use of literacy brokers to protect against spirits but more recent literacy practices are open to non-specialists to honor a spirit.
Keywords: Prai, literacy, literacy practices, spirit
Introduction
This paper describes an ethnographic study of literacy practices among the Prai living in Nan province, Thailand. The Prai are an Austro-Asiatic ethnic minority group with an estimated population of 20,000 in Thailand (Eberhard, Simons, and Fennig, 2020).
Anthropologically, it is important to note that spirits are essential to the Prai worldview. Previous research among the Prai has investigated their literacy practices, with attention to the conceptions and uses of literacy. However, this paper specifically focuses on Prai literacy
practices where spirit is an identifiable participant in the domain of language use for each literacy practice.
Domains of language use are commonly understood as a configuration of participants, location, and topics (e.g., children at school playing football, customers and merchants at the Tuesday market discussing prices). Lewis and Simons (2016: 89) write, “Among sociolinguists it is common for domains of use to be identified in terms of the location component.” In other words, the configuration of domain may be simplified to “home,” “market,” or “school,” etc. Depending on the research focus, domains can alternatively be prioritized by any element of the configuration: participants, location, or topics. Attention and singular focus to the participant component of domain has not traditionally been a focus in literacy research. For this study, literacy practices are limited to two participant groups: Prai people and spirits.
More specifically, spirits are the primary target audience for all investigated Prai literacy practices in this study.
Previous research has shown that spirits are an important audience for a number of Prai literacy practices (Diller, 2008). Research shows that the Prai often claim their system of beliefs as the primary marker of identity, and many Prai believe that their traditional religion is the most important aspect of Prai culture to preserve (Jordon-Diller, 2008). One Prai woman remarked, “The (Prai) way of thinking is different. We are thorough in our spirit worship and it permeates everything in our life.” (Diller, 2008: 104) Further evidence was presented as follows in a description of the Prai at the Nan Historical Museum:
Among the Thins,1 the belief in spirits has a large place and is especially important to follow their clan rules. Their belief in spirits is evidenced in the growing and gathering of food and many other areas such as house building, weddings, and funerals. There are always spirit ceremonies going on. They serve the function of preserving the culture in the village.2
1 “Thin” is an alternate name for the Prai; however, they consider it derogatory.
2 In 2016, this information on the Prai (Thins) was removed and not reinstalled after extensive museum renovations.
With a participant audience specified and limited to spirits, literacy practices are also bound to those practices appropriated by the Prai. All literacy practices investigated in this study are Prai. Historically, some literacy practices have had outside origins but now they are commonly used by the Prai and therefore have become Prai literacy practices.
Previous research investigated Prai literacy practices and categorized them into types of literacy: functional, work, home, Christian, and indigenous (Diller, 2008). While this research was an important look at the everyday uses and conceptions of literacy, it did not examine literacy practices specific to the participant component of domains of language use, such as the spirit audience central to this study.
Understanding how Prai literacy practices address a spirit audience will give insight into Prai culture and worldview and how literacy development may serve the Prai with regard to this unique audience.
Just as a cultural and community-based approach helped ethnic Thai Khmer children in the classroom (Chaiyakan et al., 2018), findings may contribute to an understanding of how traditional conceptions of literacy permeate ongoing literacy development among the Prai.
A cultural and community-based approach to literacy development is essential to help Prai children continue to adapt new literacy practices to their own local context.
Definitions and Theoretical Framework for the Study
Within New Literacy Studies, Street (1995) expanded the definition of literacy practices to incorporate not only literacy events but also the conceptual workings behind such events. He wrote, “Literacy practices refer to both behavior and the social and cultural conceptualizations that give meaning to the uses of reading and or writing.” (Street, 1995: 2)
Literacy practices are more than observable behaviors and events and should include social and cultural conceptualizations of literacy. Literacy practices may be inferred from events but are the
“product of patterns that operate from outside the room” (Street, 2007).
Literacy practices address literacy events, which are located at a particular place in space or time and are activities where literacy has a role. For this paper, literacy practices are defined as the behaviors and conceptions used to create and understand visual representations of meaning.
It is inferred that this visual representation of meaning or role for literacy is mediated through texts. An example that illustrates this distinction can be seen when a Prai woman approaches a specific literacy event such as filling out a form at the hospital. To accomplish the event (fill out the form), she draws on her conception of literacy (literacy practices) associated with completing official government hospital forms. To this end, literacy practices involve her behavior and recognition of what is and what is not appropriate for the literacy event.
For instance, she knows that she must write her full name in Thai and include information from her identity card.
It must be acknowledged that literacy practices investigated in this paper are not typical literacy practices like reading the Thai newspaper. Barton and Hamilton’s (2000: 8) definition of literacy is helpful: Literacy is best understood as a set of social practices inferred from events, which are mediated by texts. (i.e. the Prai literacy practice of singing in church reveals that social practices are inferred from the event of singing a song with other adults while reading the text – which could be further identified as song #31 from the red songbook.
An atypical literacy practice would be creating and hanging a woven bamboo symbol. In this literacy practice, social practices are inferred from the event of weaving the bamboo symbol following a ceremony to indicate to spirits that the rice field is protected. The mediated text is a woven bamboo star.)
Using Barton and Hamilton’s (2000: 8) definition as a starting point opens a discussion as to what exactly constitutes “text.” Mahiri (2004) defines text as any segment of written language or symbol that creates a unit of meaning. Such a definition allows for the research of texts found in traditional formats such as books but also in non-traditional visual representations of meanings such as cultural artifacts or tattoos.
Literacy is context specific, and a broad definition of text gives freedom to research created symbols that convey meaning particular to the Prai context. This paper does not make an argument for equating the literacy practices of reading cultural artifacts with reading Thai textbooks. However, Prai literacy practices involve interpreting symbols or cultural artifacts uniquely created for the Prai context. New Literacy Studies adopts a broad definition of text to include non-traditional formats. The Interstate New Teacher Assessment and Support Consortium’s Model Standards document defines a text as follows:
A text is any segment of language or symbol that creates a unit of meaning. Texts include print material like stories, poems, essays, books, newspaper and magazine articles; spoken representations of meaning like oral stories, discussions, or speeches; dramatizations, like live enactments, films, television; visual representations of meaning like paintings, cartoons, sculpture, graphics, and holography; tactile representations like Braille; and, even lived experiences like a day in the park, a conversation with a loved one, or an observation about some social situation (INTASC as cited in Mahiri, 2004: 7).
Clearly, this definition includes unwritten texts among other non-traditional formats. This paper addresses texts that are in concert with researching literacy practices based on understandings in New Literacy Studies. To simplify, all investigated texts have a visual element and subsequent “role” in literacy practices.
In conclusion, a text is any visual segment of (written) language or symbol that creates a unit of meaning. Texts are found in traditional formats such as books or newspapers but also in non-traditional visual representations of meanings like sculptures or tattoos. As literacy is context specific, a broad definition of text gives this study the freedom to understand symbols, which convey important meaning unique to the Prai context.
Research Questions
The following research questions were investigated:
- What are Prai literacy practices specific to a spirit audience?
- What does the attention to participants reveal about Prai conceptions of literacy practices for a spirit audience?
Methodology
In this study, methods of data collection and analysis common to ethnography were employed including participant observation and individual interviews. An ethnographic research approach gave an informed account of literacy practices among the Prai with concerns for their unique minority cultural context. The approach used in this study was primarily concerned with understanding what is actually happening among the Prai rather than to critique past language development efforts or to promote a literacy program.
The role of ethnographic researcher was a key component of the study. In order to better understand Prai language and culture, the author lived in Knife Creek village from 2013 – 2017. At the time, Knife Creek village had 44 houses and approximately 200 residents. It was founded in 1977 and is located 3.2 kilometers from the nearest Thai town (Nan Province Administration Organization, 2001).
The advantage of living in the research site was immeasurable.
Participant observation gave a good understanding of observable day-to-day literacy practices. Individual interviews were conducted in Prai using guided questionnaires, which allowed the flexibility of investigating additional areas of research. Prai people were very open and willing to talk about literacy and communication with a spirit audience. Local government authorities including the village headman were welcoming and gave a good introduction to the community. Some religious ceremonies are indeed secretive, but people were open to answering questions about practices and meaningful texts. In fact, no one objected or declined an interview. Interviews are a foreign
speech event for the Prai, but many pitfalls were avoided because of relationships and the goal of framing the interview within a culturally appropriate visit. Similarly, the author joined many work groups ranging from constructing a village water system to harvesting a family’s rice.
Working and eating with the Prai provided a relaxed opportunity to ask questions throughout the day and to fit into daily life. The primary purpose of the interview was to investigate literacy practices and conceptions of literacy specific to a spirit audience for the Prai.
Findings
All literacy practices are Prai in origin and specific to traditional Prai cultural activities. It should be noted that findings detailing explanations for Prai literacy practices were consistent among the Prai in Nan province. Findings are concentrated on present day literacy practices for a spirit audience. In synchrony with the research emphasis on domain of language use, findings detail the participants, location, topics (or primary message), and give an example of the text that mediates the literacy practice. Findings list literacy practices with non-traditional texts first and end with more traditional texts.
Prai Literacy Practices for a Spirit Audience
Spirits are the primary audience for seven distinct literacy practices.
These practices include collecting specific objects as texts, weaving bamboo symbols, wrapping a token food gift, tying strings on wrists and necks, tattooing, and writing and singing Prai songs.
Collecting specific objects as texts
This literacy practice has been simplified to the collection or compilation of choice objects to be used as texts in communicating to a spirit audience. The gathering, arrangement, and placement are completed by a resident of the house. The location for this Prai literacy practice is most often found close to the primary door of a Prai
house. In Figure 1, the basket hangs between the window and the main entrance. The topic or primary message communicated is a simple petition from the spirit audience for blessing through reproduction or multiplication.
Examples are a hanging basket of mushrooms or a wasp nest near a doorway. These “texts” communicate a request that the spirits bring prosperity to the family. Similar to how mushrooms multiply and grow, there is a desire for the family to prosper and grow in wealth or material possessions. In essence, the selection and arrangement of objects is paramount. Both wasp nests and poisonous mushrooms are inedible so have no value as a food source. But both objects have value as texts to petition the spirits for growth and prosperity just as both objects physically grow.
Figure 1 Hanging basket of mushrooms and wasp nest
Creating woven bamboo symbols
This literacy practice is completed by a Prai spirit doctor who has learned how to weave the bamboo symbol used in specific ceremonies, which are filled with meaning for both those who use the symbol and for the spirits who are the intended audience. Bamboo symbols can be found in various locations and their physical placement plays a role in determining the primary message for the spirit audience.
There are many examples in Prai culture that demonstrate this type of
literacy practice, but we will limit the discussion to two frequently observed practices. These two examples are found in Figure 2 and highlight the importance of bamboo symbols. Both symbols communicate first and foremost that ceremonies have been completed.
In Figure 2 on the left, the bamboo star symbol denotes that spirit ceremonies are complete, and the placement of this specific symbol identifies the clan mother. The clan mother has a very specific role in Prai traditional religion and the bamboo star states her location and attentiveness to traditional customs. Following specific taboos are thought to appease the clan spirits and to bring protection.
In Figure 2 on the right, the bamboo symbols that resemble a circle or fish or small creature are placed near a field where ceremonies have been completed. As a result, the field is deemed a safe place to work since the spirits have been properly appeased. This literacy practice communicates the owner’s commitment to following taboos that will continue to satisfy the spirits. Protection in the field is thereby assumed and the target spirit audience is notified that the field is open to cultivation since it has been covered by the required ceremonies.
Figure 2 Traditional Prai texts to mark clan mother (left) and field ceremonies (right)
Wrapping a small food gift set
As apparent with all literacy practices described in this study, the specific context is very important. The Prai person who follows this
practice is not a specially trained Prai spirit doctor but could be anyone who spends a night in the forest. Wrapping a small food gift set is only found in the forest outside of Prai villages. The topic or primary message for this literacy practice is to request protection and is best illustrated in the following example.
When a group of Prai men or women spend a night in the forest, in the evening before going to sleep, one person will take a token amount of food and place it nearby the camp on the ground. The ‘text’
for this literacy practice may look like a small amount of chicken or fish wrapped up in a banana leaf. The offering of this food gift may be accompanied by overtly stating the phrase, “Here I give it to you.” This communicates to the spirits that an offering has been given. It is thought to appease the spirits thereby affording the group protection for the duration of the night.
Tying strings on wrists and wearing ceremonial necklaces This literacy practice is quite diverse because it is practiced for a variety of different ceremonies involving a trained Prai spirit doctor.
For example, some Prai may have their wrists tied at ceremonies to treat sickness or at wedding ceremonies. The message communicated through texts in these literacy practices is context specific. Two examples representative of this literacy practice are presented as follows.
In many Prai villages, it is common to see children with strings tied around their wrists or wearing string necklaces with a special type of wood as a centerpiece. See Figure 3. The practice of tying strings takes place inside a house and must involve a Prai spirit doctor. The topic or primary message communicated by the tying of common white strings is a call for protection. In essence, this text communicates to the spirits that the appropriate ceremonies have been completed at the appropriate time for the wearer. Evil spirits are notified that the wearer is protected from any spirit who wishes to steal part of the wearer’s soul causing sickness or death. Babies are considered especially vulnerable to spirits.
If a baby has been sick, a ceremony in addition to wrist tying is often performed. In this case, an incantation over a small piece of wood is
made and then tied as a necklace around the baby’s neck to offer additional protection. Unlike wrist strings, this is a more permanent protection and remains around the baby’s neck until it is outgrown.
A second example can be found at Prai weddings, although these customs are changing. The bride and groom receive a spoken blessing as strings are tied on their wrists first by the spirit doctor and then by those who attend the ceremony. See Figure 3. In this instance the primary intended meaning is to bring good fortune to the couple.
Figure 3 Tying strings on wrists at a wedding ceremony and for children
Wearing tattoos
Tattoos among the Prai are common among men older than fifty and younger than thirty years of age. Today, it is easy to find tattoo studios in urban areas and several Prai men have left the village and returned with tattoos. Tattoos for fashion or self-expression are not of concern for this study. In contrast, tattoos intended for a spirit audience have spiritual significance and meaning. This type of literacy practice is hand poked into skin by a specialist who is trained and able to include religious practices in order to provide protection for the wearer. Prai spirit doctors are not trained to give tattoos.
Prai men seeking tattoos visit Thai spirit doctors specialized in Sak Yant tattoos. Most Prai men acquire tattoos when they leave the village to work. During their time away from the village, they cannot
follow the same traditional Prai religious taboos and may work in dangerous jobs. As a result, they seek out Sak Yant tattoos for protection.
Historically, Sak Yant tattoos are based on ancient Indic
“yantras” meant to ward off negative influences (May, 2014). Martin (2015) writes that the practice of Sak Yant is to imbue the wearer with magical properties such as invulnerability. Tattoos among the Prai appear to be a variation of this practice.
The Prai refer to sacred tattoo writing as “Nyen” which is a variation of Yant or ยันต์. In the Prai worldview, the primary message communicated through ink is for protection against evil spirits who may be looking to steal part of the soul causing sickness or death. Similarly, tattoos offer protection from dangerous animals in which case the wearer will have a tattoo of the specific animal he is protected against (Hall et al, 1991).
For example, the tattoo of a leaping tiger on the Prai man’s chest in Figure 4 is believed to have a specific protection against tigers. However, the intertextuality of Sak Yant designs is apparent.
The leaping tiger is a design from the Sak Yant tradition, where it is believed to protect wearers by making them very good at avoiding danger. Whether the tattoo is believed to protect against tigers or other dangers, it clearly communicates a desire for protection from a spirit audience.
In addition, the Prai report that words in Lao, Thai, or in a sacred language are occasionally tattooed. In contrast, the Prai language has never been used in a tattoo. In the tattoos pictured on the man’s arm in Figure 4, the writing is believed to protect against snakes. It is possible that the sacred language referred to by the Prai is Khom script.
According to May (2014), Khom script is an ancient Khmer lettering system used for sacred or magical texts such as Sak Yant tattoos.
A study of sacred Prai tattoos and their history including possible synchronization with the Sak Yant tradition is an interesting area for future research.
Figure 4 Tattoo writing to protect against tigers and snakes
Writing songs
Prai men and women write songs and this practice is not limited to specialists like a spirit doctor. The literacy practice of songwriting can be accomplished anywhere but is most often completed in Prai houses. The topics for writing songs are unique in that these literacy practices are intended to bring honor to a spirit.
The primary message is not related to protection from or petitioning spirits.
The following song excerpt was written by Kham Peangut of Knife Creek village, Nan province. He has written several songs and it is interesting to note that this song concerns a call to relatively new literacy practices among the Prai.
อาน เลือง เอาชาง จู งิ
ʔɑːn lʉɑŋ ʔɑosɑːŋ tʃu ŋiʔ
read story father-creator every day
‘Read God’s Story Every Day’ (title)
แอ ครอ แญ็ง เอาชาง นัน อุ ใน ใจ
ʔæː kʰrɔː ɲæŋ ʔɑosɑːŋ nɑn ʔuʔ nɑi tʃɑi
we ask word father-creator there in heart
‘We ask that God’s word be in our hearts.’
อาน จู งกร็อห จู แจ็ล เอาชาง ปา รวง
ʔɑːn tʃu ŋgrɔʰ tʃu tʃæl ʔɑosɑːŋ pɑː luɑŋ
read every morning every evening father-creator you (3+) path
‘Read it every morning and every evening. God shows the way.’
น�า เป็น เพือน แอ แก ไค ชืวะ ก็ กุญ
nɑm pɛn pʰəɑn ʔæː kæː kʰɑi ʃiwɑʔ kɔ kuɲ
he is friend us solve whatever so can
‘He is our friend. He can make everything right.’
มื ชืวะ รบกวน แอ นา เอาชาง น�า จวย แอ กุญ
mi: ʃiwɑʔ lopkuɑn ʔæ: nɑ: ʔɑosɑːŋ nɑm tʃui ʔæ: kuɲ
have whatever trouble we now father-creator he help us can
‘Whatever troubles us, God is able to help us.’
This song excerpt highlights the literacy practice of writing Prai, which is valued less than the practice of reading Prai (Diller, 2008). The song text closely follows orthography rules for written Prai created in the 1990’s and is based on the Thai script. The lexicon used in the song is the same as every day spoken Prai. The sample text includes some words that have been historically borrowed from Thai (i.e. ใจ ‘heart’).
It is a Prai text written by a Prai man using Prai graphemes from the Prai orthography. It is interesting to note that the Prai songbooks reviewed for this study reveal very little code switching. Unlike Prai chanting for ceremonies, the songs do not use special ritualistic Prai words or syllables without meaning. The emphasis is on creating a text to honor a spirit that is authentically Prai yet accessible to everyone.
Singing from a songbook
Singing from a songbook occurs most frequently at Prai church gatherings. See Figure 5. Participants include Prai men and women who can read Prai, which is a relatively new literacy practice.
Reading and writing Prai were first introduced to the Prai in the 1990’s and in 2006 there were only twenty adult readers of Prai (Diller, 2008). The topics or primary messages are to honor one spirit.
Prai singing is most often done in a group and accompanied by a single drum. As of 2020, there are 116 songs written in two commonly used songbooks.
Figure 5 Singing Prai songs from a songbook
Summary of Findings
With the participant audience fixed on spirits, it is interesting to note what topic or primary message is communicated to spirits through these literacy practices. In general, the primary message for each literacy practice can be classified into three distinct categories presented in Table 1.
Table 1 Categories of intended meaning for literacy practices with a spirit audience
Literacy practices to protect against spirits Weaving bamboo symbols
Wrapping a small food gift set when sleeping in the forest Wearing tattoos
Tying strings (when recovering from sickness) Literacy practices to petition good from spirits
Collecting specific objects as texts (such as hanging baskets of poisonous mushrooms or wasp nests)
Tying strings (when getting married) Literacy practices to honor a spirit Writing songs
Singing from a songbook
Discussion
Topic Categories and Religion
In Table 1, literacy practices for a spirit audience are designated into three categories of intended meaning: to protect against spirits, to petition good from spirits, and to honor a spirit. A review of the domains of use (participant, location, topic) for each literacy practice reveals that only one type of participant uses literacy practices to honor a spirit.
Only Prai Christians participate in literacy practices with the goal of honoring a spirit. Furthermore, they do not participate in any of the other categories listed.
Conversely, Prai who follow the traditional religion use literacy practices to protect against spirits and to petition good from spirits. Furthermore, they do not participate in literacy practices that honor a spirit or spirits.
Religion is a deciding factor for which Prai use which literacy practice. This may seem obvious since the understanding and expectations of the spirit audience are vastly different for each system of belief. Adherents to the traditional animistic religion
believe they can receive protection against and can petition good fortune from a spirit audience through notable literacy practices. In contrast, those Prai with a Christian worldview do not use literacy practices for protection or petition from spirits. Song writing and reading Prai are only used to honor their spirit audience.
Literacy Brokers
The use of specialization has been adapted into Prai culture and occasionally involves literacy mediation involving literacy brokers.
A literacy broker can be defined as someone who assists others by communicating with reading or writing (Mihut, 2014). In this research, a literacy broker mediates for people who want to communicate their desires for protection or to petition a spirit audience. The work of literacy brokers is easily identified in Prai culture. Specialists, most often referred to by the community as spirit doctors, are called to make or write traditional signs or texts. Importantly, spirit doctors are not fully defined as literacy brokers but findings from this study reveal that specific literacy practices may either be relegated to specialists (literacy brokers) or arrogated to all Prai. Spirit doctors fulfill the role of a literacy broker when they assist others in making texts to communicate to spirits.
For example, in 2014 after a young Prai child became sick following swimming in the creek a spirit doctor was called to conduct a ceremony to protect her health. The family wanted to protect her from the spirits. A spirit doctor mediated the literacy practice by communicating to the spirits that all of the correct ceremonies were completed to protect her health. In this example, the spirit doctor acted as a literacy broker for the family. He assisted the family in creating a text to communicate to the spirits.
The appropriation of literacy fits into the Prai schema involving specialization. Specialists have a niche in Prai society that offers perceived benefits of community influence and esteem. They act as mediators between the spirit world and the natural world. Most Prai specialists achieve this designation after completion of an apprenticeship
with another spirit doctor to acquire a specific skill. The skill usually involves learning an incantation that gives them the ability to perform the accompanying ceremony and create the symbol demonstrating its correct completion. For example, to become a spirit doctor who is capable of acting as a literacy broker for protecting fields, a Prai man would apprentice with a spirit doctor and learn the incantation, ceremony, and how to weave the bamboo figures that signify the ceremony’s correct completion. Traditional literacy practices are deeply embedded in the Prai worldview of appeasing spirits. It is no surprise that symbolic events have spirits as the primary audience.
It is notable that there are four literacy practices in this study that do not require a literacy broker: collecting specific objects as texts, wrapping a token food gift, and the relatively new literacy practices of writing songs and reading from a songbook. It is important to look at each of these in turn.
The literacy practice of collecting and displaying specific objects as texts to bring good fortune is believed to communicate effectively to spirits but a specialist is not needed for the selection nor display of these texts. When this practice is examined in contrast to others that require a literacy broker’s assistance, it is apparent that there is no preceding ceremony that needs to be marked as completed. In addition, it is a general appeal for prosperity and favor on the household.
Wrapping a token food gift to appease forest spirits does not require a literacy broker. All other literacy practices aimed to request protection do require a literacy broker’s assistance. However, it is possible that this literacy practice is different because of the logistics of a limited number of available specialists. Many Prai families sleep at their fields during harvest season and a Prai spirit doctor acting as a literacy broker simply cannot complete this work for every family every night. Like the presentation of objects, it is general in its request.
The message is, “Please leave me (or us) alone,” rather than a request for protection against a specific illness or to call back someone’s wandering soul.
The relatively new practices of writing songs and singing from a songbook do not require a literacy broker. The main difference from other practices is that these practices are Christian rather than part of the traditional religion. Prai Christians identify strongly with their culture. Writing and singing songs in their own language is a way of affirming their identity as “Prai” in spite of taking on a new set of beliefs.
However, in the Prai Christian worldview, a literacy broker is not necessary to approach spirits – including the one they seek to honor called the “Holy Spirit.” They believe they have personal and direct access to God without a human mediator; therefore, a literacy broker to assist communication is not needed. Writing and singing songs is a way to personally and collectively give honor to the Holy Spirit.
Secondary Audience
A discussion of secondary audience is also pertinent when considering Prai literacy practices. Often a text is created in the presence of others.
In this study, the primary audience for Prai literacy practices is spirits;
however, a secondary audience can be defined as those who are not the primary addressee but still included as a viewer.
For example, the tying of string on a wrist for protection often takes place with a number of people. The primary audience is spirits but the secondary audience is everyone present at the ceremony. Often everyone in attendance has his or her wrists tied by the broker. This communicates that all who attend are witnesses to the ceremony and the tied wrist is the symbol both of its correct completion and of the protection given by the incantation. People who were not present at the ceremony see the string on the wrists and know who participated in the ceremony. For example, people who go through a protection rite are subject to food taboos for a prescribed number of days. The physical symbol of a tied wrist may let others know not to offer them certain types of food. Furthermore, it may act as a reminder of what the wearer can or cannot eat. As this example demonstrates, even though the wrist string is first of all a sign to spirits that the wearer is protected, the symbol is also important throughout the Prai community.
Likewise, writing and singing songs also gives information to Prai community members. The act of communal singing is not a hidden event. When Prai people gather to sing songs, the singing is loud (sometimes the song leader uses a microphone), and the drumming is enthusiastic. The participants are letting the secondary audience (community) know that they have switched their allegiance from many spirits to one spirit. Many Prai songs echo this change. One song states,
“All of us together give our allegiance to the one God.” At the same time singing builds a bond among participants. When outsiders are curious about Prai worship songs, participants are quick to point out that this is a Prai activity. They emphasize the fact that the songs are in their own language and that they worship God together as Prai people.
Conclusion
An investigation of Prai literacy practices where spirits are the primary audience reveals seven distinct literacy practices. These practices include collecting specific objects as texts, weaving bamboo symbols, wrapping a token food gift, tying strings, tattooing, and writing and singing Prai songs. These literacy practices differ greatly according to the texts inherently used, their specific contexts, and the possible use of literacy brokers. Some literacy practices fit the more traditional understanding of literacy but all have meaning specific to a spirit audience. Altogether these practices show the conceptualization of literacy for the Prai.
The focus on supernatural beings as an audience for literacy practices opens up new and interesting areas of study. First, an examination of the primary message for each literacy practice shows that these literacy practices can be classified into three categories:
a) to protect against spirits, b) to petition good from spirits, and c) to honor a spirit. The literacy practice of tying strings on wrists is the only practice to fit two categories since it is used with ceremonies to both protect against and petition from spirits. Secondly, this study reveals the need for literacy brokers or specialists for certain literacy practices.
Only literacy practices that honor spirits or petition good from spirits do not require the use of literacy brokers whereas the many literacy practices to protect against spirits require the use of literacy brokers.
With concern for topic or primary message, only more recently adopted literacy practices honor one spirit as opposed to appeasing or petitioning spirits. These practices may reveal how the conception of literacy is influenced by the Christian system of beliefs.
The system of beliefs for participants influences the conception, use, and meaning for each literacy practice with a spirit audience. The traditional religion’s system of beliefs relegates literacy to brokers or specialists called spirit doctors to protect against evil spirits. The contrast between how the Prai appropriate different literacy practices depending on their system of beliefs is evident. The examples in this paper demonstrate how Prai literacy practices serve those who practice them, whether it is to appease, petition, or honor.
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