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Desert-Based Muslim Religious Education:

Mahdara as a Model

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Desert-Based Muslim Religious Education:

Mahdara as a Model

Tarek Ladjal & Benaouda Bensaid

To cite this article: Tarek Ladjal & Benaouda Bensaid (2017): Desert-Based Muslim Religious Education: Mahdara as a Model, Religious Education, DOI: 10.1080/00344087.2017.1297639 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00344087.2017.1297639

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DESERT-BASED MUSLIM RELIGIOUS EDUCATION:

MAHDARA AS A MODEL Tarek Ladjal and Benaouda Bensaid Effat University, Jeddah, Saudi Arabia

Abstract

As one of the oldest surviving educational religious models in the history of Muslim education, Mahdara remains a poorly studied desert-based religious institution of traditional learning. In its Bedouin context, the Mahdara produced religious scholars no less competent in the mastery of religious Islamic sciences than graduates of other reputable Islamic learning institutions. This article explores the historical development of the Mahdara, its academic program, social system, and contribution to the Mauritanian community while highlighting the major problems modernity poses to it in its struggle to preserve its sociohistorical position in society.

INTRODUCTION

Since the time of Ibn Khaldun (d. 1406), the popular notion continues to be that the Saharan nature of the land likely inhibits intellectual flourishing, let alone the fact that it does not provide any support for prosperity in science and art (Ould al-Salim 2010, 45). This is arguably understood with reference to the general idea that urban- ism is often associated with flourishing knowledge, literature, and science, as a result of growing accumulations of civilization and cultural development in urban centers in contrast to the desert. Having said that, it remains to be said that since the sixteenth century the traditional religious lecture (al-dars al-dini) was the predominant, charac- teristic pedagogy of most learning institutions, including the Mahdara. In most cases scientific education was only minimally maintained, in order to serve determined religious purposes like the determination of inheritance, prayer time, and so forth.

Interestingly enough, the case of Dedou Walad Abdallah in Mauritania provides an exception to this general notion, as witnessed in the rise of the first desert-based Muslim religious education. Abdallah demonstrated a Bedouin community with written traditions, while other communities in the desert continued to depend on the assistance and support of cities (Ould al-Sa’d1993, 53). The Bedouins’ connection to knowledge and culture reflected a rather peculiar inclination for learning, as reflected in the tribes’ daily lifestyles in Mauritania. Often, knowledge wins over money (Naḥwi 1987, 122), as shown in the local common proverbs such as, “No life [is worthy] except on horses or next to books” (Naḥwi1987, 36). The desert life and language in Chinguett (a city in Mauritania with historical significance as a gathering place for pilgrims on their way to Mecca) bears testimony to a deep appreciation of learning and education, as shown for instance in the common description of those who fail to write down their

Religious Education CopyrightCThe Religious Education Association

Vol. 0 No. 0 ISSN: 0034-4087 print / 1547-3201 online

DOI:10.1080/00344087.2017.1297639

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daily lesson as “thirsty,” reflecting thirst for water, which is the fundamental source of life in the desert (Nahwi1987, 39).

Mahdara in Chinguett helped found the desert-based intellectual and cultural life. The Mahdara played a highly critical role in the political and cultural development of the region (Maḥmud,2001, 51), as highlighted by late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century French travelers and colonizers like Camille Douls (d. 1889), who explored the characteristics of the Mauritanian Bedouins that set them apart from others. Douls noted the following: “The Moors make use of their tents as real academies”

(1888, 117–224). He also said, “Almost all those Bedouins can write Arabic” (119). This shows how the knowledge and intelligence of those Bedouins superseded their coun- terparts in other parts of North Africa (Douls1888, 206). Similarly, René Basset (d.

1924) believed that the Moors of Chinguett possessed significant cultural awareness compared to most people living in Algeria at his time (Faidherbe1889, 45).

Throughout its history, the Mahdara played a critical role in the preservation and shaping of the identity of the Mauritanian society and its cultural identity. For example, during the period of the French colonization, the Mahdara stood as an educational institution resistant to the French policies. In spite of the French laws and regulations set to place it under the supervision of France, as in the laws of 1903, 1906, and 1924 (Nahwi1987, 123), the French acknowledged their failure to exercise cultural control over Mauritania because of the Mahdara. However, the role of the Mahdara was not only limited to culture; it also extended to politics. In 1860, Muslim scholars blocked the efforts of the French General Staff H. Vincent in order to pave the way for military intervention (Vincent1860, 17–33, 49–64). They also disrupted the trip of the French traveler René Caillé in Brakna to the South of Mauritania in 1824–25 (Caillé1989).

The resistance of the tribes in Mauritania against the French in 1860 and 1892 also was led by the Shaykhs of Mahdaras.(bin Muḥammadhn1996, 59).

In the Mauritanian post-independence period, Mahdara graduates played a significant role through formation of various political organizations. For instance, they issued a petition to review political and cultural relations with France, in addition to the issuance of national currency, the Arabization of the national education curriculum, and a call for the nationalization of Mauritania metals companies. Their demands were embraced by the national parties in Mauritania and were consequently endorsed by the government. Most political oppositions in Mauritania were led by Mahdara graduates, especially those from the Mahdara of Imam Badah ouled al-Busayri, the Grand Mufti of the Mauritania (Maḥmud2001, 78). In addition, the significant contribution of Mahdara in Western Africa was extended through African students who attended Mahdaras, and later formed the intellectual life in their homelands. Most of the revolutionary movements in West African Muslim societies were influenced by the Shaykhs of the Mahdara, beginning from the seventeenth to the twentieth centuries (Marty1915, 67).

Despite its rich historical position, the Mahdara remains buried in the sands of the desert of Chinguett. None perhaps would have known about it had it not been for a few French and Mauritanians scholars.¹ Arabic works on the Mahdara lack direct

1This influence in current time is the Zaytuna College, founded in Berkeley, California, USA, in 2009 by a former Mahdara graduate, Hamza Yusuf.

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TAREK LADJAL AND BENAOUDA BENSAID 3

references to the nature and history of Mahdara, other than the work of the Mauri- tian historian al-Khalil al-Naḥwi entitled “bilad Chinguett al-manarah wal-ribat”(The Country of Chinguett: the Beacon and Fortress) that covers up to 1987 but misses the current development of the Mahdara. Walad Abdallah Dedou’s unpublished dissertation, “The Intellectual Movement in the Land of Chinguett during the 11th and 12th Hijri Centuries (18–17 C.E),” addresses the intellectual life of the Mahdara.

Many scholars, like André Lecourtois (1978) and Paul Dubie (Des Maures,1953), among others, have addressed the role of the Mahdara, in face of the French expansion in West Africa and its contribution to preserving the cultural identity in Mauritania.

Lecourtois, for instance, addressed the role of instructors (Shaykhs) of the Mahdara, and their campaign against the French schools, and their prohibition on enrollment in those schools.²Lecourtois wrote hisEtude expérimentale sur l’enseignement islamique traditionnel en Mauritanie, Entreprises et développement, which extensively examines the culture and geography of the Mauritanian society with special reference to the Mahdara. It is, however, limited to the period of 1900–78 and does not address the state of the Mahdara post-1978.

Among other interesting studies is the dissertation of al-Ghassim Ould Ahmedou, entitled “Enseignment traditionnel en Mauritanie: La mahadra ou l’ecole ‘a dos de chameau”’(1997). Ahmedou unfortunately fails to draw on current sources and statistics. In 2009, another study, titledL’enseignement coranique traditionnel dans les Mahadras de Nouakchott: Etats des lieux et perspectives, led by a group of Mauritanian researchers, focused on data and statistics on Mahdaras, its students, and pedagogies, while also surveying their historical development and transformations (Ould Izid Bih et al.2009). Perhaps the most resourceful source is to be found in the historical and archival documents of the French government, despite the fact that these documents are limited to historical context and are of little benefit to our current research on the present nature and dynamics of the Mahdara.

For various reasons, English scholars have shown little interest in the study of the Mahdara in spite of its clear influence on the intellectual and political shaping of West African regions. The fact remains that not much change happened to the Mahdara in the post-independence period because it was able to preserve its traditional form despite the major modernizing changes affecting Mauritanian society.

As a result, there was a division of supporters of the Mahdara into those who called for reform according to modern systems and those who insisted that Mahdara should remain essentially Bedouin, original and uncontaminated.

EVOLUTION OF MAHDARA

Mahdara symbolizes the yard often surrounding the Shaykh’s [instructor’s] tent in which he and his students would perform prayers and attend classes. This arrangement also protects students from dangerous animals (Naḥwi 1987, 61). Mahdara may be derived fromhadara, meaning “to ban,” because the instructor would force students

2As a result of boycott policy, the total percentage of students attending school in all of Mauritania in 1932 was estimated to 1.1% total of just 438 students in seven French schools (De Chassey1977, 156).

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to stay in their tents and focus on learning instead of wandering in the neighborhood. It may also be argued that the meaning of the word Mahdara relates to the charisma and spiritual protection enjoyed by the instructor and his students (Dedou1992, 34). Such protection, which is granted as long as learners commit no violations, refers to a learning sanctuary that requires its dwellers to avoid wrongdoing, while ensuring protection of those seeking refuge from aggression and abuse (bin Muḥammadhn1996, 65). This meaning is supported by the linguistic interpretation of the termhazr(Mustafa1989, 511) and the nature of Bedouin life, which is generally insecure. Since its inception, the Mahdara has served as a refuge for the weak from the assaults and aggressions of looters and bandits.

Naḥwi (1987, 53) and Francis de Chassey (1984, 12) agree that the history of the Mahdara should be traced back to the emergence of the Almoravids and to the reformist movement of Shaykh ‘Abdallah bin Yasin (d. 1056 CE). The latter had to find a remote site in the desert near the River of Senegal following a clash with the con- servative elders of Sanhaja tribe. In 1039, bin Yasin founded a teaching circle known as ribatand gathered around him his students and supporters (Levtzion 1979, 54).

This formed the early nucleus of the Mahdara and some ten years later helped him establish the Almoravids state. When he died, Abu Bakr bin ‘Umar (d. 1087 CE) was appointed the new leader and returned to the desert following Yusuf ibn Tashfin’s (d. 1106 CE) seizure of political power and the transformation of the Almoravids in Northern Morocco from nomadic to urban lifestyles.

With the arrival of Abu Bakr bin Umar, however, scholars like Abu Bakr M. al- Hadrami, Ibrahim al-Amawi, ‘Abdulrahman bin Abi Bakr al-Rakaz, and Abdullah al-Zaynabi (ḥamid 2000, 20) initiated numerous Bedouin learning circles and rib- ats for religious instruction and da’wah (Naḥwi 1987, 66). What stands in favor of this view is the existing connection between the Mahdaraand learning establishments and schools dating back to the era of the Almoravids, namely the selection of the desert as a site for learning and religious gathering, the way learners would gather in Mahdara, learners’ lifestyle, and the title of religious instructors asmurabits. Under the reign of the Almoravids, the Bedouin teaching style in the Sahara spread to desert cities like Oualata, Audagust, Boutilimit, and Ouadane, with Chinguett and Teniki becoming the largest Mahdara centers (Ould al-Salim 2010, 42). Al-Bakri (d. 1094 CE) describes the city of Aoudaghost as being the largest inhabited city with mosques full of Qur’an learners and teachers (Bakri 1964, 45). According to the Maurita- nian historian Ibn Ṭuwayr al-Jannah (d. 1849 CE), the desert city of Ouadane had forty houses, each with a scholar, and was initially established as a center of learning (al-Jannah2013, 71). This drew the attention of Ibn Battutah (d. 1377 CE) who passed by the city of Oualata in 1352 CE and recorded the existence of numerous schools and students (Ibn Battuta1971, 455). As commercial and cultural hubs, most of those cities witnessed periods of economic prosperity reflecting intellectual and literary awakening.

The stage of urbanized learning and education did not last long, especially with the slow migration of Mahdara back to the desert in the tenth century. This migration was a result of the absence of central authority and the interruption of desert trade routes by European discoveries (Ould al-Salim 2008, 56), as well as the control of the Turks over North Africa and the eventual destruction of the city of Sijilmassa in

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the fourteenth century CE, which caused considerable problems for the Chinguettis’

economic prosperity (Ould al-Salim2010, 76). All of the above led to the displacement of the Mahdara learning system to the desert following long periods of stability in cities and towns.

PURPOSE AND CHARACTERISTICS OF MAHDARA

Mahdaras come in various forms and shapes. One form may be described as comprehensive, providing learners with primary and secondary academic disciplines such as the art of Qur’anic intonation, Qur’an interpretation, hadith, theology, grammar, rhetoric, arithmetic, logic, and so forth. In this category, students only become scholars [Shaykhs] when they demonstrate a comprehensive awareness of language and grammar, Islamic religious sciences, and Arabic literature, alongside the ability to teach all of these branches of knowledge (bin Muḥammadhn1996, 53). The number of this comprehensive type of Mahdaras was rather limited because of the difficulty in allocat- ing those highly ranked scholars [Shaykhs] with mastery of all branches of knowledge.

According to a survey conducted in 1995, such Mahdaras numbered approximately 151 with nearly 11,130 students. The second form is a specialized Mahdara with a limited scope of sciences and knowledge, like Qur’an, Islamic jurisprudence, and theology.

Instructors of these Mahdaras would teach language, principles of Islamic jurisprudence, and logic only. According to the same survey, such Mahdaras numbered 246 with a student population of 23,781 (Ould Izid Bih et al.2009, 12). The third category is the Qur’anic Mahdara in which students would learn the skills of writing and memorize the Qur’an. The number of Qur’anic Mahdara is difficult to determine, as they are rather ubiquitous (bin Muḥammadhn1996, 59). However, according to the same survey, they were estimated at 1,331 schools with some 54,009 students (Ould Izid Bih et al.2009, 13).

The Mahdara carries out social, cultural, and educational functions and is super- vised by a scholar [’alim] who manages the academic, moral, and physical education of students (Sufi1986, 24). The instructor teaches and supervises students until they attain knowledge mastery and also leads prayer, oversees students’ spiritual education, arbitrates between students and other near-by Bedouins, and provides the community with legal rulings. Instructors in the Mahdara also provide political advice to princes [Emirs] in the region and mediate between tribes during conflict. Some were assigned with military missions against the French occupation (Izid Biyah 2001, 45). The Mahdara operates as long as the instructor is alive. With his death, competent students take up the task of teaching while one of the founding instructor’s children re- names the school after the new Shaykh who inherits the “mother” Mahdara. In the Mahdara, instructors do not retire except when extreme illness affects their teaching performance (Naḥwi1987, 165).

The distinction of the Mahdara from other Madrasas in the Muslim world is shown in the character of its traditional nomadic Bedouin lifestyle; its academic, spiritual, moral, and social programs and structure; and its ability to withstand and maintain its simplicity and originality in face of global modernization affecting much of the religious schooling in the Muslim world. Naḥwi’s definition of Mahdara is

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interesting: “An institution that is independent, public, free of charge, Bedouin, doc- trinal, and optional” (1987, 165). Mahdara represents an advanced stage of religious learning in which eligible students with advanced education and certain levels knowledge would enroll. Mahdara offers subjects such as the study of the Qur’an, hadith, theology, Sufism, Islamic jurisprudence, principles of Islamic jurisprudence, biography of the Prophet Mohammed, history, language, literature, grammar, poetry, rhetoric, logic, and arithmetic (Naḥwi1987, 54). Mahdara is also public and not necessarily affiliated with any government body. It receives all applicants from all social levels, and does not reject any because of limitation of space, nor does it shut down due to poor student enrollment. It does not have official students’ records (Lecourtois1978, 31).

Mahdaras are free public educational institutions, with students exempted from paying tuition fees. They largely depend on social support programs to sustain their operations (Naḥwi1987, 66). They are often set in the desert in tents usually made by local women. Sometime students use acacia branches, cladium, and wood for construction. Mahdaras are mobile, and as such would generally keep migrating in search of water (rains) and pasture for the flock, in order to be able to feed students (Lecourtois1978, 54). Mahdaras operate on a volunteer basis. Instructors [Shaykhs]

in the Mahdara are not entitled to official financial compensation. Students are free to choose their Mahdara, the learning circles they want to attend (halaqas), the subjects and textbooks they want to study, as well as the period of study. They enjoy complete freedom to either attend or quit classes at any time. Censorship is self-based and everything depends on the principle of motivation, which drives seekers of knowledge to remain in the countryside (Ould al-Salim2010, 112).

EDUCATION IN THE MAHDARA

There is no age restriction on attending students, and as a result students can enroll as adults. This freedom plays a critical role for students’ self-realization, self- motivation, and increased sympathy with their environment (Ould al-Salim2010, 115).

Students generally enroll in the Mahdara at any time between the age of twelve and fifteen, after learning basic reading and writing skills, memorizing the entire Qur’an, and learning material sources under the guidance of family members such as mothers, aunts, grandmother, or neighbors. A student’s relocation to the Mahdara implies high regard for the instructor and the student’s ability to live away from home. Students are not allowed into the Mahdara except with full or partial memorization of the Qur’an, which would allow them to engage in the study of religious learning such as theology, Islamic jurisprudence, Qur’an interpretation, Arabic language, history, arithmetic and others. Both males and females can enroll in the Mahdara.

Female students, young or old, study in the evening under the guidance of a male instructor in the presence of one of his female kin. Should the instructor herself be a female, she would then set a curtain between herself and other male students (Ould al-Salim2010, 87). Mauritania continues to preserve its Sanhajian tribal nature where women enjoy prestigious status in the management of domestic and social affairs. In the Mahdara, the responsibility of children’s early education is entrusted

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to women over men (Jirari 1978, 54). There are numerous records of debates and intellectual competitions, reflecting the excellence and cleverness of some female Mahdara graduates. Among Chinguett women were notable scholars such as Um ibn al-Kh¯al, who taught the famous scholar Mohammed Al-Amin Chinguetti. There is also Khadijah bint al-’ ¯Aqil who taught Mukht¯al bin B ¯unah and the Prince ‘Abd al-Q¯adir, the ruler of Fouta Gallon (now Guinea). Interestingly, Menna bint Ahmed bin Khalifa was in the judiciary of Chinguett. Marriam M¯anah bint al- ¯Ab memorized a ten-volume dictionary by heart (Naḥwi1987, 279). The majority of modern Maurita- nian Women Democratic Union are graduates of Mahdara. In his work “The Culture of the Desert,” Abbas Jirari noted the biographies of dozens of Mauritanian female scholars and authors of numerous works (1978, 57).

Instruction in the Mahdara is built around two primary principles: the central- ity of the instructor and an individualized study plan. Each Mahdara hosts a single instructor and his family but could sometimes have more than one instructor. Often, the instructor would assign competent students as close assistants to help him with the rest of students, especially when students enrollment is high. Sometimes student assistants are required to help with the task of repetition and revision of the lecture (Al-Nada1985, 43). As for the individualized study plan, students have special lessons according to their own levels and choices but they are not required to join any specific class. In fact, it is rare to form groups for group study (Dedou1992, 65). The daily learning routine reflects the simple nomadic lifestyle, with the lesson having no fixed teaching method. Often, the instructor would first take his breakfast and set his sheep for grazing. Students would gather around and listen to the written text memorized by one of the students, followed by a detailed explanation by the instructor. Students may record their thoughts in a booklet calledkunnashand would then take turns reading the text in what is known asdawla(Dedou1992, 66).

The instructor uses all available materials for explanation and illustration, mostly sand. In the process of instruction, the students’ dawlatakes no specific reference.

The lesson generally starts with the student writing his text on the wooden tablet, which will be corrected when the instructor listens to his students’ reading. Students also practice cooperative learning and correct one another, especially when there is a large class enrollment. The wooden tablet can hold up to four lessons, which students are required to master and review. Following the mastery of the form and content of the lecture, students then wash the old texts off the tablets in specific sites (Ahmedou 1997, 41). There are pauses for lunch breaks followed with short naps and then the lessons resume until sunset (Naḥwi1987, 167).

Curriculum and Learning Stages

The Mahdara follows the traditional method of instruction (talqin), which relies on oral memorization and transmission. It relies on memorization of certain books and obtaining their meaning and knowledge with full guidance and explanation from the instructor, who authorized the student to teach these books in the future (ijaza) (Ahmedou 1997, 54). As mentioned earlier, education in the Mahdara depends largely on the use of scholarly poetry collections as its basic

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curriculum material. This is understandable as those texts are easy to under- stand and memorize, in contrast to prose books consisting of many sections and volumes. Shaykhs of Mahdara ascribe ordinarily to the Maliki School of Law and Ash’arite Theology, in addition to famous textbooks of language and logic (bin Mousa 1987, 40). Those sources represent the foundation of learning in the Mahdaras far as the study of language and Shari’ah are concerned. The Mahdara courses are integrative in nature and are organized according to the following age categories:

1. Beginner stage: This takes place prior to students’ enrollment in the Mahdara, between the ages of five to ten. During this period, students are known as beginners. As beginners, students study the sciences of the Qur’an using easy poetic collections, like the work of Ibn Barr¯ı (d.1331), according to their ability. In the field of Islamic jurisprudence, beginner students would study both al-Akhḍari’s (d.1545)

“mukhtasar al-akhḍari fi-fiqh al-imam malik”and Ibn Ashir’s “al-murshid al-muin ala al-daruri min ulum al-din.” For grammar, they use “sharḥubayd rabbih al- ShinqiṬ”(d.1650), Hariri’s “mulhat al-irab,” LamaT¯ı’s “qurrat al-abṣ¯ar,” and al- Buṣiri’s “qaṣidat al-hamziyah” for a biography of Prophet Mohammad (Mawlay 2008, 41).

2. Intermediary stage: This is the official starting point in the life of the student in the Mahdara and may last up to six years. During this stage, students are known as Wildzawiya(children of thezawiya). The Intermediary stage may be equivalent to high school education. Students learn the Qur’an intonation using the textbook of al-Shatibiyyah by ShaṬibi (d. 1194) and the “al-Muqaddimah al-Jazariyah”by Ibn al-Jazari (d. 1430). In the field of Islamic jurisprudence, they study the “Risalah”

by al-Qayrawani (d. 996) and “Mukhtasar Sidi Khalil.” In grammar, students learn

“Ala¯ alfiyyat ibn Malik” by ibn Malik (d. 1274) and “lamiyat al-Afal” by ibn Malik. In linguistics, they study “kitab al-maqsur wal-mamdud” by ibn Ma¯lik and “Diwan Ghaylan”by Dhu¯al-Rummah (d. 735). In Islamic theology they use

“al-wasi¯lah”by Ibn Bun al-Jakan (d. 1805) and for the biography of Prophet they use “kita¯b al-ghazawa¯t”by Ibn ḥubaysh (d. 1188) (Naḥwi1987, 147).

3. Advanced stage: This stage generally starts when a student is eighteen and continues until the student decides to stop. During this stage of learning, the student is commonly known as muntahi(Capable). This may equal higher education in our current education system. Students study major advanced works in the field of Qur’anic exegesis, such as the commentary of Tabari (d. 923) and Ibn Kathir (d.

1373). For Hadith they study “alfiyat al-Iraqi”by al-Iraqi (d. 1403) and “Talat al- anwar”by al-Mukhtar ShinqiṬi (d. 1907). For the traditions of Prophet Moham- mad, they study “al-Muwatta”by Imam Malik (d. 795). In Islamic jurisprudence, they read “mawahib al-jalil” by al-Hattab (d. 1547). In Islamic law, they read

“maraqi al-suud”by al-Mukhtar Shinqiti (d. 1907) and “al-waraqat”by al-Juwayni (d. 1085). In theology, they focus on the works of Sanusi (d. 1490); In logic, they study “al-Sullam”by Akhḍari; in rhetoric, “uqud al-juman”by Akhdari; in linguistics, “ala al-qamus al-muhit”by Firuzabadi (d. 1414) andal-Kamilby Mubarrad (d.

899). In prosody, they read “al-khazrajiyah”by Khazraji (d. 1520) (Al-Nada,1985, 122). The courses distribution is set according to specifically agreed on schooling

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traditions common among both learners and instructors; they are neither written nor binding on all other Mahdaras.

Students’ Evaluation

In the Mahdara, instructors generally follow an evaluation system consistent with the environment of the Mahdara, its Bedouin system, and its family-oriented atmo- sphere. Generally, students’ evaluation in the Mahdara takes different forms. The first is self-evaluation, which takes the form of quizzes, arguments, debates, and tests.

Instructors usually use these activities to test the level of their students’ comprehen- sion and performance. The second is in the form of scholarly visits, which allows students to meet visiting scholars, as either individuals or delegations, and request them to test their academic standards. The third does not take the form of exam or test; rather, the instructor announces students’ final evaluation according to a series of student activities monitored during the entire period of study. The students’ assessment is the instructor’s overall evaluation of students for the period they have spent in Mahdaras and whether they have memorized and mastered their textbooks (mutun). Following the instructor’s positive evaluation, students are granted a certificate of completion (ijazah) alongside an acknowledgment of learning through the chain of transmission of knowledge known asal-sanad(Ould Mokhtar1998, 42).

Certification

Mahdara instruction concludes with the granting of certificates based on instructors’ evaluation. Certification is of two categories: (1) limited/conditional certificate:

This type of certificate is issued for specific academic disciplines such as Islamic jurisprudence, grammar, or hadith. Those certificates generally carry the names of narrators and authorities from the discipline orally transmitted; and (2) unlimited- unconditional certificates: Issued to those who have completed the study of all learning branches. Graduates with this type of certificate are qualified to initiate their own Mahdara in their respective neighborhoods (Ould Mokhtar1998, 42).

Mahdara and the Community

In Mahdara, instructors need to meet their students’ basic needs, and as such use their personal income from cows and camels.³According to Lecourtois, Ahmed Yazid bin Hyani, an instructor in the Mahdara, used to sponsor one hundred of his students (1978, 37). When students surpass the instructors’ financial capabilities, new students are required to bring along a cow or a camel (Lecourtois1978, 44),⁴which benefits many other students who cannot fund their education and are known asmu’abbadun (destitute). In the Mahdara, students cooperate on both grazing and caring for cows or

3Ould Izid Bih et al. indicate that 42% of the food of the Mahdaras in Mauritania is provided by Shaykhs (2009, 25).

4According to Ould Izid Bih, students contribute with around 7% of the food supply in a majority of the Mahdaras (2009, 25).

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camels and take turns in grazing the animals while carrying their wooden tablets. Stu- dents are generally divided into groups of four known asrahila(procession) and divide their funds among themselves and eat together. Poor or destitute students (mu’abbad) are allowed to join and form groups of five students (Al-Nada1985, 65; Naḥwi1987, 143). With the increased number of destitute students and the Mahdara’s inability to sponsor their food, residents in the nearest village may supply food for them daily (Ahmedou 2009, 113).

Life difficulty is what has caused enhanced interaction and solidarity between Mahdara and the community. This interaction has many financial manifestations.⁵ There exist, however, other forms of community support in the forms of gifts given by neighbors on the occasion of the students’ completion of Qur’an memorization or collections made on occasions of the students progressing in memorization of the Qur’an (jam‘al-khitma) (Naḥwi1987, 144; Al-Nada1985, 45). Donations are also given to those students who memorize one fourth of the Qur’an. Students may fundraise on their own by passing out invitations to neighbors to sponsor the purchase of books and accessories. Women weave students’ garments. Interestingly, when the cows belong- ing to the Mahdara do not produce milk, students call upon neighboring families with a special call (azan) in the evening, requesting them to send whatever milk they have (Al-Nada1985, 45; Naḥwi1987, 144). This social solidarity has granted the continuity of Mahdara in such a poor, unforgiving environment.

ON MAHDARA AND MADRASA

Both Mahdaras in Mauritania and Madrasas (kuttab/katatib) in the rest of the Muslim world share some common characteristics, such as similar teaching materials and curriculum that view the study of religious disciplines and language as the basis of their teaching pedagogy. They both have similar instructional goals and both seek to produce graduates equipped with the religious learning who are capable of carrying out teaching, leading as Imams, and judiciary responsibilities.

Mahdara has its own individual characteristics that set it apart from Madrasas.

Mahdara emerges in a Bedouin setting and is located mostly in the countryside, whereas Madrasas are usually erected in urban contexts. This implies that Mahdaras lack proper buildings or estate properties. Because of their need for mobility, they rely on tents and straw houses and are subject to relocation at any given time as a result of the exigencies of Bedouin life. For example, the Mahdara of Mukhtar bin Buna continually moved to new sites, as often as once every three days (ShinqiṬi1989, 277).

Mahdara is established through the initiative of the teaching instructor [Shaykh], who plays the central figure and authority in its formation, whereas Madrasas may be formed through collective efforts of generous donors in the city or donations of one generous family. Mahdara fundamentally revolves around the central figure of the Shaykh, who generally has no other managing partner. Moreover, Mahdara does not have any legal liability. It follows that it neither acquires rights nor assumes any

5According to Ould Izid Bih, the community contributes 34% of the food supply (2009, 25).

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liability as it lacks a body/structure independent from individuals and groups, like students and teachers. That explains why both instructors and students remain liable as individuals, which is why Mahdara never evolved into college or university, as was the case with Madrasas like al-Zaytoonah, al-Qaraweeen, or al-Mustansiriyah (Mawlay 2008, 47). Mahdara financing depends mainly on the Bedouin economy of grazing and the cattle of the Shaykh, unlike Muslim Madrasas that depend on endowments (waqf), government support, or generous funding of patrons in the surrounding area (Tibawi1974, 238).

Prestigious Madrasas enjoy proper administrative systems that oversee teaching, and education, and manage student affairs. In Mahdara, however, students care about each other. Some Madrasas lack students’ social services, such as accommodation and food, and many of its students go home at the end of their study period. By contrast, these services are always part and parcel of the Mahdara set up. In Mahdara, students enjoy absolute freedom in the study of any discipline they choose to study, without the assistance of the Shaykh on their courses selection. Madrasas use set curriculums mandated by the administration and sometimes by the owner. In addition, Mahdara does not use any specific examination protocol, unlike Madrasas where instruction is rather formal, with set special programs and exams used for students’ evaluation and graduation. In Mahdara, both students’ evaluation and granting of certificates are left to the discretion of the instructor, who can determine the level of his students according to their participation, questions, or some other free tests (Makdisi1961, 1–56; Al-Nada1985, 211).

Madrasas are often annexed to Mosques. In fact, the historical dating of some are even associated with the first prayer being held in the Mosque, as the first prayer used to be performed with the presence of official governing authorities and prominent figures (Shalabi 1973, 53). With its mobility, Mahdara as an educational system has never enjoyed the privilege of Mosque annexation. Mahdaras lack educational resources, such as libraries, and are not surrounded by paper shops. Most Muslim Madrasas have libraries, including those with eighty thousand books on the first day of their launching like the Mustansiriyah School (established 1227), which was surrounded by paper shops used to copy books for students and teachers (Maruf1965, 55–60).

CONCLUSION

Born in the barren desert of Mauritania, the Mahdara adapted itself with the nature of Bedouin life, and as a result has maintained its traditional identity until today.

Despite its traditional roots, the Mahdara continues to support current religious education. The methods and techniques of instruction and textbooks continue to be used today, as they are competent enough to produce knowledgeable and socially skillful graduates. Following the rise of modernization and globalization, Mahdaras face serious threats, especially from reforms of modern education following the country’s independence, demographic social transformation, and the problem of drought. The issue of tradition versus modernity continue to raise serious yet ongoing debate for those concerned about the future of Mahdaras. Such a debate, whether in the political or

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cultural fields in Mauritania, continues to occupy crucial space in the reform programs of politicians and intellectuals. Instead of opting for the radical transformation of those traditional learning systems in which memories and histories of nations reside, and in which traditions of learning, discipline, spirituality, morality, and community solidarity are finely integrated, one would perhaps need to capitalize on their unique values and traditions to enrich much of today’s educational philosophies and practices.

Dr. Tarek Ladjal is an Assistant Professor in the Department of General Education at Effat University, Jeddah, Saudi Arabia. E-mail:[email protected]

Dr. Benaouda Bensaid is an Assistant Professor in the Department of General Education at Effat University, Jeddah, Saudi Arabia. E-mail:[email protected]

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