1 A few of the respondents in the initial data set reported an ideal number of children higher than seven. While the ideal number of children increases slightly over the life course among men, the number decreases slightly among women.
Conclusion
Since fixed-effects models exploit within-variation, the coefficients tell us that respondents whose number of children changed across panel waves also changed their fertility preferences. This suggests that as women age they adjust their fertility ideals downward, most likely because they become aware that it is unlikely that they will be able to achieve their initial goals.
Literature
But even this time horizon is short, as it only captures a snapshot of an individual's life course. Qualifying social influence on the composition of fertility intentions, structure and importance of fertility-relevant social networks in West Germany.
Childless at Age 30: A Qualitative Study of the Life Course Plans of Working Women
Introduction
In the next section, we briefly describe the institutional and demographic peculiarities of the two German states before and after unification. In the fourth part, we present four case studies of childless women from East and West Germany.
The Legacy of Different Socio-political Systems
Our analysis in this chapter is based on the life stories of young employed women who were socialized in the former East and West Germany, experienced reunification as teenagers, and were around 30 years of age at the time of the interview. Across four qualitative case studies, we compare East and West German women who are still childless but want to have children.
Starting a Family in West and in East Germany
Theoretical and Empirical Background
Instead, the individual's internalized norms regulate his or her perceptions of what actions are or are not appropriate. Like the concept of habitus, schema theory claims that the individual only perceives socially determined dispositions on an individual basis.
Childless Women from East and West Germany
In addition, both Lübeck and Rostock have approximately 200,000 inhabitants, and the unemployment rate in both was relatively high during the period of our fieldwork (13.8% in Lübeck compared to 7.6% in West Germany; 18.2% in Rostock compared to 17.7% in East Germany). in 2002). During the interviews, the respondents were encouraged to report on their life so far and to describe their plans for the future.
A Comparison
- Antje from Rostock: Refusal to Engage in Family Planning: “I Hate Planning”
- Miriam from Lübeck: Family Planning Based on the Main Breadwinner Model: “I Envision it
- Kristin from Rostock: Egalitarian Gender Roles and the Impossibility of Reconciling Work and Family
- Karen from Lübeck: Planning a Family with a Gender- Related Role Allocation: “It Will be One of Those
- Shared Living Conditions: Differing Conceptions and Behavioral Patterns
At the time of the interview they had been in the same partnership for many years and wanted to have children with their partner. But right now, I wouldn't want to have him [the child] alone right now. Here it becomes clear that she would like to have a solid foundation before starting a family.
As she would like to have children, Miriam attributes her childlessness to the lack of the right partner. On the one hand, I would like to have a good job, on the other hand, I would like to live together." And like Antje, she does not want to have to plan to start a family and lacks precise ideas about how and when to have a child.
Will we see fundamental changes in the cohort currently thinking about family formation who grew up in the united Germany? Or will the inertia effect continue until the next generation – that is, the young adults whose parents did not experience a divided Germany – start having children. Acknowledgments The authors would like to thank Holger von der Lippe, Andreas Klärner, Christin Schröder and Tina Hannemann for their valuable comments on this essay.
This publication benefited from the support of the Swiss National Center for Competence in Research LIVES – Overcoming vulnerability: life course perspectives, which is funded by the Swiss National Science Foundation. Open Access This chapter is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/), which permits use, duplication, modification, distribution, and reproduction in any medium. or format, as long as you give appropriate credit to the original author(s) and the source, provide a link to the Creative Commons license, and indicate if changes were made. The third-party images or other materials in this chapter are included in the Creative Commons license of the work, unless otherwise noted in the credit line; if such material is not included in the work's Creative Commons license and the action in question is not permitted by statutory regulation, users must obtain permission from the license holder to duplicate, modify or reproduce the material.
Assisted Reproductive Technologies in Germany: A Review of the Current
- Introduction
- Legal Framework and Rules for the Assumption of Costs for ART
- Assisted Reproductive Technologies (ART)
- Intrauterine Insemination (IUI)
- In Vitro Fertilisation (IVF)
- Intracytoplasmic Sperm Injection (ICSI)
- Cryopreservation
- Temporal Development of ART and Measures of Success
- Discussion
The legal framework and regulation of access criteria also vary considerably across Europe (Rauprich 2008; Revermann and Hüsing 2010; Küpker 2013). The success rate depends on the age of the woman and other factors. Interestingly, the period before embryo transfer has increased over time.
Therefore, the success of treatment does not depend on the number and mobility of sperm. However, more than three fertilized eggs can be preserved before the fusion of the nuclei (2-PN stage). Since then, the absolute figures have reflected the impact of the changes in reimbursement mandated in the GMG.
Eizellspende und Leihmutterschaft sind Aspekte der globalen Kommerzialisierung des weiblichen Körpers (Rudrappa 2012). Wendehorst (Hrsg.), Umwege zum eigenen Kind: Ethische und rechtliche Herausforderungen für die Reproduktionsmedizin 13 Assistierte Reproduktionstechnologien in Deutschland: ein Überblick über die aktuelle Situation.
Assisted Reproductive Technology in Europe
Usage and Regulation in the Context of Cross-Border Reproductive Care
Introduction
Thus, after a hormonal treatment, several oocytes are collected at the same time, fertilized and frozen for later use in case the first embryo transfer fails - which is likely, given the relatively low success rate of ART ( Malizia et al. 2009). In 2005, the most recent year for which global data are available, 56% of ART1 aspirations were in Another key aspect of ART in Europe is the marked variation in ART uptake rates and ART regulation across the country. tries and over time.
This variation in regulations between and within European countries allows us to make comparisons that may yield important insights into the antecedents and outcomes of ART use and may have implications for ART across the globe. In a second step, we will explore the forms of ART governance across European countries, illustrating the variation in how ART is regulated and who has access to which techniques. We conclude with a discussion of cross-border reproductive care, which is sometimes characterized as "reproductive tourism." In the concluding section, we will summarize the findings, discuss implications, and indicate areas for future research.
Usage of Assisted Reproductive Technologies in European Countries
In addition to the differences in the extent of ART use in Europe, there is also considerable variation in the range of ART techniques applied. 14.2, the share of ART interventions that are ICSI treatments is larger than the share of interventions that are IVF treatments. Only in Denmark is the share of ART procedures that are IVF treatments slightly higher (42%) than the share of ICSI treatments (35%).
The third most popular form of ART treatment is frozen embryo replacement, which accounts for between 6% (Italy) and 31% (Belgium) of ART treatments. Preimplantation genetic diagnosis (PGD), which has been practiced since the early 1990s (Simpson 2010), is probably the most ethically controversial form of ART. In the Czech Republic and Spain, a significant proportion (9.7 and 22%) of ART treatments involve egg donation.
Regulation of Assisted Reproductive Technology in Europe
For example, two thirds of the costs are covered by the national health system in Austria, but only 40 % of the costs are covered in Finland. Bulgaria only Legislation Yes National health plan Partial Croatia Legislation only Yes National health plan. Legislation only Yes National health plan Partial Denmark Legislation only Yes National health plan Complete Only Finland Legislation No National health plan Partial France Legislation and.
No Partial National Health Plan Portugal Legislation Only Yes Partial National Health Plan Russia Legislation and. Yes National health plan Complete the legislation of Slovenia only No National health plan Complete the legislation of Spain and. Yes National United Health Plan in part. continued) 14 Assisted Reproductive Technology in Europe: Use and Regulation.
Cross-Border Reproductive Care in Europe
The reasons for seeking cross-border reproductive care are diverse, with patients reporting a combination of factors (Culley et al. 2011). For example, these women sometimes travel to Belgium to seek treatment (van Hoof et al. 2015; Rozée Gomez and de La Rochebrochard 2013). Certain countries, such as the United Kingdom, have long waiting lists for donor gametes, and patients wishing to avoid long waiting times seek treatment in countries where donor gametes are more readily available (Culley et al. 2011).
Patients from countries such as Italy hope to receive better quality treatments abroad (Zanini 2011; Shenfield et al. 2010), while other patients go abroad because previous treatments they received in their country of residence have failed (Shenfield et al. . 2010; Culley et al. 2011). In contrast, only 32% of patients from the Netherlands and 9% of patients from the United Kingdom mentioned legal barriers. However, 53% of Dutch patients reported going abroad to get better quality treatment (compared to an average of 43% across the six countries surveyed), while 34% of UK patients said they had gone abroad . due to access difficulties (compared to an average of 7% in the six countries surveyed).
Discussion
In the future, researchers should first attempt to standardize the collection of data on ART treatments and their outcomes, as this will improve our knowledge of the individual antecedents and effects of ART. Although Europe is currently the largest market for ART in the world, it is important to note that the demand for ART is relatively low in Europe. Paradoxically, involuntary childlessness is most common (and considered most urgent by infertile women) in Africa, where fertility levels are the highest in the world.
The impact of consumer affordability on access to assisted reproductive technologies and embryo transfer practices. Use of childcare services in EU Member States and progress towards the Barcelona targets. International Committee for Monitoring Assisted Reproductive Technology (ICMART) and World Health Organization (WHO) Revised Glossary of ART Terminology, 2009.
Consequences of Childlessness
