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A CENTRAL AFRICAN REPORT
J O H N S T O N E H O U S E , M . P .
The British Labour Member of Parliament recently deported from Central Africa by order of the Federal Government.
T H E granting of d o m i n i o n status to t h e Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland in i 9 6 0 w o u l d b e a tragedy of t h e first o r d e r . Very few of t h e 7 m i l l i o n Africans are in favour of Federal i n d e p e n d e n c e , and t h e r e are probably n o n e in N o r t h e r n Rhodesia o r Nyasaland w h o w o u l d express s u p p o r t for such a d e v e l o p m e n t . And in Nyasaland, t h e opposition to F e d e r a t i o n has r e a c h e d a stage w h e r e it can no longer be i g n o r e d . Spokesmen of t h e C h u r c h of Scotland have confirmed that hostility to it is n o t confined to an educated few. Masses of Africans genuinely fear t h a t F e d e r a t i o n will m e a n d o m i n a t i o n by t h e E u r o p e a n m i n o r i t y of S o u t h e r n Rhodesia.
T h e r e has already b e e n t o o m u c h equivocation a b o u t t h e m u c h anticipated conference in i 9 6 0 to discuss t h e future of t h e F e d e r a t i o n . It is i m p o r t a n t that this speculation b e ended by a clear s t a t e m e n t of policy by t h e British G o v e r n m e n t that t h e r e is n o w no likelihood that d o m i n i o n status will be granted in i 9 6 0 . For it is only by such a s t a t e m e n t that it will be possible to begin w o o i n g t h e s u p p o r t of Africans in N o r t h e r n Rhodesia and Nyasaland t o w a r d s a policy of u n d e r s t a n d i n g w i t h t h e Europeans.
Such a s t a t e m e n t is made m o r e vitally necessary by t h e r e c e n t declarations of t h e Federal P r i m e Minister, Sir Roy W e l e n s k y , w h o has said that ''m certain circumstances t h e Federal Govern- m e n t w o u l d go it alone and declare i n d e p e n d e n c e ' . After a barrage of questions in t h e H o u s e of C o m m o n s , t h e Colonial Secretary, M r . Alan Lennox-Boyd, grudgingly c o n c e d e d that t h e Federal P r i m e Minister had n o legal r i g h t to take any such action. But t h e Africans need m o r e than this to convince t h e m that t h e British G o v e r n m e n t , in league with W e l e n s k y , is n o t going to sell t h e m d o w n t h e river.
T h e British Labour Party has already made clear that d o m i n i o n status should n o t b e g r a n t e d until t h e majority of t h e adult population in N o r t h e r n Rhodesia and Nyasaland agree, and t h e Labour Party has also said that t h e r e should b e an unequivocal s t a t e m e n t that t h e objective of t h e F e d e r a t i o n is c o m p l e t e d e m o c r a c y and equal rights for every citizen. As an i m m e d i a t e d e m a n d , t h e Labour Partv also asks for a revision of t h e Federal
franchise to ensure genuine African r e p r e s e n t a t i o n in t h e Federal Parliament.
These are the declarations w h i c h really w o r r y Sir Roy W e l e n - sky. For if Federal i n d e p e n d e n c e is p o s t p o n e d , a future Labour G o v e r n m e n t might so a m e n d t h e Federal C o n s t i t u t i o n as a stage towards its stated objective of full d e m o c r a c y that w i t h i n perhaps only a year o r t w o Africans would b e t h e main political force in the F e d e r a t i o n .
In Tanganyika t h e r e c e n t elections have s h o w n w h a t can happen to a political party which does n o t accept d e m o c r a c y . T h e U n i t e d Tanganyika Party was c o m p l e t e l y o v e r w h e l m e d by t h e Tanganyika African National U n i o n ( T A N U ) . It is n o t e - w o r t h y , h o w e v e r , t h a t T A N U p u t its emphasis o n a non-racial policy and has b e e n co-operating very closely w i t h t h e Asian Association and a n u m b e r of Europeans to this end. U n d e r t h e leadership of M r . Julius N y e r e r e , Tanganyika is moving away from the ideas of qualitative franchise and special privileges for t h e m i n o r i t y races t o w a r d s a d e m o c r a c y in which all citizens, irrespective of c o l o u r , are guaranteed individual rights.
This example of progress t o w a r d s d e m o c r a c y is particularly relevant to t h e F e d e r a t i o n . F o r t h e Europeans in Central Africa, t h e shadow of Tanganyika is an o m i n o u s r e m i n d e r of t h e p o w e r of African aspirations. T o t h e Africans it is an inspiring symbol.
As M r . N y e r e r e gets m o r e p o w e r and responsibility in Tanganyika, h e will b e c o m e increasingly i n t e r e s t e d in t h e fate of Africans across t h e b o r d e r in t h e F e d e r a t i o n . H e is a m u c h m o r e serious t h r e a t to Sir Roy W e l e n s k y than even D r . N k r u m a h himself.
D r . Hastings Kamuzu Banda speaks for t h e mass of t h e Nyasas w h e n h e demands t h e r i g h t to secede. It is n o t e w o r t h y , h o w e v e r , t h a t h e is n o t against federation as such, b u t against federation with t h e w r o n g p e o p l e . H e is, for instance, in favour of federating with Tanganyika, because t h e r e is n o t h r e a t of d o m i n a t i o n from that e n d . T h e British G o v e r n m e n t has b e e n talking vaguely of allowing f u r t h e r constitutional advance t o t h e Nyasa p e o p l e . T h e n e w c o n s t i t u t i o n should have b e e n a n n o u n c e d early in J a n u a r y ; b u t even if t h e proposals, w h e n they do c o m e forward, allow for an African majority o n t h e Legislative C o u n c i l , t h e opposition to F e d e r a t i o n is so s t r o n g that t h e Africans will still demand secession. If they c o n t i n u e this d e m a n d they m u s t b e allowredto secede. N o F e d e r a t i o n could be successful if over o n e - t h i r d of its p e o p l e are unwilling p a r t n e r s to it. And it is likely that if Nyasaland is to b e allowed to secede, t h e N o r t h e r n
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Rhodesian Africans will w a n t to follow. If Britain fulfils its obligations to N o r t h e r n Rhodesia as a P r o t e c t o r a t e , it should also allow t h e t e r r i t o r y to secede and perhaps j o i n Nyasaland in a n e w federation of East and Central Africa.
A few years ago Africans in Uganda and Kenya w e r e c o n c e r n e d a b o u t plans for a federation of East Africa. These fears have evaporated w i t h t h e g r o w i n g strength of African political organizations in Kenya and t h e c o r r e s p o n d i n g d i m i n u t i o n of W h i t e p o w e r . They n o w speak in favour of East African Federa- tion and, like M r . N y e r e r e , they w o u l d w e l c o m e an African N o r t h e r n Rhodesia and Nyasaland being j o i n e d w i t h this. As an e c o n o m i c u n i t it w o u l d be q u i t e strong, as t h e cash crops of Uganda and Tanganyika w o u l d balance t h e c o p p e r of N o r t h e r n Rhodesia. And it w o u l d be o p e n to S o u t h e r n Rhodesia to join, if t h e p e o p l e of t h e colony a c c e p t e d t h e d e m o c r a t i c basis on w h i c h it w o u l d be established.
Fears have b e e n expressed t h a t in t h e event of Africans having t h e political p o w e r in these t e r r i t o r i e s , European standards w o u l d b e swamped and t h e E u r o p e a n immigrants expelled. In t h e nations w h i c h have r e c e n t l y e m e r g e d from colonialism, h o w e v e r , t h e r e are n o w m o r e Europeans than t h e r e w e r e before i n d e p e n d e n c e . Of c o u r s e , many of t h e m are n o t in India or Ghana as p e r m a n e n t settlers, b u t even so those W h i t e s in Central Africa w h o have an e c o n o m i c c o n t r i b u t i o n to m a k e w o u l d b e readily w e l c o m e d by Africans. Indeed, b e l o w the surface of racial discrimination and antagonism, I am sure t h e r e is a great deal of good-will b e t w e e n t h e races w h i c h could c o m e to t h e surface as soon as t h e political obstacles w e r e r e m o v e d . O n t h e N o r t h e r n Rhodesian C o p p e r b e l t , both the African and t h e E u r o p e a n m i n e w o r k e r s ' unions t o o k great pains to convince m e of t h e i r anxiety to w o r k t o g e t h e r . And in the r e c e n t strike of W h i t e w o r k e r s , t h e African union backed u p their fellow t r a d e unionists and n o t t h e m a n a g e m e n t . T h e p r o b l e m of African a d v a n c e m e n t is also being tackled jointly by these u n i o n s , n o t separately. T h e cynics will say that this is m e r e l y because t h e Europeans w a n t to ensure that no Africans advance i n t o skilled j o b s , by insisting on t h e rate for t h e j o b clause.
But in my opinion this cynicism is very m u c h o v e r d o n e . I felt, after attending a j o i n t c o m m i t t e e of t h e t w o unions, that t h e r e exists a very real anxiety to bring t h e races t o g e t h e r . T h e spirit of good-will was q u i t e extraordinary and was expressed bv rough -handed W h i t e trade unionists who said: " O u r future is
tied up with the Africans. Although on the surface there appears to be enmity, when we get down below we know that we rely on each o t h e r . " Mr. Lawrence Katilungu confirmed this by saying: "Racial antagonisms will not be ended by political cam- paigns, but through the joint industrial struggle".
There were other examples of industrial co-operation between the races, in particular the agreement between the African and European railway workers' unions on African advancement. The Federal Government's refusal to sit down with the two unions to find a way of implementing the agreement that Africans should be allowed to take on some of the so-called skilled jobs in the administration, shows up sufficiently the hypocrisy of the Federal Government's repeated boasts about partnership. When it looks like becoming a reality, Welensky sabotages it.
This is the impression which the Africans have, and recent actions by the Southern Rhodesian Government do nothing to increase their confidence. The Bill to establish multi-racial trade unions seemed more of a threat to the African bodies than a move to give Africans equality. For without guarantees that Africans should be allowed to take on skilled jobs, the right to join a European trade union is worthless. They would, in fact, become second class members of a European trade union, in the same way that they are second class citizens on a European elector's roll. The African trade union movement would be destroyed. Africans regard these moves towards multi-racialism as hollow gestures which in fact have the effect of consolidating European rule. The non-racialism which Africans advocate—
that is, equality between all Rhodesians of whatever colour—is a much more realistic policy. What multi-racialism does is to generate a superficial and artificial structure in society which is not workable because basically it is not at all genuine.
The measure to ban the Southern Rhodesian African National
Congress has also to be considered in this context. The Congress
movement was the only African political organization in the terri-
tory, though it also had some twelve Europeans in its member-
ship. The accusation that it was led by power-hungry, disreputable
men does not bear examination. The leaders whom I met were
responsible, able men, some of whom made a considerable
sacrifice by their service to the movement. Mr. Paul Mashonga,
for instance, one of the leading businessmen in the African
suburb of Highfield, had spent a sum running into four figures to
help Congress, as well as handicapping his own business interests.
C E N T R A L A F R I C A N R E P O R T
85 Congress enjoyed support from most of the leading Africans, including Mr. Herbert Chitepo, the only African barrister. The authorities cannot shrug it off as having been a trivial organiza- tion led by irresponsible men. By the Unlawful Organizations Act they have forced it underground, where it is likely to become a more serious threat to the security of the State.
But the Southern Rhodesian Government has not limited itself to the mere banning of its indigenous Congress. The Nyasaland and the two Northern Rhodesian Congresses have been banned permanently in Southern Rhodesia. A curious position arises.
For instance, Mr. Harry Nkumbula, the President of the Northern Rhodesian African National Congress, was recently elected to the Legislative Council. If he travels to Salisbury on official or other business, he can be clapped into jail immediately by Sir Edgar Whitehead.
The Amendment to the Native Affairs Act is also repressive in character and discriminatory against Africans. There are penalties for insolence to officers in the Native Reserves which 99 Africans out of a 100 will not be in a position to pay. Meetings of Africans over 1 2 in number will need the special permission of the District Officers.
Although the power has not been exercised at any time since 1923, the British Government can still reserve such discrimina- tory laws. Under clause 28 of the Southern Rhodesian Letters Patent, 1923, legislation which discriminates against Africans may be held up by the order of the Governor, instructed by the Secretary of State for Commonwealth Relations. In fact, under clause 30, the British Government has power to veto legislation introduced into the Southern Rhodesian Parliament. This power, as far as is known, has never even been threatened by the British Government, but during the period of the Labour Government it was a recognized practice for Southern Rhodesian bills to be forwarded to London for some prior consultation. That has not taken place with recent measures.
Until recently the British public was under the impression that Southern Rhodesia was essentially a liberal country and not to be compared with the Union of South Africa. But this illusion is fast dying, as a result of events for which the Government of the Colony alone must be held responsible. The European settler administration conducts itself as though it had virtual inde- pendence of action. It has not, and is not likely to attain it
within the peace of the law until it can show itself capable of
governing itself for t h e justice, of all.
M e a n w h i l e , events in Central Africa move towards a climax.
T h e publication of t h e Devlin Commission R e p o r t lias underlined t h e brutality employed by t h e Nyasaland authorities to silence African antagonism t o w a r d s F e d e r a t i o n ; while its firm dismissal of t h e 'massacre p l o t ' has cast t h e gravest doubts u p o n t h e ethics of t h e Emergency and t h e c o n t i n u e d incarceration of t h e acknow- ledged African leadership.
M r . MacmiHan's a n n o u n c e m e n t of a Commission of Inquiry on Central Africa is regarded in Labour circles as a cruel political trick. T h e Commission is n o t a Parliamentary o n e : t h e Parlia- mentary representatives will be in a m i n o r i t y , and almost all of t h e o t h e r m e m b e r s of t h e Commission will be g o v e r n m e n t a l n o m i n e e s , chosen e i t h e r by M r . Macmillan himself o r by Sir Roy W e l e n s k y . T h e r e is n o likelihood t h a t t h e African r e p r e - sentatives o n t h e Commission—five in n u m b e r — w i l l have any respect o r following a m o n g t h e African population of t h e t e r r i - t o r i e s , as they will be n o m i n a t e d by t h e various administrations for t h e i r talents as m o u t h p i e c e s . It is i n t o l e r a b l e , of c o u r s e , that any a t t e m p t should be m a d e to assess African opinion in Central Africa w h i l e African political organizations are unlawful in Southern Rhodesia, w h i l e a State of Emergency exists in Nyasa- land and t h e Congress is banned, and while s o m e of t h e leading
o 7 o African politicians in N o r t h e r n Rhodesia are rusticated.
T h e r e is n o question of L a b o u r ' s changing t h e principles of t h e policy it has repeatedly a n n o u n c e d for Central Africa;
particularly t h e s t a t e m e n t , made in M a r c h 1 9 ^ 8 , w h i c h was described by M r s . Barbara Castle in h e r article in t h e last issue of 'Africa South'. Labour is opposed to any c o m p r o m i s e w i t h W e l e n s k y . Even though his original d e m a n d for d o m i n i o n status in i 9 6 0 may b e modified, Labour w o u l d hardly agree to any transfer of p o w e r from t h e territories-—such as c o n t r o l over t h e p o l i c e — t o t h e Federal G o v e r n m e n t . T h e r e has n o w b e e n recog- n i t i o n w i t h i n t h e Labour Party that future conferences o n Central Africa m u s t , in fairness to t h e Africans, include t h e question of secession. T h e r i g h t of t h e Africans in Nyasaland and N o r t h e r n Rhodesia to secede if they wish to is being finally recognized.
