The first article examines the interlinkages between migration and inequality in Africa through a review of contemporary studies in different parts of the continent. None of the studies looked at the drivers of internal and international migration and how they impact inequality. Monitoring progress on SDG Goal 10 requires an assessment of the intersection between migration and global inequality.
Several theories elaborate on the drivers of migration and the mechanisms through which migration is sustained. In the next section, the paper reviews the results of the established links between migration and inequality. The new economics of labor migration and the role of remittances in the migration process.
Turning a Blind Eye to African Refugees and Immigrants in a
Metropolisation, Cape Town's Social Development Strategy (CoCT, 2013), the Policy on Vulnerable Groups (Draft Policy, March 2013) and the Responsible Tourism Policy for the City of Cape Town (2009). Under the DA, the City of Cape Town (CoCT) has eight separate metro police units, including an 'anti-land invasion unit'. Cape Town's refugees and asylum seekers are mostly young people (in their 20s and early 30s) who mostly migrated without their families.
The City of Cape Town also underestimated the scope and scale of the problem of xenophobia and related labor market issues. The city of Cape Town could nurture a pan-African partnership with transnational actors and be more tolerant of the presence of the poor in the city. Retrieved from: http://www.capetown.gov.za/Media-and-news/. Draft social development strategy.
Intersection of Migration and Local Governance: Lessons on
This article is not primarily concerned with the content of the study's findings, which have been published elsewhere (Blaser and Landau, 2014). Although the diagnostic tool is deliberately reductionist to enable comparability across a range of contexts, it did not replace a more exploratory, inductive approach that was a hallmark of the research project. Some will be discussed later in the article, while others are illustrated in detail in publications dealing with the content of research thematic findings (Blaser and Landau, 2014).
Reflection on the methodology of development and application of the diagnostic tool from a comparative perspective is important because the results of the diagnostic tool will be translated into learning only if the context from the municipalities is reflected. The most central finding of the study is that both migrants and local government officials are co-creating community through a dynamic process of governance and contestation over how communities are defined and served. This paper examines the reflections received from all the researchers who were part of the project, as well as the data collected in the findings.
The first area concerns practical considerations, such as differences in language and migrant status of the research team, the preparation of the research project and the data collection itself. A decision was made to aggregate the technical capacities of the municipality in all departments and subjects. While this is a strength in terms of the study's contribution to the literature in the field, it is a weakness from the perspective of contextualization and comparability.
However, this is precisely why the research team found the development of a diagnostic tool so valuable. Finally, the complexity in this research and the development of the diagnostic tool highlighted that each municipal context has a different political, social and administrative structure. This was unexpected; it strongly demonstrated the importance of a diagnostic tool given the difficulties in comparing empirical data in different contexts.
Local government capacity development, Local Economic Development (LED) and inclusiveness: A critique of the South African experience.
Social Media and Xenophobic Solidarity in Post-colonial Africa
Aker and Mbiti (2010) and the African Union (AU, 2015) argue that both nationals and foreign nationals of African countries engage with social media to spread misleading narratives that generate negative perceptions of themselves. In the context of post-colonial Africa, new social media serve as important tools that citizens rely on to remind themselves daily of their place in the world of nations (Guarnizo and Smith, 2017). Instead, I argue in this paper that social media matches and offerings have facilitated the transmission of xenophobia and xenophobic violence in post-colonial Africa.
In an attempt to understand how social media maintain social ties between nationals and foreign nationals in ways that exacerbate xenophobia and xenophobia in post-colonial Africa, this paper systematically reviews national immigration policies and Facebook news feeds in selected countries in East/Central, West- and South Africa. Events and behaviors related to how social media revive national identities and local cultures among these foreign nationals were observed. In many parts of the world, including post-colonial Africa, social media have been used to organize collective action against oppressive regimes.
Digital transformation has therefore brought about a social state in which about half of the world's population receives news from social media (Allen, 2018:193). A senior Ethiopian technocrat has confirmed that a monopoly over telecommunications and social media is vital to the government. In their report, social media content represents the truest expression of people's views on xenophobia and xenophobic violence in South Africa (Khoza, 2017).
The report also confirms that there are on average approximately 760 messages per day on social media calling on all foreigners to leave South Africa (Khoza, 2017). The report notes that social media played a crucial role in two incidents of xenophobic violence in South Africa in April 2015 and in February 2017. In the April 2015 xenophobic violence incident, the Zulu monarch, King Goodwill Zwelithini, allegedly posted on social media have responded: .
This is when post-colonial African politicians take advantage of social media to reinforce strong nationalist bonds and solidarities to justify their non-performance by scapegoating foreigners who pose threats to national prosperity and development.
Building Belonging through Art with Young Migrants Living in
Young people have often faced extreme hardship in their journey to South Africa (Hillier 2007), and the trauma associated with the reasons for leaving their home country is a pervasive reality for many (Clacherty 2015). This affects the ability of young people to feel safe, stable and accepted in the context in which they build their lives. Kistner (2007) describes migrants in South Africa as people who live in landscapes of past and present trauma, a conceptualization that corresponds to what Benja min and Crawford-Browne (2010) refer to as the ongoing trauma of young people living with widespread violence.
Of particular significance in unpacking these patterns was the persistent breaking and fragmentation of young people's sense of belonging. Nyumba yangu, which means 'my home' in Swahili, developed with a focus on connecting young people to find their own sense of home in South Africa. For young people with a background of migration, a sense of security within relationships is often broken.
This layer of the project invited young people to participate as active witnesses to each other's experiences. In response, the young women decided to make the final layer of the process open to all young people at Lawrence House. It is important that this project was supported by an organizational culture of young people's participation in their own development.
The construction of belonging for these young people speaks to the unique realities of their past pain and present uncertainty in South Africa. The authors would like to thank the young people at the center of this work. The making of belonging and non-belonging in the temporal narratives of young people transitioning out of care in Denmark.
Echoes of the past in imaginations of the future: the problems and possibilities of working with youth in contemporary South Africa.
In Pursuit of Being and
Belonging: Migrant Associations and the Integration of Nigerian
According to its president, Mr Obodo, the Nigerian Community in Zimbabwe (NCZ) was formed in 1994 to look after the welfare of Nigerians in the country. This coincides with the popular belief that migrant associations are governed 'from above' by migrants who have been in the host country for significant periods of time (Antwi-Bosiakoh 2010; Obeng 2010). NCZ is the welfare organization of Nigerians in the country and the leaders are elected on a rotational basis.
These may include academic qualifications, knowledge of the host country and the credibility they possess in the eyes of Nigerian migrants. Obi came to Zimbabwe in 2006, a period when diamonds were being discovered in the eastern parts of the country. Upon arrival in the country, he registered with the association and was warned not to do these things as it would tarnish the image of Nigerians in the country.
Our NCZ lawyers represented me in the courts and I was later released (January 15, 2019, Gulf Complex). This includes relinquishing unwanted control withdrawals for natives in exchange for permission to "belong" in the host country. In the event of the death of a member, their relatives or relatives in the host country, the association provides a monetary contribution to the bereaved family and helps repatriate the body home.
These accounts reflect that in case of the death of a member, the association helps financially to repatriate the body home. Furthermore, in the case of migrants whose family members in Nigeria have died, the association also contributes financially to help them. From this discussion of associational roles, it is clear that these activities help to connect, enrich and facilitate the adaptation of Nigerian migrants to the host country.
In addition, the association invited the Nigerian Foreign Minister, Mr. Onyeamo to Zimbabwe after Cyclone Idai in 2018.
