Isoka- This is a young, unmarried man, with several partners or girlfriends in different villages, who is often considered superior to his peers. This is an unmarried young man who is not active in securing girls and is considered a shame and a joke.
INTRODUCTION
All participants recruited participated in individual interview discussions where they were asked questions related to the construction of masculinity. These questions included; what is a man in Zulu culture and what makes or breaks a man.
LITERATURE REVIEW
- Introduction
- What is masculinity?
- Types of masculinity
- Supremacy of isoka (player)
- Gender Identity
- Pressure to engage in sexual activity
- Social constructionist view
- Discourses
- Research study focus
According to Sathiparsad et al. 2010) male behavior is constructed by social cultural and social expectations. Historically, traditional rights of a young man in Zulu culture involve the ability to have multiple partners from which he will be able to choose a wife (Bhana et al., 2009).
AIMS AND RATIONALE
Research questions
METHODOLOGY
Sample
- Sampling method
- Population
- Setting
- Recruitment process
These techniques are most appropriate for this study because it required a sample of Black men who are chiefs, live in rural areas, and who were eager to talk about their experiences as men (Kerlinger, 1986). The criteria for the selection of participants for the study were black Zulu chiefs and residents of rural areas. The study wanted to investigate whether manhood is constructed in the same way in rural areas within the same Zulu culture.
While people from rural areas may be considered to have sufficient knowledge about the dangers of unsafe sex, this study seeks to determine whether creating masculinity also leads to the risk of unsafe sex. The study was designed for 9 participants but ended with 7 participants making themselves available for interview. The department sent a database of chiefs in the Pietermaritzburg region and chiefs from these areas were contacted by telephone to ask if they would be interested in participating in the study (see Appendix 13).
The purposes of the study and what it was about were explained to the key informants who were recruited at the homes of the chiefs.
Data Collection
Instruments
Procedure
Finally, they were informed that the research could be published or presented at any conference, and that their pseudonyms would be used to maintain anonymity (Emanuel et al., 2004). The collected data were stored in the locked cupboard of the study supervisor of the UKZN Discipline of Psychology, Pietermaritzburg. The findings of the research may be presented at conferences and the thesis is held in the UKZN library.
The study carried a potential risk because participants were expected to talk about sexual activity, which could embarrass some participants. The participants knew exactly what the study was about in advance and what it required of them as explained in the telephone conversation and key informants. To be more specific, participants were told that the study was about Zulu manhood and how they perceive sex as part of masculinity.
Participants participated in the study voluntarily and were allowed to leave the study at any stage of the individual interview.
Data analysis
Since masculinity is largely involved in various dynamics in Zulu culture, factors influencing the construction of masculinity need to be explored. No matter how old the person may be, but if he does not have a wife, he is considered to be a boy. Such men are said to be failing to live up to social expectations of what a man is in Zulu culture, participants said.
Most participants mentioned that men need sex because there is a certain desire that needs to be satisfied. Participants mentioned that young men growing up today know the beauty of isoka in their Zulu culture and are inspired to become it. It was interesting to see that age does not promote status in Zulu culture to be called a man.
Showing up as the best isoka in Zulu culture was seen as crucial in this study, as participants identified themselves as a powerful factor in masculinity.
Reliability, validity and Generalizability
Anticipated problems
Finding participants was a major problem in this study, as managers were either unwilling to participate or took a long time to decide whether or not to participate. The aim of the study was nine participants, but it ended with seven participants and then no one wanted to participate.
Introduction
Assessment of questions posed
What was found
- Respect in the Zulu Culture
- Isoka vs Isishimane
- Importance of sex
- Risks Involved
Participants recognized that respect must be reciprocal to be respected as a human being or as anyone. A man does not have to reach a certain age to be called a man, but as soon as he gets married he is called a man. All participants mentioned that an adult man who does not have a girlfriend was still labeled as isishimane in Zulu culture.
All participants praised the way they were raised to be the men they are today. All the men in the study believed that a man is someone who possesses various qualities which entitle him to be called a 'real Zulu man'. Young men today do not wait until marriage, but impregnate their girlfriends so that they can be referred to as men, which the older generation cannot credit, because you have to be married to be a "real man".
What is considered to be most important is the proof of manhood referred to in Zulu culture as isoka (player).
Summary of findings
DISCUSSION
What makes real Zulu man?
For example, the psychological attitude and emotional state of the person are involved in creating the end product of the person that society expects from him. Furthermore, masculinity will develop as they imitate the “boy things” of society and as they realize that it is unnatural to be feminine (Carton & Morrell, 2012). A “true Zulu man” should have a family consisting of a house, wife and children, and be able to support all members of the family.
This is confirmed by Hadebe (2010) that to become a man of the house (umnumzane) within contemporary Zulu culture, a homestead (umuzi) with many cattle, more than one wife and children qualifies a male person to be considered a . As times change, cattle are no longer considered important to being a man, but a wife, house and children are still an important requirement. Isoka was praised in the old days, and participants would love their sons to be players, but they are also worried about venereal diseases.
Isoka's downfall is badly affected by sexually transmitted diseases, which were not seen much in the old days.
Sex, practice, and gender
As young men, the participants stated that they had practiced sex on the thighs (thighs) in order to experience how penetrative sex would be performed. A man would have multiple partners for sex on his thighs, while women were allowed to have one partner. Although sex on the thigh reduced the chances of sexually transmitted diseases, Zulu culture allowed men to be more sexually active, with multiple sexual partners, while women were only allowed one partner.
This means that men need sex more than women, as women would be considered "sluts" if they had sex on their thighs with more than one man. Women engaging in thigh sex with more than one man would be seen as a disgrace and a "slut". Unmarried young women are guilty of penetrative sex because they allow men to penetrate them.
Participants argued that women should ensure that they remain virgins and ensure intimate sex at all times until marriage.
Manhood and risks
Most men engage in sexual activity to prove to their peers that they are “real men.” The outstanding question may be: 'Are young Zulu men today waiting for marriage?' This can be explained by Ntuli's (2012) research in the rural area of Umkhambathini, which found that young, unmarried men believe that their partners should give them children give birth in order to have children. are seen as 'real men' among their peers. 2010) states that young men must demonstrate their ability to control their women by impregnating them to demonstrate their masculinity. But the problem today is that young men know that masculinity requires being called ubaba (father) and that this requires them to have children.
They long for fatherhood in such a way that they put themselves at risk for STDs. According to Ntuli (2012), if young men use protection (condom), they are ridiculed by their peers and taken for granted because they are seen as boys who are afraid of masculinity. Hollway's (1995) "have/hold" discourse can confirm this because even women know that men need children to be 'real men' and women fear that if they don't give them.
Women know the risks associated with unprotected sex, but they know that in Zulu culture, men need children to respect them and to be called ubaba, so they refuse to use condoms or have sex on their thighs to keep the relationship going.
CONCLUSION AND RECCOMMENDATIONS
Recommendations
The research has provided data that may suggest that health promotion strategies need to take a different route, especially if they target rural areas. For example, by encouraging more sex talk among young Zulu men about how a young man should treat his girlfriend. To remove the stigma that women are only for sexual gratification, women need to become more involved in community activities, especially those that have historically been done by men.
Finally, women should be empowered to have a say in sexual activity and not just accommodate viewpoints that favor men. Their self-esteem will be improved if they learn to take control of their participation in a sexual activity. By working primarily with men, such goals can be achieved because once men understand how culture determines their behavior, they will be able to treat women better.
Limitations
In this interview I will ask you questions about manhood, masculinity and gender roles among Zulu people. Your participation in this interview is voluntary and you will not be forced to participate. A tape recorder will be used to record the interview if you agree so that we can pay attention to the details of what you say.
Your identity will be kept confidential in this process by using pseudonyms (fake names) in the interview transcript and in the final research project. The data for the study will be available to me (the researcher), my supervisor and my research mentor. They will be stored for five years in a locked cabinet in our supervisor's office, as will any other material related to this research.
To keep your identity confidential, all data is stored separately from the information that links it to your actual name. I understand that my data will be kept securely for five years and used for future research. I understand that measures will be taken to ensure that my identity is protected and that my participation in this study will be completely confidential in this regard.
Transcription meanings
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