This study examines the extent to which funeral societies and church groups in KwaZulu-Natal help families out of poverty. This study used qualitative data from the Socio-Economic Study of the Persistence of Poverty and Inequality (SEPPI). Findings suggest that funeral societies and church groups help families move out of poverty and prevent families from moving into poverty by providing them with skills, resources and support (financial and emotional).
Literature review 2.1 Defining Poverty
- Defining organizations
- Local community organizations in Africa
- Organizations and social capital
- Exploring burial societies and church groups
- Burial societies as organizations
- Church groups as organizations
- Gender roles and organizations
- Disadvantages of women
- Barriers to joining organizations
- Motivation for joining organizations
- Organizations and well-being
- Impacts of organizations on well-being
- Research questions
Several studies have used organizations as a proxy for social capital (Maluccio et al., 2000; Narayan and Pritchett, 1999). They have conducted studies using group membership as a proxy for social capital. 2000) analyzed the relationship between household group membership and household well-being in South Africa. Narayan and Pritchett (1999) investigated the relationship between household group membership and household income in rural Tanzania. 2000) found that social capital as measured by organizational membership had no effect on household welfare in 1993, but had a positive and significant effect in 1998.
Methodology 3.1 Introduction
3.2 1993 PSLSD
3.3 1998 KIDS
The 1998 survey did not re-survey the entire 1993 sample, but rather re-surveyed African and Indian households that had been part of the KwaZulu Natal portion of the 1993 survey. Despite KwaZulu Natal not being representative of all provinces , social and economic conditions in KwaZulu Natal were comparable to those in other provinces. KwaZulu Natal was also chosen in part because of practical considerations such as a convergence of research interests and the feasibility of locating households interviewed by the PSLSD in 1993.
3.4 2001 SEPPI
Sample
Clusters were chosen with the aim of ensuring that each category emerging from the stratification was represented by at least one cluster. Due to falsified data in the 1993 and 1998 surveys (see section 3.6.1) and taxi violence, it was not possible to work with a cluster from the Midlands. The sample included 13 households from the chronically poor category, 16 households from the lagging behind category, six households from the getting ahead category and 15 households from the never poor category.
Household interviews
Additional interviews
Utilizing SEPPI data
The database for this study categorized information using codes that retrieve portions of interviews that discuss certain themes. For example, under the code 6C (organizational life), the subcode 6C (costs of joining an organization) retrieves all parts of all interviews in which the costs of joining an organization were discussed.
Reflections and limitations
- Limitations of the PSLSD and KIDS
- Sampling limitations
- Researcher bias
The SEPPI interviews with households were long and covered sensitive issues such as poverty, illness and death. This study took the face value of household interview responses collected by the SEPPI survey. However, evidence that participants did not hold this belief can be seen in the view of certain community leaders that their communities were 'over-researched yet under-developed' (Mhlongo, 2002: 4).
Making their situation seem worse than it actually was would not impact development in their community. The aim of the SEPPI study was to explain what role “non-economic factors such as social networks (cultures, norms and values of trust and reciprocity), organizational activities, informal employment and economic activities play in household poverty. the data does not focus on motivating factors for joining an organization, even though motivating factors were revealed when people discussed organizations.
However, in the tragic case of a death, the respondent is likely not "happy" but instead relieved that the funeral is being taken care of. However, the surviving family members are unlikely to do "anything at all". The statement was instead interpreted as meaning that the bereaved family members were not burdened with domestic duties, as the funeral society took care of this task.
However, before interpreting the data, the author became familiar with the interview schedules and when faced with interpreting the SEPPI data, the author had access to two researchers who conducted the SEPPI study.
Findings and discussion
- Introduction
- Burial Societies
- Burial societies and their impact on well-being
- Church Groups
- Church groups and their impact on household well-being
- Problems with church groups
- Differences between male and female membership
- Gender differences in participation
- Supportive relationships
- Women leaders in organizations
- Motivation for joining burial societies and church groups
- Financial assistance as motivation for joining
- Attrition due to lack of funds
- Barriers to joining organizations
- Financial barriers
- Distance as a barrier
- Explicit barriers
- Conclusion
If funeral society members are sad or depressed, other members help them overcome it. Funeral societies assist the household when a member experiences a death in the household. Funeral society members feel better knowing that their membership will help them cope with the burdens of the funeral.
In general, members of funeral societies expressed relief at knowing they would be helped when faced with a funeral. The Zakhene Burial Society has previously been used as an example of burial societies with. Despite Bangani's bad experience with burial societies, she decided to join the Thandanani burial society seven years after her grandmother's death.
Therefore, poor management does not necessarily discourage people from joining other local burial societies (although it may take them a few years to rejoin). Chazile mentioned that burial societies close down when they are unable to provide them. Findings show that more women participate in funeral societies and church groups than men.
Those who join funeral societies become members so that they can be helped with the financial burden of a funeral. Bangani said people join burial societies because they are cheaper than formal insurance policies. Burial societies prevent households from falling into poverty and church groups enable households to "get ahead."
Conclusion
- Summary
- Relevance for Policy
- Addressing barriers
- Accessing legitimate financial institutions
- Future research
- Gender balance
- Qualitative and quantitative data
- Conclusion
Most people facing barriers reported that they faced material barriers, such as not being able to pay fees and not being able to buy soap, in order to be clean and socially accepted. Despite signs that women are joining local community organizations on a large scale, they are still unable to escape poverty. Local community organizations such as funeral societies and church groups serve as a place for women in their communities to practice empowerment and build their self-esteem, but for women's empowerment to be effective, women's voices need to be heard in their communities and at the national level .
When working towards the well-being of their communities, it is important for women to address "bonding" social capital (creating strong social ties between local organizations within communities) and "bridging" social capital (creating strong social ties between a society and other societies). and/or organizations). The KwaMakhutha resource center collaborates with organizations such as the Mbumbulu Health Department, the KwaMakhutha Youth Development organization and. Institutions such as the Office on the Status of Women (OSW) in South Africa were created to “establish.
Forging links with institutions such as OSW can help create allies for strategies to combat poverty (Warren et al., 1999). Furthermore, establishing links with national organizations such as OSW can be instrumental in initiating community-level projects that address other women's issues such as social equality and citizenship. The study did not examine any quantitative data on variables such as the amount of money people contributed to the organizations.
However, the reliability of this type of quantitative data can be problematic as this study has already shown that some people cannot accurately remember details such as the names of organizations or when they joined.
34;Training for the Urban Informal Sector in Developing Countries: Policy Issues for Practitioners", in Fluitman, F. ed), Training for Work in the Informal Sector, Geneva: ILO 34;Finding the Right Balance: Self-Help Organizations Financial as Sources of Security and Insecurity in Urban Indonesia, International Review of Social History. 34; Promoting the Interest of Street Trader Women: An Analysis of Organizations in South Africa", CSDS Research Report No.
34;KwaZulu Natal Income Dynamics Study (KIDS A Longitudinal Household Data Set For South African Policy Analysis", CSDS Working Paper No. Strengthening local government and civic responses to the HIVIAIDS epidemic in South Africa, Bloemfontein: Center for Health Systems Research and Development, University of the Free State 6C costs of joining 6C decisions to leave 6C decline due to failures 6C functions of groups p n 6C growth due to success 6C internal connections p n 6C joining group 6C management.
6C types of organizations for access to fmance 6C types of organizations for income generation 6C types of organizations for social security 6C types of organizations for social activities 6C types of organizations for youth. 6E no external links 6E not helpful 6E political tensions 6E role of donors 6E role of elites 6E role of government 6E role of tribal authority 6F Gender and organizations 6F benefits for women. 7A climate of lack of trust in the community 7A Collective activities - no impact 7A collective activities - increases trust 7A measures of trust in general.
12J Social relations in the community 12J Cooperation in the community 12J Conflicts in the community 12J Division of the community 12K Meaning of poverty 12K Time burden of women 12N Dreams of the future.
AppendixB
Asibambisene ngcwabisane Mazibuko Burial Society Sizane Bhubhisa Izimaisa Burial Society Represent Burial Society Masithwalisane Foundation Stone Burial Society Nhlizionye Burial Society Thandanani Burial Society Women's Funeral Scheme.
THE STUDY OF POVERTY AND WELL BEING IN KWAZULU-NATAL, 2001
HOUSEHOLD INTERVIEW SHEET
- Household diagram
- PEOPLE WHO HAVE LEFT
- NEGATIVE SHOCKS For all negative shocks, ask
- POSITIVE SURPRISES AND EVENTS For all positive surprises and events, ask
- EMPLOYMENT HISTORIES FOR THE ENTIRE HOUSEHOLD
- GENERAL QUESTIONS ON EMPLOYMENT FOR ANY PRESENT RESPONDENTS
- ORGANIZATIONS
- TWO STORIES ABOUT ORGANIZATIONS OR INFORMAL GROUPS Choose two organizations to focus on in the rest ofthe questions. Make this choice in the
- NOT JOINING
- COLLECTIVE ACTIVITIES
- ASSETS ON CREDIT IN 1993 AND 1998
- LOANS, 1993 AND 1998
- INSURANCE POLICIES
- BURIAL SOCIETIES
- MANAGEMENT OF EDUCATIONAL SPENDING - ALL CHILDREN, ALL SCHOOLS
- GENDER DIFFERENCES IN SPENDING
- NON-SCHOOL RELATED EDUCATIONAL EXPENSES
- GOING AWAY TO SCHOOL
Step 2: Explain that we are interested in knowing what kind of work people in the family have had or been unemployed. People who are in the household at the time so they can tell their own story. What did your family do to compensate for the loss of income: Did anyone in the family have to: (PROBES): Sell anything.
Distribute cards for all people identified as migrants/household members not living here all the time in the household list. Step 1: Ask as many people in the household as possible to join this discussion. What were the conditions in the community that led to the creation of this organization.
There are many organizations in the community (the interviewer should mention some they might belong to, but do not). Step 1: Identify the person in the family who knows the most/has the most responsibility for that child's education expenses and try to have them as respondents. Do you think there is any difference between what is spent on education for boys and girls, for children in the same class and school.
In this community, information collected in 1993 and then later in 1998 showed that some people in the community were better off and others worse off.