The approach used to discover the perceptions and interpretations of the genocide memorial messages from the community views was the functionalist theory. It accepted the positive and the negative effects of the messages of the genocide memorials.
Short descriptive title
2 The messages of genocide monuments are "written in their own code, which had first to be cracked in order to be understood" (Bauman, 1989: viii). Exploring community perceptions and understanding of genocide memorials in Rwanda would reveal the impact of the message of genocide memorials on the community.
Background and outline of research problem
In the aftermath of the genocide, the government of Rwanda identified many sites where a genocide memorial would be built and managed. The current research looks at the understanding and analysis of the definition of the physical presence of genocide memorials to prompt basic considerations of those symbols of the local community.
Preliminary literature study and reasons for choosing the topic
Research conducted at the Genocide Memorial Center in Kigali explored how this center relates to the cultural practice of burial, mourning and commemoration in the context of the aftermath of the genocide (Bazubagira 2007). These various discussions point to the need for a sociological analysis of commemorative messages as well as their effects.
Research problems and objectives
The key questions asked
The objectives of the research
12 Fourth, memorials spread multidimensional messages in the community and specific, detailed analysis of their impact is needed.
Research problems and objectives
Principal theories upon which the research project has been constructed
The word function by social scientists refers to "activities assigned to a holder of social status." Unexpected aspects of the messages of genocide monuments emerged within the community's consideration of these symbols.
Research methodology and methods
- Qualitative methodology
- Sampling
- Data collection
- Data analysis
- Access
The interview guide helped to obtain information about how the community perceives and understands the genocide memorials. Neuman points out that "content refers to words, meanings, images, symbols, ideas, themes, or any message that can be communicated."
Structure of dissertation
Introduction
The persistence of hatred between Hutu and Tutsi had roots in all three Rwandan historical periods (Waller 1996: 8). According to Destexhe (1995: viii), colonizers biased the meaning of the terms Twa, Hutu and Tutsi to the extent of giving them an ethnic meaning; this was created during the colonial period.
Description of Rwanda
The majority of Rwanda's farming population are subsistence farmers, representing 92% percent of the entire population (Nkunzumwami. In the East of the country, the altitude is less than one thousand five hundred meters above sea level.
Pre-Colonial Period
Myth in ancient Rwanda
In the present research, two popular myths that express a conflicting explanation of the origin of Rwandan groups will be examined. The two myths that explain the origins of Rwandan social groups are described in detail because of their contribution to the development of stereotypes among these groups.
Social, cultural, economic and political administration
Although the various elements of ethnohistory are subjective, in that they focus on perceptions, memories, beliefs and values, over time they produce a structure that is independent of these beliefs and perceptions and which is "the framework for the socialization of successive generations provided" '. The family and the kingship were the only educational systems that influenced the everyday life of the children.
Social frame of Twa, Hutu and Tutsi
38 who excelled in combat in the army were called Tutsi, manifesting the positive social connotation of the term Tutsi. In contrast, the term Hutu was used to designate someone who did not perform well in any activity representing the negative connotation of the same concept.
Colonization of Rwanda
- Myths of Twa, Hutu and Tutsi
- Orientation of the social group to the ethnic consideration
- Colonial influence to the socio-cultural and economic system
- Elite‘s interest in maintaining a language of divisionism
Destexhe points out that “Belgian colonizers exploited the differences between Hutu and Tutsi for their own administrative purposes, with the minority Tutsi becoming the rulers of the Hutu majority” (1995: viii; Chrétien 1997: 14). The fact is that the Twa, Hutu and Tutsi have been part of Rwanda's history since the beginning.
Post-Colonial Period
The misuse of myths that express the origins of Rwandan social groups had such a negative impact on community relations that it became an instrument of division that led to the tragedy of the genocide. A political crisis fueled by propaganda can lead to conflict or irritation among the community related to their social groups.
Articulated roots of Rwandan conflict throughout history
Impact of stereotypes developed toward the three social groups
This event has been called 'tomb desecration' (BBC News report Sunday 6 April 2008). The consequences of social organization in a community explain the causes of its presence.
Aftermath of ‗La Révolution Rwandaise de 1959‖
Socio-political and economic causes of genocide
Propaganda
The genocide was the culmination of extensive efforts carefully planned over a period of years. Hutu extremists successfully spread hate speech that would be remarkably necessary and effective before, during and after the genocide.
General -Print & Radio
Radio Rwanda was the voice of the government (MRND) and President Habyarimana himself. Furthermore, RTLM recognized that the success of the genocide required the participation – both direct and indirect – of the entire Rwandan population.
Consequences of the genocide
61 and intervention so that the family of the victims and the perpetrators share the consequences of the genocide. These redefinitions of the Rwandan social world are the social and psychological consequences of the genocide.
Conclusion
Introduction
Indeed, in the case of Rwanda, the effects of genocide memories still have negative implications on the community through its memorials and different forms of commemoration of the genocide event. This chapter ends with a brief conclusion on memory, which highlights how the social relations in the post-1994 genocide society are complicated by the maintenance of the symbols of the genocide memorials and the institutionalization of memory.
Concept of memory
- The ethical situation and three levels of memory
- Individual memory
- Collective memory
- Memory and History
- Vehicles of collective memory
In this case, collective memory is problematic and this kind of collective commemoration distorts memories to some extent. Creators of collective memory use different and complementary tools to capture consumers' attention.
Criticism of memory
In most cases, there is a mixture of means to express an event and this is used diligently to attract different consumers (Kansteiner. Although they must retain the image of the past memory in relation to the remembered event, the social and political environment creators orient the minds of consumers and adapt the representation to the dominant power through those means of collective memory.
The concept of memory in the context of Rwanda
Traumatic memories
It is the product of the event that forces the victim and the rest of the community to remember. The reality of the expected changes to be generated by genocide memorials is challenged by community understandings.
Rwandans‘ broad understanding of the living and the dead in the context of memory
This ritual was performed in the early and preceding periods before and after the genocide. The supernatural authority given to those living in the invisible world has become a limitation.
Socio-cultural consideration of death
Although the person has disappeared into the physical world, they continue to live in the metaphysical world, meaning that the dead have remained a part of the living family's life. In Rwandan culture, when someone dies, the person continues to live in the family because she or he is still part of the network of the living family.
Remembrance
It is the responsibility of the big family to always be there, but, it will wait until the family recovers from the shock (Bigirumwami. Some of these concepts are new in the Rwandan context, others have peculiarities that cannot be explained with common language and the impressive aspects of the events lead to different explanations and analyses.
Symbols of remembrance
- Tombs as symbols of remembrance
- Other common symbols of remembrance
- Time allotted to remembrance
- Genocide memorials, symbols of remembrance
- Remembrance and denial
- The history of the Rwandan genocide memorials
The week of national mourning is a non-visual symbol that reinforces the value of genocide memorials. The understanding of the existence of the genocide monuments is rooted in socio-cultural and political contexts.
Consequences of remembrance
They argue that letting these events disappear in commemoration ceremonies will not lock the population into the tragic fears of the past. Learning from the fatality of the consequences of human action is another path to change.
Conclusion
The focus on genocide memorials in this chapter brought the discussion of the concept of death and its implications for Rwanda's consideration of the rites associated with death, and of the broad understanding of the relationship between the living family and the dead family . The genocide memorials are a product of the past; this chapter also looked at the history of Rwanda to trace the roots of the genocide of which the memorials are the product.
Introduction
Even though the importance of an institution may be rooted in its causes, the objectives to be achieved are the functions it performs. The veracity of an institution can be confirmed after it produces effects that may question or in some way confirm its predefined objectives.
The background of the genocide memorials in Rwanda and their intended functions
Indeed, these conflicts and divisions influenced the decision to build genocide memorials and shaped the way in which the memorials were perceived by different sections of the population. Rather, it is to reflect and open a space for the acceptance of different definitions and meanings of the messages of genocide memorials as perceived by the community.
Functionalism, a framework to discuss the genocide memorials
In other words, this frustration of the community is the result of the sad actions of the relatives, which led to the construction of this grave. There is a need to use functionality theory as a platform for meaningful discussion about the way ordinary people think about memorials.
Functional analysis
Functionalist theory
The theory that logically deepens both the public and private use of genocide memorials is functionalism (Merton 1968: 105). As mentioned in previous sections, this approach was chosen as a means of understanding the various implications of genocide memorials for ordinary citizens.
Concept of functional relations
The functional system of the heart is universal and fixed for all individuals on the planet. The rational consideration of the effects of a social system is subject to various criticisms due to the actor's expectations.
Value of functional analysis
The community's response to the existence of the social organization may defy its obvious functions. They play a positive role in the meaning of the social system expressed by the actors.
Nature of functionalism
Functional unity
Furthermore, some conflicts, which are the consequences of a social system, cannot be resolved and regulated. This is due to the reality of the change that updates the functional aspects of a social organization.
Indispensability of functions
The presence of dysfunctional and non-functional consequences within the social organization is a challenge that also proves the importance of social organization. Functionalists consider different expectations of a social organization; they believe that the confrontations between the expected and unexpected functions are facts.
Conclusion
Emphasizing what would be the contribution of a social organization is an ideal expectation that explains the vitality of a social structure (Merton 1996: 87), and this is the key to every society. In the adaptation process, there is a redefinition of the intended functions, that there is a window to reorient the social organization based on the situation.
Introduction
140 from the field and form a logical understanding of the functions and potential dysfunctions of genocide monuments. This approach helped uncover the functions of genocide memorials through the message they convey to communities and how these messages affect the daily lives of communities.
The profile of the respondents
The first category of young people does not have accurate information about the genocide because they were too young during the genocide. 21% of the population have secondary education, and almost 18% have higher education.
System of recruiting respondents
On the other side of the coin, 13% of the respondents were illiterate people, while only 10% belonged to the professional domain. Illiterate respondents belong to the age group of the elderly, that is between 60 and 70 and they represent 10% of the population.
Techniques of data collection
- Focus groups interviews
- In-depth interviews
- Secondary data
- Visit of the genocide memorials
The bodies buried there include those killed in the garden of the Kigali Hospital (CHUK). The Nyange Genocide Memorial is located in the former prefecture of Kibuye, which was part of the "Turquoise Zones".
Framework of scientific method and functionalism
People looked past the architecture, the exhibition and the mass graves to see the full impact of the genocide memorials. Different postulates of functionalist theory opened the door to collect and discuss all the views of the community that give meaning to the social context of these localities.
The practical modalities leading up to data collection
- Interview venue and time
- Access to the fieldwork
- The organization of the interview guide
- Sampling
Important issues about the definition of the genocide memorials and the messages they communicate have been brought to light. That pretest of the interview guide helped the researcher to test that there were no redundant questions.
Methods of data analysis
Such a high percentage shows the correct picture of the perceptions and understanding of the community and their interpretations on the genocide memorials. This prompted her to consider them during the analysis of the impact of the genocide memorial messages and their interpretation when discussing the impact of the messages on social relations (Neuman.
Delimitation of the study
The ethics of social research
The respect of respondents‘ voluntary participation
The survey required participants to reveal personal details or information about a group or a community. To some extent, this ethical value enables participants to be responsible for providing consistent information.
The respect of ‗no harm to the participants‘
For those who agreed to participate in the discussion, measures were taken to calm the emotions that might be aroused by the sensitivity of the subject, which had accumulated terrible experiences. This question was addressed by the researcher herself, as it was at the end of the focus group discussion.
The confidentiality and anonymity values discussed
Although the researcher gave some explanations about this ethical value, it was of great interest to the respondents. Although the researcher did not intend to use this ethical value, it surprisingly happened during the study.
Further clarification
While discussing their functional aspects in the community, any unclear points would be clarified. This tends to inform the community and therefore further steps would be taken to control the variations included in the symbols of traumatic memories.
The constraints of the fieldwork
175 Respondents felt the need to organize discussions about open symbols, although this is not easy. The curiosity raised by the group discussions was not satisfied; therefore, further investigation would be required.
Conclusion
Humans are very much social constructions, in the way that the social and political meanings of genocide memorials affect their social environment. Respondents emphasized that genocide memorials are symbols of the recognition of their citizenship and the humanity of the people killed during the genocide.
Introduction
Presentation of the fieldwork data
- Presentation of the focus group
- Condensed responses from the focus group discussions
- Condensed responses from the key informants and other individual respondents
- A summary of the researcher‘s observation during the interviews
This happened as a result of some of the recruited participants not arriving on the day of the focus groups. 70% of participants in the Rebero group discussion read this explicit message into the Rebero Genocide Memorial.
Key issues identified during the fieldwork and interviews
Genocide memorials understood as a place
The idea behind the place of genocide memorials
Storm within the place of traumatic memories
Symbols of communication
Emphasis on wrong-doing
Portrayal of concerned genocide memorials
Observation on some specific memorials
Complexity of genocide memorial definitions
Popular definitions of genocide memorials
Double appearance of genocide memorials
Problematic aspects of the definitions of genocide memorials
Conclusion
Introduction
The concept of interpretation in the context of genocide memorials
Consistent interpretation
Adequate interpretation
Stereotypes and prejudgments toward interpretation
Community‘s consideration of leaders‘ influence on the interpretation of
Substantial meanings through physical appearance of genocide memorials
Physical locations
The cost of having genocide memorials
Making sense of present life
Reminders and storytellers
Symbols that are networking emotions
Pillars of public realization
Restriction of functional interpretation of genocide memorials
The suspected coherence
The analogy of an ―elec tric installation‖
Conclusion
Summary
Suggestions
Suggestions to the CNLG
Suggestions to institutions
Suggestions to the community
Suggestions to researchers
