The primary concern of the study is the ways in which these marginalized individuals talk about themselves, the stories of their lives, and represent themselves through narratives. Here, homeless identities outside the socially valued place of the home are constructed and defined by their unemployed status and by their lack of economic agency. The minimalist discourse is a faulty conceptualization of the relationship between 'the individual' and 'society' as it fails to account for the social and cultural basis of experience and identity.
This study is about identities and understanding how homeless individuals define and talk about themselves in telling their 'stories of the self'. Therefore, personal dimensions of identity involve an interrogation of the relationships and connections with the social world in which the person is embedded. Although people actively take on identities, those identities are products of the society in which they live.
Homeless people are 'forced' to create their identity from the fringes of society - from the position of 'the other'. This study thus conceptualizes homelessness as the effect of and one of the consequences of globalization and capitalism.
METHODOLOGY
SECTION 1
This section of the methodological chapter will explore the basic premise of the turn to narrative methodology and examine the theoretical and practical value of narrative research. We live in stories and do things because of the characters we become in our narratives about ourselves (Denzin, 2000: xiii). The plot of the narrative also plays a crucial role in the analysis of the narrative, as the plot is a common thread that binds the different parts of the narrative together (Crossley, 2000).
My investigation and analysis of the histories of homeless identities will take place within this framework. In this way, narrative research is primarily about reassembling people of their past and their present; and their prediction of the future (Miller, 2000). Narrative is critical to making sense of the events and happenings that surround an individual life.
SECTION 2
The open nature of the interview context revealed the dynamics of homelessness that each participant personally lives and experiences. Three of the interviews were conducted in my apartment, which provided the participants with a 'safe' and private context to talk freely. Two of the interviews took place in a bar where both participants work as security guards.
Therefore, analyzing the plot or structure of the story can reveal the kind of "self" that the participant constructs for themselves. The researcher must identify and acknowledge the various dimensions that may influence and influence their interpretations of the research data. This is because the lives and locations of the participants are very fluid and flexible, in that the participants may simply disappear due to arrest (as one of my research participants was) or by choice before their studies are completed (Swart-Kruger and Donald, 1994).
FINDINGS AND ANALYSIS
The narratives of the five participants were individually different and ingeniously tailored in the construction of their identities. Their belief in God serves 'identity functions' (O'Dea, 1966) and psychological purposes in the construction of their identities, enabling them to give special meaning to their homelessness. In the context of poverty, thirteen-year-old Angela takes on the responsibility of her parents and becomes the family's main breadwinner.
In terms of the plot, these 'bad or negative scenes' are redeemed by positive experiences. Ann and Angela's faith in God allows for the construction of positive and socially valued identities in the face of economic marginalization, poverty and political neglect. However, his internalization locks him into the position of 'the marginalized other, without any conceivable way of escape'.
The connection between economic power and homeless identities is specifically discussed later in this chapter. You know what, listen, praise the Lord. I still have a roof over my head, I don't have to sleep on the beach or on the street. His 'new homeless identity', in the 'new South Africa', threatens who he is as a white man.
In their struggle and in the context of social stigmatization, they 'want to get out' of. Her agency lies in the fact that she too has taken responsibility and accountability for her life and choices. And in the eyes of God, it was the greatest sin I ever lived in my life.
Work is essentially about a sense of place in the social and economic order; about identity, self-esteem and self-worth (Beder, 2000). This dissociation is a dehumanizing process that, according to Daly (1996), is expressed in the terminology used to describe the homeless. The next part will specifically ask about the meaning of home and the social effects of the lack of economic activity in the lives of the participants.
FINDINGS AND ANALYSIS 2 Part 2
Pay attention to the meaning the participants give to home: For the male participants – Vikash and John – home is a special geographical and physical location. Their meaning of what is home does not refer to social relationships, but to physical space. However, Ann is the only participant who actively distances herself from home; she redefines what home is and what it means.
Ann's attribution of Durban and the shelter as home is important as her family and her place of origin represent trauma, emotional pain, abandonment, neglect and conflict interpersonal relationships. The participants' memory of home suggests that home is a place of origin, the place of belonging and identity. Home is not simply a place for meaningful relationships, it is also the site of trauma characterized by violence, abuse and sexual exploitation (Holloway and Hubbard, 2001) which is generally instigated by men and directed against women and children.
Ann and Angela's narratives and their sexual exploitation in the house provide evidence that the house may not be as safe as it is constructed to be. Although the idea of home is a particular socio-historical construct, a point for socialization and for political regulation, it nevertheless defines who we are and provides a positive socially valued identity. Daly (1996) argues that the home is a social construct, rooted in economic, political and ideological practices of its context.
This means that the home is no longer, if it ever was, a private space, but rather is imbued with and manifests the politics and ideologies of its context. Putnam (1993) suggests that the home is the territory of consumption in that the process of 'making' a home involves issues of identity, consumption and ownership. Interestingly, our need for a home is intricately linked to our economic agency, our 'purchasing power', which invariably defines a positive and socially valued identity.
If the construction of identities in relation to place/home is a sociohistorical construction, homelessness may represent a new way of being in the world.
CONCLUSION
Homelessness is a social creation and a product of economic/political contexts of globalisation, capitalism and consumerism, while the individual experience of homelessness is also structured by the way in which the ideological defenses of this system tend to be victim-blaming, which explains homelessness in terms. of the personal inadequacies of individuals. We can think of homeless people as travelers, tourists, exiles and nomads (Minh-ha, 1994), as their identities are less constrained by boundaries and borders. Homeless people find themselves and exist between critical spaces: between 'home' and the streets, as 'not at home'; between 'not having' yet seeking the means 'to have', searching for home and longing for a place to belong.
While homelessness is located outside of this socially valued identity space, homeless people nevertheless want access to this form of existence. Homeless people exist in a state of tension between their 'real home' or places where they once lived and the street where they now find themselves. This means that homelessness is fundamentally a structural problem, even if it appears as an individually chosen way of life.
To suggest that homelessness is a structural problem neither frees the 'individual' nor reinforces the binary distinction between the 'individual' and the social'. Other key findings also suggest that homelessness is undeniably gendered, as men and women experience it differently (Woodward, 2002). Although the homeless are economically marginalized and politically neglected, they are people with stories and lives.
We forget that homelessness is a serious ethical and moral problem that literally threatens many lives. Jacobs et al (1999) believe that the study of homelessness reveals different responses and reflects how we perceive homeless people. While this study raised a psychological question, questions about the effects on identity, it shows how much of a social and economic creation homelessness is.
There must also be an effective social welfare system, through which homeless people can assess disability allowances and pension funds and facilities that assist homeless people in job creation and job maintenance.
6 References
APPENDINCIES 1 APPENDIX 1
Each part of your life as a chapter in the book, give each chapter a name and describe the chapter. Key events – these are specific critical events that lie in the past for each individual. I want you to describe each event in detail; what happened; where you were; who was involved; what you did; what you thought; what you felt
Peak experience - high point in your life Nadir experience - low point in your life Turning point - significant change in your life. Provide a detailed overview of this: the nature of the problem, the cause of the problem, developments and plans for tackling problems in the future.
