One of the early problems to be confronted in the development of this thesis was the positioning of myself in relation to the research topic (the 10veLife program). My relationship with the 10veLife program as 'I' was depersonalized and had more to do with the relationship between the theoretical framework of 10veLife and its practical construction in the public sphere. A related issue was that as a researcher and practitioner in the field I was known to be critical of the loveLife program and this could influence attempts at open research.
In addition, criticism of the program (among other programs and related my/AIDS policies) was a function of my work in the my/AIDS field and could not be sublimated to the research investigation.
Theorising ideology and ideology critique
Important to the concept of ideology, therefore, is the production and reproduction of knowledge, and in the Marxist concept, knowledge is the product, in the final instance, of the economic base. In relation to mv/AIDS, ideas are built with the aim of understanding the evolving epidemic. In the context of my/AIDS, particular interpretations of the epidemic coalesce into ideological systems of thought.
This established the focal point of the rationale for the war, and simultaneously introduced the concept of 'good' weapons (coalition bombs and missiles that kill/maim people indiscriminately and destroy infrastructure),21 and 'bad' weapons (Saddam Hussein's alleged chemical weapons that kill/maim people arbitrary but which leaves the infrastructure intact). The 'common sense' of the social order (like various ideological formations) can thus derive from the collective. Quantitative research has been extensively integrated into representational practices in the 10veLife program through discourse.
Epistemologies and orthodoxies
A particular feature of the 10veLife program's quantification discourses is a general lack of reference to the source. The 10veLife program also goes beyond the description of the present and functions ideologically with references to both the past and the future. For example, the interventions of the 10veLife program are positioned as if they were initiated with the aim of bringing about change in youth sexuality, which in its contemporary form is constructed and endangers the country as a whole.
In the case of the last two publications (and the later iteration in 2004), the text and layout are virtually identical, except for minor changes to certain sentences, such as those described above. In the first case, the quantitative discourses and assumptions of the 10veLife program can be deciphered and revealed by analyzing the relative 'truth' of the numbers in relation to the 'truth' of their representation. The use of quantification in 10veLife discourses therefore has an implicit connection to scientific rigor and validity.
This approach has been widely used to guide public health policy and develop an understanding of the impacts of HIV/AIDS interventions. According to the dominant paradigm, it would not be considered causally important that the unemployment and wage levels of the local economy. Placed within the context of the 10veLife program, such generalized predictions also serve the function of suggesting that all young people are at similar levels of risk.
In the same way, the introduction of the proviso allows for any claim to be made, given that the proviso can be raised in defense if an unjustified criticism is made. 43. There is no mention of the implicit limitations in research data analyzed by KFF, the founder of the 10veLife program.
Legitimation and discourse
The concept of moral panic involves the construction of a causal link with a social 'problem' that identifies a particular group as a threat to society. Moral panic involves the coincidence of events with various stereotypical constructions of the non-normative 'other'. The 'object' of moral panic can be derived from an event or analysis of a singular social phenomenon that quickly turns to generalization.
Moral panic analyzes have been widely applied to a variety of social groups and 'behaviors', including, among others, model and rock building (Cohen 1972), robbery (Hall et al 1978), ritual child abuse (Victor 1998) and pedophilia (Chritcher 2002). Thus, moral panic is seen as "a process [through] which politicians, commercial promoters and the media usually try to induce" (McRobbie & Thornton 1995:560). However, it does not necessarily follow that moral discourses of panic must occur specifically within the mass media.
In the context of HIV/AIDS, moral panics can be used to create arguments within discourse genres other than news media channels – for example, funding proposals, reports or brochures. In the public sphere, moral panic discourses may be subject to 'aberrant' decoding and critique (Fiske 2000), while closed discourse genres offer greater potential to regulate meaning and limit aberrant decoding. In the context of the 10veLife program, the rhetoric of moral panic is regularly used through the confusion and exaggeration of teenage depravity.
In the examples discussed above, quantification was used to justify constructions of the scale of the 'problem' and its consequences - a characteristic of moral panic discourses highlighted by Hall etat (1978). Moral panic discourses are argued to be short-lived, largely invoking debate at a particular point in history and then subsiding (Goode and Ben-Yahuda 1994; Ungar 2001).
One roll-on all women want
These themes and images resonate with constructs from the first part of the loveLife program, and are regularly reiterated over time through research and other discourse. In the early phases of the HIVIAIDS epidemic, there were often only a limited number of interventions aimed at prevention. However, in the context of a generalized MV epidemic, there is a broader complex of mechanisms that relate to individual perceptions of the epidemic, and in addition to interventions, there are also other discourses and experiences that frame individual constructions and responses to the epidemic.
58 Here, the emphasis is on counting calls per line, regardless of whether they were answered or not, and information about the qualitative nature of the call - specifically whether the call was 'genuine' or fake - is also omitted. In less than 12 months, loveLife managed to create national recognition among almost 60% of the population. For example, as part of the 2003 evaluation of the 10veLife program, questionnaires included references to Soul City and the Red Ribbon campaign.
Of the 33% of young people who reported talking to someone about their love life, the majority (74%) reported talking to friends. This requires careful management of the process of putting research results into the public domain. In the case of the 2004 report, Health-e, a Kaiser Family Foundation (KFF) funded news service, was used to actively support the launch of the report.
Five media reports were produced and released to the media.64 This allowed certain interpretations of the report to be reflected – for example: “A major new study found that 'younger teenagers' are. All five press releases highlight the first part of the report, which focused on HIV prevalence among young people, without any reference to the finding that the impact of loveLife was negligible.
Structural linkages, communicative power and hegemony
We do a lot of things in South Africa that we do in the United States. The primary structural-economic relationship to 10veLife is that of the founding financier, KFF. South African Perspectives on the New South Africa' produced in collaboration with Independent Newspapers.74.
The Foundation's research included an analysis of HIVIAIDS prevention efforts already attempted or underway in South Africa. Numerous PPP linkages with corporate partners have been pursued over the life of the 10veLife program. Structural linkages provide opportunities for support for the 10veLife program, but also provide other ideological intersections.
We believe that the key to reducing the impact of the HIV epidemic in South Africa is to slow the rate of infection among young people.” (Zvezda, October 3, 2001)93. Based on the inclusion of the ThethaJunction number along with the story in the Staron antiretroviral drugs, two scenarios were produced. Auerbach's discourse echoes some of the characteristics of propaganda identified by Black (2001), namely the reliance on authorities (Auerbach), physical representations (the testimony of young people), a finalist view of institutions (loveLife is markedly superior to others working in the field, it is not other 'competitors') and a reduction to cause-and-effect relationships, ignoring multiple causality (causal effects claimed by IoveLife).
The ideological elements of the discourses described above follow similar discursive strategies for the promotion of the 10veLife program in previous years. The March 10 deadline (for applications) made it very difficult to get everything, so we went with the applications we had half-prepared at SANAC," said Simelela" (The Star, 5 March 2002).180 Although the TRP Reports are not available in the public domain, parts of the report relating to South Africa's proposal were inadvertently included on the Global Fund website.182.
It is this process that places power in the hands of the few in the ideological and pragmatic interests of the few.
Critique and counter-critique
In other words, there can be an awareness of contradictions within a certain hegemonic framework, and at the same time, However, in the framework of the present, the power to continue unchallenged is positioned as inevitable. Because most of the youth of this country are not bourgeois, nor can they aspire to be bourgeois.
Over and above ideological constructions and practices in relation to youth, the structural hegemonic construction of the 10veLife program operates along similar lines. Naidoo(2003) notes in her review of the 10veLife Y-Centre in Orange Farm that there is very little emphasis on working with or involving other organizations in the area: "I don't think they are willing to work with us not, because they have everything they need. You should see some of the letters I get from the parents, because they think it's me who implements loveLife.
Without this level of organization, consensus is maintained within the dominant ideology based on the 'silence' of dissenting thought. There was neither cooperation nor concession within the national Ministry of Health, which is part of the 10veLife partnership to ensure and oversee government funding for the program. For example, although the National Ministry of Health is a stakeholder in the program, there is little scope for internal criticism, suggesting that the power to determine the direction of the program is not dependent on consensus (or consensus) within the power bloc.
In this case, Harrison adopts a number of discursive strategies related to structural power to undermine criticism of the 10veLife program and prevent such criticism from emerging in the public sphere. Although Fair Lady did not delay publication of Delate's article, Harrison's claims contributed to the inclusion of a response to the article (which he had the opportunity to read before publication) on behalf of the 10veLife program.
