The second chapter includes a critical analysis of skills development strategies for women in the informal economy. It is clear that organizing workers in the informal economy (as has been the case with SEWA in India and SEWU in South Africa) has been important in the challenge.
An emphasis on the process of learning and gathering knowledge
The main reason for the non-directive approach is the assumption that artisans in the informal sector have their own ideas about what they need to know and how they want to learn it; the role of the external agency is to act as a kind of midwife and realize ideas and interests. One of the biggest limitations of the participatory skills development model is that there has been insufficient research on the impact this model has had on the skills development of the poor. Due to the negative connotations surrounding 'training', many use 'skill development' and confuse 'trainers' with 'facilitators' (Bennell, 1999: 22).
Allan Kaplan, Dirk Marais and James Taylor call this type of learning 'action learning' and describe it as a process where knowledge is a two-way transfer. Importantly, 'action learning' is based on the assumption that people are aware of their situation and are best able to formulate a strategy for action. King outlines 4 components that are now commonly included in participatory skills development in the informal economy.
An emphasis on community/group organization (solidarity)
The idea here is to inculcate participation in the process of overcoming poverty and oppression and thus, a trainer who simply provides technical knowledge without facilitating the process. Insight and judgment must be developed by building on what the learner already knows. Therefore, we no longer refer to teachers and students, but rather to mediators and participants (Taylor, Marais and Kaplan, 1997: viii).
This is an important step in empowering processes and corrects the past injustices of development practice that occurred with colonial intentions to transfer civilization. It is key that this cycle is thought of in terms of the movement in an upward spiral of increasingly greater effectiveness so that repetition of mistakes does not occur (Taylor, Marais and Kaplan, 1997: viii).
Methodology
Time Line
Using pictures of different expenses (such as tools, repairs, cement, truck rentals, storage costs), the women estimate how much is spent on each. This exercise, known as 'photos plus roles', used photographs of the women (taken during a previous visit) and assessed the role each woman plays in the business. This exercise established the democratic nature of the enterprise and whether the women wanted the tasks to be redistributed.
Pre-made 'future cards' with pictures showing what different team members want for the future of the company (which has been mentioned in previous visits). The women were asked to prioritize what would be best for the group in the future. There is currently a lack of research in the area of non-traditional skills training in South Africa, and the results will feed directly into the wider project on the informal economy at CSDS.
Vezi Khono!
None of the women in Vezi Khono have obtained a diploma and the average level of education in the company is just below that. In comparison, the women of Vezi Khono are more skilled than other members of Ndwedwe. Instead, the women decided to train in gluing T-shirts with the intention of selling the T-shirts.
The women talk a lot about the coach, who showed them great respect according to Shortly after completing the training, the women established the block making business Vezi Khono in early 1997. What impact has this education had on women's ability to earn money in the short and medium term.
Impact of Training on Women's Incomes
Similar to street trading members of SEWU, the women of Vezi Khono are hampered by a lack of shelter, storage facilities, security and piped water. Vezi Khono's production capacity and therefore income is also inhibited because there are no on-site storage facilities. There are no banks in the area and members of Vezi Khono have to go to Verulam to do them.
In total, Vezi Khono spends R7 920 a year on cement because they cannot buy in bulk. However, it remains uncertain whether the acquisition of the truck would be economically beneficial for Vezi Khona. Various 'shocks', both good and bad, have also harmed women's work in Vezi Khono.
Opposition and the Ability of Training to Overcome Obstacles
All the women spoken to still fulfill the household responsibilities they had before working at Vezi Khono. Although some of the women can rely on their family members to share in the family. On the plus side, the women of Vezi Khono have benefited from the venture being located so close to the school and nursery.
Apart from the financial difficulties and the creation of double days, the women of Vezi Khono have also endured the physical strains that the lockdown brings. The women of Vezi Khono were asked why they think this resistance still exists. The success of Vezi Khono has forced neighbors, local government structures and the women's families to accept the work of this enterprise - changing attitudes in the process.
THE ROLE OF GOVERNMENT IN SKILLS DEVELOPMENT FOR INFORMAL ECONOMY WORKERS
Three broad schools of thought about the role of government can be identified in the literature on training for the informal economy. The second school of thought on the role of government and training in the informal economy advocates the removal of the state and the privatization of training. The third school of thought on the role of government in training in the informal economy seeks to correct the past experiences and mistakes of both public training and privatization.
Ultimately, it is argued, the government should outsource training - this way it can ensure that training is available for poorer businesses in the informal economy. He cites SEWA's successful work in targeting job training in the informal economy (McGrath, 1999: 33). While the new skills development strategy allocates some resources to training the unemployed and neglected, there is no clear commitment to developing the skills of workers in the informal economy.
CONCLUSION· IMPROVING TRAINING TO INCREASE CHANCES OF SUCCESS
This requires training to be a participant in its methodology and to take into account the context in which women's survival enterprises exist in the informal economy. This requires that microfinance be available and that business development centers expand their mandates to include surviving enterprises in the informal economy. Local government also directly improves the chances of success for enterprises in the informal economy by allowing the use of government land, buildings and assets.
Governments can make the provision of training a basic social service and support micro-enterprises in the informal economy to demonstrate this commitment (Bennell, 1999: 22). Other authors, such as King, have also highlighted the lack of good quality research related to training in the informal economy. Vezi Khono is an excellent example of how micro-enterprises in the informal economy can become more successful and.
Microfinance Institutions
The Vocational School Fallacy
Foster's vocational school mistake is relevant to the more recent discussion of informal economy training taking place in schools today. Likewise, given the massive criticism of the failure of vocational training institutions to place their students in formal employment, why should they be expected to be any better at preparing them for the informal sector. Criticisms have also been leveled against the informal economy training that is being carried out in schools, because it rarely goes beyond the technological knowledge of the informal economy and often falls short of it (the King of the informal economy does not need the 'help' of schools as it has the systems of innovation (Ibid), and finally, vocational schooling has not proven to be successful in channeling girls into skill areas that have traditionally been the domain of boys and men (Bennell, 1999: 15).
Despite these criticisms, many continue to call for informal economy training to take place in schools. This continued push is due to a failure to understand how and why people work in the informal economy and the complex causes of poverty more. The same can be said for work in the informal sector - that simply providing training in business/entrepreneurial/collaborative skills at school level will not be enough to foster an entrepreneurial spirit in young people until it is clear that a framework is in place institutional whole which effectively promotes micro-enterprises.
Appendix Ill
The South African Skills Development Strategy
Twenty percent of the taxes collected will go into the National Skills Fund (NSF). Although the law provides for the Minister of Labor to include 'any interested professional body' or 'negotiating council with jurisdiction in the sector' to sit as SETA members, the inclusion of those representing the poor or the informal economy is not mandated. Without such funding, countries in Latin America, for example, have experienced resistance from formal firms contributing to the development of survival skills in the informal economy (Bennell, 1999: 9).
There appears to be confusion in the literature as to whether the NQF will endorse learning in the informal economy (see for example Bennell, 1999). However, without mandated representation of the poor and gray economy in SETA, it is doubtful that learning in the informal economy will even be recognized as important. However, critics argue that this new qualification level system will be expensive and will discourage employers from providing training for fear of losing their employees to other firms (Bennell, 1999: 23).
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