Coletane Markham
Coletane Markham
Local a d m i n i s t r a t i o n has grown along with other s t a t e departments into an immense o r g a n i s a t i o n , consuming a l a r g e proportion of the national budget and employing l i t e r a l l y thousands of people. Cen-
t r a l S t a t i s t i c a l Services f i g u r e s for 1986, for example, i n d i c a t e that the t o t a l number of people p r e s e n t l y employed within t h e
local a u t h o r i t i e s sector p r e s e n t l y stands a t 263,000 of whom more than 138,000 a r e b l a c k s . The p u b l i c sector a l s o p r e s e n t l y stands as the l a r g e s t employer as a whole o u t s i d e of domestic, a g r i c u l t - u r a l and farm l a b o u r . The I n s t i t u t e of Race Relations figures for June 1985 put the numbers of people employed throughout t h i s
sector a t 1,413,892 as opposed t o 1,346,300 in manufacturing and 755,712 in t r a d e and c a t e r i n g . COSATU's decision t o organise the public sector therefore p o t e n t i a l l y opens the space for tremendous growth in the number of organised workers.
The p o t e n t i a l r o l e of the public sector unions a l s o begins to focus a t t e n t i o n on the nature of the s t a t e , or s t a t e - l i n k e d c o r p o r a t i o n s as an employer. Yet s u r p r i s i n g l y l i t t l e i s known about t h i s . In the following a r t i c l e the problems involved in organising l o c a l
a u t h o r i t y workers w i l l be s t u d i e d . The a r t i c l e focusses on the area around Johannesburg in the period 1980 t o 1986 with the hope t h a t some of the processes which begin t o be uncovered w i l l aid our understanding of the mechanisms by which employers n e u t r a l i s e and d i s r u p t the workforce, in an attempt t o stem militancy from within t h i s s t r a t e g i c s e c t o r . The question of what power l o c a l a u t h o r i t y vrarkers p o t e n t i a l l y hold a l s o begins t o be addressed.
Of the t h r e e t i e r s of government ( n a t i o n a l , regional and local) the area of g r e a t e s t autonomy with regard t o labour r e l a t i o n s
e x i s t s a t the l o c a l l e v e l , although t h e r e i s d e f i n i t e consistency with regard t o c e n t r a l p o l i c y d e c i s i o n s . The d e f i n i t i o n of " l o c a l a u t h o r i t y " may sometimes be confusing. There a r e b a s i c a l l y t h r e e
types of l o c a l a u t h o r i t i e s which provide various s e r v i c e s including:
Health, refuse removal, sewarage, e t c . Parks and r e c r e a t i o n a l f a c i l i t i e s
Security
Water supply
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E l e c t r i c i t y
Protection s e r v i c e s , such a s f i r e - f i g h t i n g , ambulance s e r v i c e s . T r a f f i c c o n t r o l
Passenger t r a n s p o r t
The various l o c a l a u t h o r i t i e s which have provided these s e r v i c e s (not always a l l ) include m u n i c i p a l i t i e s or c i t y c o u n c i l s , the previous a d m i n i s t r a t i o n boards - now undertaken by town or commu- n i t y c o u n c i l s , and in some cases r e g i o n a l water boards. Provision of l o c a l s e r v i c e s are now a l s o undertaken by various "homelands".
Local a u t h o r i t y workers, unlike c e n t r a l s t a t e employees, a r e i n c - luded in the provisions of the Labour Relations Act, meaning t h a t they have access to c o n c i l i a t i o n board machinery. However because the work which they c a r r y out i s defined as p a r t of the " e s s e n t i a l s e r v i c e s " they are denied the r i g h t t o s t r i k e . Section 46 of the Act t r i e s t o redress t h i s s i t u a t i o n somewhat by providing for
compulsory a r b i t r a t i o n in the event of any d i s p u t e . Nevertheless t h i s provision can s t i l l be e a s i l y exploited by employers in the sense t h a t the whole process of attending t o immediate worker
grievances may be delayed. In addition because the l a r g e majority -of l o c a l a u t h o r i t y workers are migrants, employers have often
resorted t o immediate mass d i s m i s s a l in the event of a work s t o p - page. This has happened in many r e c e n t c a s e s : the stoppage a t
Potchestroom municipality in 1985, and in a number of stoppages in 1986 notably Empangeni, Richards Bay, Tembisa, Kagiso, Thokoza,
and so on. Perhaps the most dramatic instance of t h i s kind of
response occured in the 1980 Johannesburg Municipal workers s t r i k e where more than 1,000 workers were forcibly deported back t o t h e i r
various "homelands". Employers have a l s o been able t o e x p l o i t the massive unemployment problem in these a r e a s t o find easy r e p l a c e - ments for dismissed workers.
Unionists t r y i n g to organise l o c a l a u t h o r i t y workers find not
only the l e g a l p r o h i b i t i o n on the r i g h t to s t r i k e a major problem, but a l s o the dispersed nature of work s i t e s , the small gangs of
workers a t such s i t e , c l o s e s u p e r v i s i o n , and conservative employ- e r s some of t h e i r most d i f f i c u l t o b s t a c l e s . The fact t h a t many workers are housed in l o c a l a u t h o r i t y owned h o s t e l s , under armed guard, i s a further o b s t a c l e as unauthorised access is denied.
This means t h a t unless the union i s o f f i c i a l l y granted recognition r i g h t s , or l i m i t e d access r i g h t s , access t o t h e workforce can
become p a r t i c u l a r l y d i f f i c u l t . Up u n t i l now most of the unions organising l o c a l a u t h o r i t y workers in the Johannesburg area have
not obtained r e g i s t r a t i o n and have on t h i s b a s i s been denied such r i g h t s . Municipal and General Workers Union (MCMJSA) o f f i c i a l s
interviewed expressed t h e i r problems as follows:
We c a n ' t go in and see workers, our members, where they stay and we c a n ' t go and v i s i t them, unless they come t o our o f f i c e s . I f we a r e caught t a l k i n g t o workers during lunch-times we may be a r r e s t e d " , (1)
Employers have complicated the problem of access by c r e a t i n g various in-house {or "sweetheart") unions and concluding closed-shop
agreements with these unions a t I n d u s t r i a l Council l e v e l .
The s t a t e r e a l i s e s the s t r a t e g i c s i g n i f i c a n c e , p o l i t i c a l l y and otherwise, of workers within t h i s s e c t o r , thus an e l a b o r a t e and
complex system of d i v i d i n g the workforce has been developed.
Bargaining machinery i s highly fragmented, meaning t h a t union
gains in any one area or region cannot e a s i l y be extended t o other regions. Wage determinations for unskilled workers, for example, exclude a number of c r u c i a l towns and c i t i e s l i k e Johannesburg, Cape Town, Durban and P r e t o r i a . I n d u s t r i a l c o u n c i l s where b a r g a i n -
;ng around wages and working c o n d i t i o n s t a k e s place are a l s o
fragmented. This makes n e g o t i a t i o n on a s e c t o r b a s i s impossible.
C i t i e s l i k e Johannesburg and Cape Town have t h e i r own i n d u s t r i a l c o u n c i l s . On the other hand the i n d u s t r i a l council for t h e Trans-
vaal Municipal Undertaking excludes c e r t a i n towns l i k e Secunda and Pretoria a s well as a l l black l o c a l a u t h o r i t i e s .
Where i n d u s t r i a l c o u n c i l s do e x i s t these bodies e x h i b i t v a r i o u s degrees of f l e x i b i l i t y as far as bargaining with " o u t s i d e " ( i e : not the employer created in-house) unions i s concerned. MGWUSA, Transport and General Workers Union, and South African Black
Municipal and Allied Workers Union, a l l i n d i c a t e t h a t g r e a t e r
f l e x i b i l i t y e x i s t s in the Transvaal towns which form p a r t of the Transvaal Municipal Undertaking. The unions r e p o r t t h a t some form of bargaining has a l r e a d y occured a t a number of Transvaal towns.
TSWu has concluded a r e c o g n i t i o n agreement a t Secunda and a t a
number of Natal towns. The union a l s o r e p o r t s t h a t i t has majority
^ p r e s e n t a t i o n a t S p r i n g s , B r i t s and Diepmeadow and w i l l be seek- ing recognition a t these p l a c e s . Recently TGWU a l s o went i n t o the i n d u s t r i a l c o u n c i l for the Johannesburg Municipal Undertaking and has gained a l i m i t e d access agreement t h e r e . MGWUSA claims t h a t n e g o t i a t i o n s with t h e Krugersdorp m u n i c i p a l i t y occured during
!985. Talks deadlocked however a f t e r the municipality refused t o sign a d e c l a r a t i o n undertaking not t o v i c t i m i s e union members. At
present recognition r i g h t s a t Krugersdorp are s t i l l being sought.
SABMAWU claims t h a t r e c o g n i t i o n r i g h t s have been sought a t Rand- fontein, Kempton Park and Vanderbijlpark and t h a t some form of bargaining has already occured a t these p l a c e s .
An employer l i k e the Johannesburg City Council (JCC) however e x h i b i t s o u t r i g h t h o s t i l i t y towards any o u t s i d e unions. The
closed shop agreement with a number of in-house unions has h i s t - o r i c a l l y prevented unions from making much in-road h e r e . In add-
i t i o n the JCC i n s i s t s t h a t unions be p a r t of the I n d u s t r i a l
Council f i r s t before any n e g o t i a t i o n s take p l a c e . In order t o do t h i s unions f i r s t l y had t o show r e p r e s e n t a t i o n and be r e g i s t e r e d . Representation on the other hand was p a r t i c u l a r l y d i f f i c u l t t o show. The "conditions of s e r v i c e " concluded a t i n d u s t r i a l c o u n c i l
l e v e l automatically forces a l l JCC employees to belong t o one or more of the unions represented on t h a t body. By v i r t u e of t h i s a l l
the JCC employees automatically belong t o the various in-house unions without these unions having to r e c r u i t a t a l l . In order t o understand how t h i s s i t u a t i o n came t o develop, the suppression of the 1980 Johannesburg Municipal workers s t r i k e and employer s t r a t - egy persued since then must be s t u d i e d . What emerges c l e a r l y i s
t h a t employers' a b i l i t y t o prevent the spread of progessive union- i s a t i o n amongst the workforce during t h a t time c o n t r i b u t e d t o the years of d i f f i c u l t y experienced t h e r e a f t e r .
The 1980 municipal workers s t r i k e
The 1980 s t r i k e in many ways posed some of the e s s e n t i a l problems faced by unions t r y i n g t o organise l o c a l a u t h o r i t y workers. These have already been d e a l t with elsewhere, (see a r t i c l e s in SALB 6 . 7 , 1981) This s e c t i o n w i l l merely recap some of the most s i g n i f i c a n t
factors which emerged t h e n . The p r e - h i s t o r y to the s t r i k e i s a l s o important as black workers up u n t i l 1979 had only employer created l i a i s o n committees t o r e p r e s e n t them. This l i a i s o n committee was for
the "graded s t a f f " o n l y , thereby excluding the majority of un- s k i l l e d black workers from any form of r e p r e s e n t a t i o n . For s o - c a l l e d Coloured workers a s e p a r a t e workers union dating back t o
1961 e x i s t e d . As a d i r e c t r e s u l t of the 1979 Wiehahn proposals employers a t the JCC openly went about the process of t r y i n g t o
turn the e x i s t a n t l i a i s o n committee i n t o a union for black workers.
The JCC's w i l l i n g n e s s t o c r e a t e such a union must be seen in the context of the p e r i o d , the growth of independent progressive
unions since 1973 and general u n r e s t in the country during t h a t time. The black in-house union was t h e r e f o r e a c l e a r attempt t o
keep the more m i l i t a n t independent unions away. This union, t o be c a l l e d the Union of Johannesburg Municipal Workers (UJMtf), was
formed with t h e h e l p of e x i s t i n g l i a i s o n committee members. Accord- ing t o Jeremy Keenan, a t the time of i t s formation the l i a i s o n
committee members, 50% of whom were council nominated, were given paid leave t o o r g a n i s e the new union. They were given free access
to a l l the compounds and workplaces, and even made use of council s t a t i o n e r y . At t h e same time workers in t h e t r a n s p o r t department were going about forming a r e p r e s e n t a t i v e union of t h e i r own.
This union was t o become the Black Municipal Workers Union (BMWU).
These workers had formed independent "works committees" which represented a d i r e c t t h r e a t t o the UJMW.
At the inaugural launch of the UJMtf on January 23 1980 almost a l l 3,000 workers p r e s e n t walked o u t in p r o t e s t . I t was estimated a t the time t h a t only 113 workers remained behind t o adopt the con- s t i t u t i o n and e l e c t t h e executive committee. Of these only 59 a c t u a l l y voted, t h e o t h e r 54 a b s t a i n e d . Keenan r e p o r t s t h a t when
the UJMW was granted p r o v i s i o n a l r e g i s t r a t i o n s i x months l a t e r there were only 40 paid up members. The works committees on the other hand formed the backbone of the BMWU, which was t o become
the leading force during the s t r i k e . The s t r i k e
On J u l y 24 1980, 600 workers a t t h e Orlando Power S t a t i o n stopped vork demanding wage i n c r e a s e s . Management's response on t h e day of the stoppage was t o demand t h a t workers send forward t h e i r r e p r e - s e n t a t i v e s . Apparently a 22-man "workers a c t i o n committee" was
immediately e l e c t e d t o n e g o t i a t e around t h e i r demands. Negotia- t i o n s deadlocked a f t e r an hour during which time a l l demands put
forward by the workers were refused. Thereafter workers were told to go back t o work or face d i s m i s s a l . I t appears t h a t these work- e r s were subsequently fired/locked out of the compound. By the
29th more than 10,000 workers from a l l departments had joined the s t r i k e . The wage increase and recognition of the BMWU emerged a s
two c e n t r a l demands. Management responded by bringing in scabs (white schoolchildren) and c a l l i n g the p o l i c e . Many workers were locked in t o the compounds thereby preventing them from gathering
together and i s o l a t i n g the l e a d e r s h i p from the members. By J u l y 31 tore than 1,000 workers were f o r c i b l y d e p o r t e d , 280 Venda r e c r u i t s were on t h e i r way t o r e p l a c e some of these workers, and t h e s t r i k e
"leaders" had been charged under t h e Sabotage Act. The remaining v*>rkers were forced t o find t h e i r own way home, many hung around
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Johannesburg seeking other employment. Conditions in the "home- lands" forced many back t o work for the JCC a g a i n . The union on the other hand found i t s e l f unable t o help workers as the period after the s t r i k e was taken up with trying to secure the r e l e a s e of the l e a d e r s . At the time the BMWU was c l e a r l y unprepared o r g a n i s a - t i o n a l l y and in terms of resources for a s t r i k e within the s e c t o r . The union was only one month old and although i t claimed represen- t a t i o n amongst the majority of the workforce only 900 members had
formally signed up.
Employer response
Throughout the s t r i k e the JCC c o n s i s t e n t l y refused t o n e g o t i a t e with the BMWU on the b a s i s t h a t i t was an unregistered union. The UJMW, which was a l s o not r e g i s t e r e d a t the time however received a more favourable response. Management's attempts t o undermine the union by requesting seperate n e g o t i a t i o n with workers in each department was met with general d e r i s i o n . The workers g e n e r a l l y
refused t o e l e c t any r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s , i n s i s t i n g t h a t the union was t h e i r r e p r e s e n t a t i v e . Management a l s o t r i e d t o undermine the
s t r i k e through spreading c o n t r a d i c t o r y s t o r i e s t o the p r e s s , and d e l i b e r a t e l y underplaying the numbers of workers a c t u a l l y out on
s t r i k e . Today t h i s kind of response can s t i l l c l e a r l y be seen, the SATS s t r i k e once again r e f l e c t s a s i m i l a r p a t t e r n .
The employers' a b i l i t y t o smash the s t r i k e by simply d e p o r t i n g , or a l t e r n a t i v e l y mass d i s m i s s a l of migrants remains one of the key problems faced by l o c a l a u t h o r i t y (and other) workers t o t h i s day.
Whereas union or r i s e r s had managed t o overcome r u r a l - u r b a n d i v i d e s a t the workplace the problem of formulating an adequate
response t o mass d i s m i s s a l n e v e r t h e l e s s remains. The other major problem was employers' a b i l i t y t o e x p l o i t the l a r g e reserve army of labour and find easy replacements, p a r t i c u l a r l y in the homelands,
for the fired workers. The m u n i c i p a l i t y ' s close l i n k s with other s t a t e departments, t h e i r a b i l i t y to mobilise c i v i l i a n s (white) and
the Police and Defence force t o help break the s t r i k e remained another problem. Other government departments played a major r o l e
in sending in replacements, which r a i s e s the question of appro- p r i a t e s o l i d a r i t y a c t i o n amongst a l l "public s e c t o r " workers.
Perhaps the most important lesson l e a r n t during the s t r i k e however was the need for unions t o extend s t r i k e a c t i o n within t h i s s e c t o r
beyond l o c a l i s e d a r e a s in order to put s u f f i c i e n t p r e s s u r e on t h e i r employers. I t became p a r t i c u l a r l y c l e a r t h a t far g r e a t e r
power was needed if employers and t h e s t a t e were t o be challenged e f f e c t i v e l y . In order t o command t h i s kind of power t h e Johannes- burg workers needed t o (i) extend o r g a n i s a t i o n a l l i n k s beyond
Johannesburg, ( i i ) develop strong s o l i d a r i t y l i n k s with community groups and o t h e r unions, ( i i i ) d e a l with the problem of in-house
unions in a c o n s i s t e n t and organised manner. The in-house unions played no small r o l e in undermining the s t r i k e , and the employers
response a t t h e time c l e a r l y i n d i c a t e s t h a t the motivation was mainly t o buy time for t h e UJ*W t o c o n s o l i d a t e i t s e l f .
The in-house unions
The in-house unions, the XXJMA for "black" workers and the Johannesburg Municipal Combined (formerly Coloured) Employees
Union (JhCEU), play a major r o l e in the M u n i c i p a l i t y ' s o v e r a l l system of c o n t r o l . This i t i s argued stems p a r t l y from the s p e c -
i f i c nature of the "production process" within the l o c a l a u t h o r - i t i e s s e c t o r . There a r e no major technological advances, not on the same s c a l e a t any r a t e , which might f a c i l i t a t e employer con- t r o l a t t h e workplace. The " u n s k i l l e d " nature of much of the work done provides for a dangerously high l e v e l of homogeneity within
the workforce. This i s exacerbated by worker concentration a t the compounds, where a shared experience of e x p l o i t a t i o n e a s i l y t a k e s
root. Due t o these f a c t o r s a more o v e r t system of c o n t r o l i s needed. The notable presence of s u p e r v i s o r s , t h e need for tame unions, a high l e v e l of r e p r e s s i o n a t the compounds, e t c , a l l
form p a r t of t h i s system of c o n t r o l .
There a r e a l s o " p o l i t i c a l " forms of c o n t r o l and once again t h e role of the in-house unions in t h i s process i s c l e a r l y import- t a n t . The reproduction of c a p i t a l i s t e n t e r p r i s e , which i s the major reason for the e x i s t e n c e of the s t a t e s e c t o r , r e q u i r e s not only the reproduction of s e r v i c e s needed t o maintain c a p i t a l and wage labour (economically, p o l i t i c a l l y , and i d e o l o g i c a l l y ) but
also the reproduction of a compatible r a c i a l - c a p i t a l i s t s t a t e apparatus. The people who a c t u a l l y s t a f f the s t a t e apparatus are of v i t a l importance. I t i s in t h i s sense t h a t a s t r i k e within t h i s
sector i s most t h r e a t e n i n g ; a d m i n i s t r a t i v e s t r u c t u r e s must include a mechanism whereby the s t a f f i n g of the s t a t e apparatus ensures a compliant and loyal workforce. When t h i s begins t o be challenged, when t h e r e i s a breakdown in the s t a t e a d m i n i s t r a t i o n i t s e l f t h e P o l i t i c a l consequences a r e tremendous. For t h i s reason t h e upper echelons of t h e c i v i l and l o c a l s t a t e apparatus have h i s t o r i c a l l y
^ e n s t r i c t l y preserved for " w h i t e s " . Recent reforms however have 95
seen changes p a r t i c u l a r l y a t l o c a l s t a t e l e v e l , the twin r a t i o n a l - i s a t i o n - j o b d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n package introduced in 1984 for example is designed t o increase the numbers of blacks who a r e w i l l i n g t o play a r o l e in l o c a l and c i v i l s t a t e a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . (2) The
proposed Regional Services Councils (RSCs) t r i e s t o take these reforms, d e r a c i a l i s a t i o n of a d m i n i s t r a t i v e t a s k s insofar as bulk service provision i s concerned, a t l o c a l l e v e l , even f u r t h e r . In t h i s sense any expansion of the s t a t e a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , p a r t i c u l a r l y when increasing numbers from the oppressed c l a s s e s themselves are drawn i n , heightens the p o t e n t i a l p o l i t i c a l s i g n i f i c a n c e of s t a t e sector workers.
The question of how compliance i s maintained must t h e r e f o r e be ad- dressed. In t h e case of the JMZEU a t l e a s t , one w r i t e r has noted
t h a t (i) the majority of the u n i o n ' s l e a d e r s h i p occupy managerial p o s i t i o n s a t the JCC, ( i i ) there i s almost no organic l i n k between
the union executive and the broader membership. These unions have no shop floor s t r u c t u r e s , in fact they d o n ' t even need t o r e c r u i t members. The w r i t e r noted t h a t l e a d e r s h i p are lured away from the membership through b e n e f i t s , job m o b i l i t y , and t h e i r c l o s e a s s o - c i a t i o n with employers. Support for t h i s l e a d e r s h i p comes from
the " w h i t e - c o l l a r " c l e r i c a l and a d m i n i s t r a t i v e s t a f f who a r e
reasonably secure in t h e i r j o b s , a r e s a t i s f i e d with s a l a r i e s , and are more i n t e r e s t e d in the various b e n e f i t s (insurance schemes, house improvement l o a n s , etc) which the union can o f f e r . (3) Marcel Golding, writing on the c i v i l service noted s i m i l a r
s t r a t e g i e s :
Co-option s t r a t e g i e s [are] d i r e c t e d a t the permanent o f f i c i a l s who a r e v i t a l t o the s t a t e and play an im-
p o r t a n t function in the implementation of the New Deal.
The m a t e r i a l i n c e n t i v e s t h a t are offered, ensured functional c i v i l apparatus in the face of enormous
opposition by the oppressed c l a s s e s . On the other hand a d i v i s i v e , d i s o r g a n i s i n g and discriminatory employment
s t r a t e g y is persued with regard t o the temporary workers in order t o s t i f l e united a c t i o n . (4)
These processes are perhaps more v i s i b l e in the newly created black l o c a l a u t h o r i t y s t r u c t u r e s . At the JM2EU 1985 A<34 the Gen- e r a l - S e c r e t a r y noting the c r e a t i o n of seperate l o c a l a u t h o r i t i e s for each r a c i a l group as p a r t of the "new" d i s p e n s a t i o n noted:
The main aim of t h i s d i s p e n s a t i o n is t o g r a n t the various race groups a g r e a t e r say and power over decision making
in t h e i r l o c a l a f f a i r s . We s h a l l t h e r e f o r e examine how
t h i s measure w i l l a f f e c t us as employees of l o c a l govern- ment in employment and p r o m o t i o n . . . We can now demand t h a t preference of employment be given t o our members to serve their own communities". (5)
Nevertheless i t is c l e a r t h a t a s a d i r e c t r e s u l t of the 1980
s t r i k e nany members in these unions began a process of questioning of their own l e a d e r s h i p . These workers were o b j e c t i v e l y able t o
identify with the BMWU. In the case of the JM2EU the r o l e played by leadership, the fact t h a t members in the housing department
actually scabbed, began a four year s t r u g g l e by a number of mainly
"blue-collar" workers for democratic c o n t r o l of the union. The
reform group, as they c a l l e d themselves, however f a i l e d due t o lack of experience, i n s u f f i c i e n t m o b i l i s a t i o n , and the very s t r u c t u r e of annual AGM meetings, which i s the only time membership a c t u a l l y
come together en masse. (6) Formalistic procedures and d e s p o t i c control by the chairperson, according t o t h i s group, prevented
them from successfully ousting the l e a d e r s h i p . These events high- light the very f r a g i l e base of these in-house unions. A c o n s i s t e n t and organised s t r a t e g y d i r e c t e d a t the membership may quickly lead to their downfall.
The period a f t e r 1980
One of the unfortunate e f f e c t s of the s t r i k e was t h a t i t allowed employers and the various in-house unions time t o strengthen t h e i r position in r e l a t i o n t o any "outside" unions. The UJMW and the
OMCEU together with ten other unions of which four are in-house unions for "white" municipal workers, were incorporated i n t o the
industrial council for the Johannesburg Municipal Undertaking on a closed-shop b a s i s . This e f f e c t i v e l y meant t h a t these two unions wxild be the only o f f i c i a l l y recognised r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s for a l l
the JCC's black employees. The workforce was further divided on a racial b a s i s , a l l "Coloured" workers automatically belonging t o
the JMCEU, a l l "black" workers automatically p a r t of the UJW. This
"fide access to the workers for unions standing o u t s i d e of t h i s forum very d i f f i c u l t . In order t o prove r e p r e s e n t i v i t y , which was Necessary in order to challenge the system, independent unions
^ u l d have t o require members to formally resign from these unions
as soon a s they signed up. This was d i f f i c u l t t o do in view of Workers fear of v i c t i m i s a t i o n .
^ e n wnere a union was able to gain members the union could never represent such workers a t departmental d i s c i p l i n a r y e n q u i r i e s , the
usual forum where i n d i v i d u a l grievances a r e handled. At b e s t the union could w r i t e a l e t t e r t o the Staff Board on a members behalf,
requesting t h a t an enquiry be held and then a s s i s t i n g the worker in terms of formulating h i s / h e r g r i e v a n c e . Given t h i s s i t u a t i o n many workers, w h i l s t a c t u a l l y belonging t o unions TCWU or MGWUSA, a c t u a l l y continued t o use in-house unions a t such proceedings.
Nevertheless the period since 1980 has seen the growing c o n s o l - idation of independent progessive unions organising l o c a l author- i t y workers. Up u n t i l now t h i s has taken the form of a slow
process of r e c r u i t i n g and t r a i n i n g membership. In t h i s sense the unions organising in t h i s sector a r e s t i l l lagging way behind the p r i v a t e s e c t o r unions, such as m e t a l , t e x t i l e s , chemicals, mining, and so f o r t h in terms of gaining recognition r i g h t s or any n e g o t i - a t i o n around s u b s t a n t i v e i s s u e s . This s i t u a t i o n was only beginning
t o change, p a r t i c u l a r l y with regard t o the JCC, in 1986/7.
As a r e s u l t of the d i f f i c u l t i e s experienced unions organising independently of the JCC r e s o r t e d t o e s t a b l i s h i n g "departmental works committees" along the same l i n e s as those which e x i s t e d p r i o r t o the s t r i k e . The works committee would be p a r t of the
union, and would r e c r u i t members on the u n i o n ' s behalf. These works committees would r e p r e s e n t general grievances a t the l e v e l
of each department. The union which made most use of t h i s t a c t i c was the TCWU. Subjects l i s t e d for committee d i s c u s s i o n in terms of the c o n s t i t u t i o n include hygiene and working c o n d i t i o n s , output and p r o d u c t i v i t y , c o n d i t i o n s of employment and b e n e f i t s , s a f e t y , employee s e r v i c e s (health schemes and t r a n s p o r t ) and d i s c i p l i n a r y procedures. The b e n e f i t s of organising along the committee system according t o TCWU i s t h a t i t created a space for t h e union t o
p e n e t r a t e the system a t p r e c i s e l y the p o i n t where t h e in-house unions were weakest (the shop floor) and a l s o t r a i n e d committee members in democratic worker r e p r e s e n t a t i o n . A union l i k e MGWUSA did not use t h i s system but formed committees a t the compounds where p o s s i b l e . These compound committees r e c r u i t e d members and popularised the union. MOJUSA had no way of r e p r e s e n t i n g
members o t h e r than those mentioned e a r l i e r .
A further union, SABMAWU, has tended t o s t a y out of the JCC area a l t o g e t h e r . This u n i o n ' s s t r a t e g y has been t o organise a l l the surrounding m u n i c i p a l i t i e s and black l o c a l a u t h o r i t i e s with the view t o c o n s o l i d a t i n g a power base t h e r e f i r s t , before t h e tough JCC employers could be taken on. In general SABMAWU's stance has been a l o t more m i l i t a n t . The union is almost s o l e l y responsible
for a rash of s t r i k e s amongst l o c a l a u t h o r i t y workers on the Rand
since 1985. All of these strikes have been "illegal". The union now claims that they have begun to organise JCC workers and that they are seriously considering applying for recognition and also registration. Like MGWUSA, SABMAWU has remained unregistered.
The following section will evaluate each of these unions in great- er detail. What becomes clear in the seperate paths pursued by
each since 1980 is that a whole record of struggle relating to the problem of organising local authority workers has built up. Union weaknesses up until now have naturally also become clearer.
MGWUSA
"
In 1981 the BMWU s p l i t i n t o two f a c t i o n s , the breakaway group went on t o form SABMAWU, w h i l s t those remaining with Joe Mavi and Gatsby Mazwi (two of the l e a d e r s in the 1980 s t r i k e ) e v e n t u a l l y formed the Municipal and General Workers union of South A f r i c a . I t appears
that t h e reason for t h e s p l i t r e l a t e d t o union f i n a n c e s . There were a l s o i d e o l o g i c a l t e n s i o n s between the two f a c t i o n s ; by 1983
these p o s i t i o n s had become s o l i d i f i e d . MGWUSA c l o s e l y i d e n t i f i e d with a n o n - r a c i a l p o s i t i o n and was one of t h e f i r s t unions t o j o i n the UDF. SABMAWU however r e t a i n e d the black consiousness t r a d i t i o n which had been p r e s e n t since the beginning of BMWU, and e v e n t u a l l y went i n t o t h e Council of Unions of South Africa (CUSA). MGWUSA has
recently merged with Municipal Workers Union, l a r g e l y Natal-based, in p r e p a r a t i o n for the move towards one n a t i o n a l l o c a l a u t h o r i t i e s union within COSATU. The new union - Municipal Workers Union of
South Africa - claims t o have a membership of nore than 10,000 n a t i o n a l l y and t o have s e t up branches in v a r i o u s p a r t s of t h e country. Exact membership f i g u r e s a r e d i f f i c u l t t o a s c e r t a i n how- ever because of t h e r e c e n t merger and because t h e r e have never
been s t o p - o r d e r f a c i l i t i e s . In the Johannesburg a r e a MGWUSA claims to have members a t Soweto Dobsonville, Krugersdorp, and the JGC.
Thus far MGWUSA has not been able t o e f f e c t i v e l y r e p r e s e n t members at any l o c a l a u t h o r i t y . The union organiser says t h a t b e s i d e s
committees s e t up a t compounds insofar a s the J0C i s concerned there i s no f u r t h e r contact with members. Members a r e forced t o v i s i t head-office or a l t e r n a t i v e l y they may a t t e n d seminars organ-
ised by the union a t various venues. Progress went f u r t h e r a t the Krugersdorp m u n i c i p a l i t y ; but no recognition r i g h t s e x i s t y e t .
3Swu
The Transport and General Workers Union has p o s s i b i l y made the
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f u r t h e s t in-roads i n t o organising and gaining access t o the JCC workforce. H i s t o r i c a l l y the core members of t h i s union were p a r t of a group of workers from the JCC who approached the I n d u s t r i a l Aid Society in 1978 over retrenchments. These workers were l a t e r
incorporated into the FOSATU Workers Project and t h e r e a f t e r became TCWU members. In the period 1978 to 1986 the union has managed t o
t r a i n workers in democratic worker r e p r e s e n t a t i o n , i t has s e t up a core following and presence on the shop floor through the d e p a r t - mental works committees. The union has a l s o gone f u r t h e s t in terms of gaining recognition r i g h t s , p a r t i c u l a r l y in the Natal r e g i o n . They claim t h a t b e s i d e s the JCC t h e r e a r e a l s o members a t B r i t s , Secunda, Springs and Diepmeadow. Thus far the union has concen-
t r a t e d on organising the JCC workers.
TCWU has up u n t i l now been a general union, defining i t s e l f i n i t i a l l y as a " s e r v i c e s e c t o r " union. The r e s u l t is t h a t TCWU has members in the Transport, Construction, Local Authority, and Security s e c t o r s . Of these the t o t a l number of l o c a l a u t h o r i t y workers, according to the union number about 9,COO n a t i o n a l l y . At
the JCC the union now has membership of roughly 1,800 of the t o t a l black workforce of roughly 14,000. The union is s t r o n g e s t in Natal where the l o c a l a u t h o r i t y component numbers about 5,000 of the
9,COO workers o r g a n i s e d .
The union has a c l e a r p o l i c y towards recognition agreements,
believing t h a t these should be sought as far as p o s s i b l e , a f t e r a p a r t i c u l a r l o c a l a u t h o r i t y has been well organised. There i s a l s o a strong t r a d i t i o n of building up shop floor s t r u c t u r e s and
developing a well t r a i n e d worker l e a d e r s h i p . The union shop stew- ard s t r u c t u r e s operate on a departmental b a s i s , o r g a n i s e r s t r y to ensure a departmental spread. These shop stewards then form a
n e g o t i a t i n g committtee t o n e g o t i a t e with management before and after recognition i s achieved. Because of the d i v e r s e c o n d i t i o n s surrounding n e g o t i a t i o n a t each l o c a l a u t h o r i t y the union follows a policy of s e l e c t i n g and organising per l o c a l a u t h o r i t y . " I t is
important t h a t members win demands on a l o c a l b a s i s f i r s t , because t h i s i s a way of mobilising and drawing in membership", says the union General S e c r e t a r y . Ultimately the union would l i k e t o
n e g o t i a t e on a s e c t o r or regional b a s i s , w h i l s t ensuring t h a t power a t the l o c a l l e v e l is not compromised. The unions a r e a
long way away from t h i s however, f i r s t they must c o n s o l i d a t e i n t o one strong n a t i o n a l union.
TCWU b e l i e v e s t h a t a s t r i k e should be the l a s t r e s o r t , t h a t a
onion should t r y t o strengthen i t s s t a t u s with a p a r t i c u l a r l o c a l a u t h o r i t y f i r s t . This i s because of the v u l n e r a b i l i t y of the work-
force in t h i s s e c t o r . Localised a c t i o n i s l i k e l y to lead t o mass dismissal or d e p o r t a t i o n . Mass d i s m i s s a l s , according t o the Gen- e r a l S e c r e t a r y , " g r e a t l y weaken the union , even if one does win
reinstatement t h e r e a f t e r , which i s highly u n l i k e l y . The u n i o n ' s capacity t o win the demands t h a t led t o the s t r i k e in t h e f i r s t place w i l l simply be l e s s e n e d " . In the l a s t s i x years TCWU has
only had t h r e e s t r i k e s in t h i s s e c t o r , a l l of which led t o d i s m i s s a l Nevertheless the union sees these years as having brought many
gains for t h e workers in s p i t e of the l i m i t a t i o n s . Housing commit- tees have been s e t up a t compounds which have solved many g r i e v - ances. The union organiser says t h a t f a c t i o n f i g h t s , drunkeness, and general f i g h t i n g have been curbed where these committees are
strong. One of the u n i o n ' s achievements has been the r i g h t for s i c k workers t o summon wives or c h i l d r e n t o look a f t e r them in the
event of i l l n e s s or d e a t h . The JCC has now provided accomodation for these purposes. The union has a l s o managed t o s e t up "safety committees" a t some depots which have seen various improvements in vrorking c o n d i t i o n s . The JCC now provides covers for t r u c k s t r a n s - porting workers t o and from w o r k s i t e s , a l s o workers now receive r a i n c o a t s , and o t h e r improvements have d e f i n i t e l y come as a r e s u l t of t h i s . The union sees even further gains now t h a t they have
joined the i n d u s t r i a l c o u n c i l .
_SABMAWU
SABMAWU defines i t s e l f broadly as a " s t a t e s e c t o r " union believing that t h i s i s one way in which d i v i s i o n s perpetuated by the s t a t e can be overcome. At present the union claims t o have membership of over 35,000 although t h e r e are a l s o no stop-order f a c i l i t i e s and
the l o c a l a u t h o r i t i e s component cannot be s p e c i f i e d . Branches have teen s e t up a l l along the Rand, including the Far East Rand region, the East Rand (where the union claims t o be s t r o n g e s t ) , the West Sand a r e a s , the Western Transvaal, and a l s o a JCC branch. The
W o n says t h a t branches in Natal have been l o s t t o NUPS (National Union of Public Servants) or have subsided a f t e r they broke away from CUSA in 1985. SABMAWU, l i k e NUM, broke from OJSA j u s t before the formation of COSATU, but remains o u t s i d e the new f e d e r a t i o n . The union has a h i s t o r y of m i l i t a n t s t r u g g l e a g a i n s t l o c a l
a u t h o r i t i e s in v a r i o u s a r e a s around Johannesburg. A s t r i k e by 700
^ r k e r s a t the Potchefstroom municipality in 1985 r e s u l t e d in mass a t t e s t s and d i s m i s s a l of the e n t i r e workforce. This s t r i k e was out
101
down with even g r e a t e r b r u t a l i t y than the 1980 s t r i k e . (7) Since then the union has co-ordinated s t r i k e s a t a number of black local a u t h o r i t i e s in 1986 including Thokoza, Tembisa, Kagiso, Soweto, Kathlehong, and s t r i k e s by h o s p i t a l workers such as a t JG Strydom and Baragwanath.
SABMAWU's progress has developed in waves. At one time the union had a l a r g e membership, which declined d r a s t i c a l l y a f t e r the break with CUSA. At the time the union came away v i r t u a l l y bankrupt, the organiser was l o s t t o CUSA and a l l contact with Natal broken. The
recent growth in 1986 has come with the s t r i k e s . As such the
u n i o n ' s s t r e n g t h , t h e i r a b i l i t y to develop a c o n s i s t e n t shop floor presence and n e g o t i a t i n g s k i l l s remains t o be t e s t e d . Thus far
the union has s u c c e s s f u l l y won reinstatement o r d e r s in a number of c a s e s , using the Supreme Court r a t h e r than e s t a b l i s h e d i n d u s t r i a l procedures. Most of these have been won a t the black l o c a l author-
i t i e s , r a i s i n g the likelihood t h a t the reasons for reinstatement were more often p o l i t i c a l than anything e l s e . The one day s t r i k e a t Thokoza, for example, was resolved a f t e r t h e Minister of
C o n s t i t u t i o n a l Development intervened p e r s o n a l l y . Explaining the reasons for t h i s the union l e g a l advisor s a i d :
The reason for t h e i r response [reinstatement and acceeding]
to worker demands i s probably more p o l i t i c a l - they d i d n ' t want the Council t o collapse as happened in Tembisa. The
s t a t e d e s p e r a t e l y needs to prove t h a t the BLA-system works".(8) SABMAWU's militancy has however t e s t e d the c o u r t s and employers in a number of ways. Legal loopholes, the r e s o r t to argument on the
b a s i s of common law r i g h t s , have been exposed. Employer ignorance, as in the case of Tembisa where reinstatement was achieved on the b a s i s of a judgement declaring the d i s m i s s a l s "unlawful", has a l s o been h i g h l i g h t e d . In t h i s case the local a u t h o r i t y had f a i l e d to comply with the procedural r u l e s for d i s m i s s a l , which must be done on an individual b a s i s , under the p r o v i s i o n s of the Black Local A u t h o r i t i e s Staff Relations in Government Gazette No. 2568 of
1983. The e f f e c t of the "unlawful d i s m i s s a l " judgement however
does not mean automatic r e i n s t a t e m e n t . In Tembisa the workers were eventually r e i n s t a t e d because of the i n a b i l i t y t o find scabs and
in the context of generalised p o l i t i c a l c r i s i s in the township.
One of the e f f e c t s of t h a t p a r t i c u l a r s t r i k e was t o r e s u l t in a
t o t a l breakdown of the whole l o c a l a u t h o r i t y s t r u c t u r e a s the mayor eventually resigned and the community joined the union in p r e s s u r -
ising the c o u n c i l . The Tembisa s t r i k e was of p a r t i c u l a r s i g n i f -
icance too in that the a c t u a l power of l o c a l a u t h o r i t y workers, a
power which goes beyond simply d i s r u p t i n g " e s s e n t i a l s e r v i c e s " was raised in a r e a l and p r a c t i c a l manner. SABMAWU has d e f i n i t e l y
exposed the weak s i d e of c e r t a i n l o c a l a u t h o r i t i e s . Black l o c a l a u t h o r i t i e s
Although the Black Local A u t h o r i t i e s (town, v i l l a g e councils) a r e presented by the s t a t e as being on an equal footing with any
"white" l o c a l a u t h o r i t y in the urban a r e a s , the r e a l i t y i s v a s t l y d i f f e r e n t . The s t a t e ' s r e f u s a l h i s t o r i c a l l y t o s u b s i d i s e t h e c o s t s of reproduction of the black working c l a s s has seen t h i s unfortun-
ate task devolved onto the shoulders of the BIAs. But they face large a r e a s t o s e r v i c e , chronic housing and i n f r a s t r u c t u r a l s h o r t - ages, and a weaker tax b a s e . Not s u r p r i s i n g l y the BIAs have exper- ienced permanent f i s c a l c r i s i s and the a t t e n d a n t f e r o c i t y of the community. The q u a l i t y of s e r v i c e s provided g e n e r a l l y remains low, whilst BIAs have become more famous for t h e i r increasing r e l i a n c e on r e p r e s s i v e measures, most notably through t h e "blackjacks"
(municipal policemen) t o resolve the township c r i s i s . Residents are expected t o pay e x h o r b i t a n t r e n t a l and s e r v i c e r a t e s w h i l s t they b e l i e v e t h a t what l i t t l e money t h e r e i s i s wasted on
corruption by the c o u n c i l l o r s .
Within t h e BIAs employment p r a c t i c e s with regard t o the s t a f f a r e extremely poor. Wages a r e u s u a l l y lower, w h i l s t forums t o d i s c u s s or resolve worker grievances a r e l a r g e l y a b s e n t . There a r e no
i n d u s t r i a l c o u n c i l s ; the question of granting r e c o g n i t i o n r i g h t s to unions remains couched in u n c e r t a i n t y and confusion. Unions
report t h a t c o u n c i l l o r s seem unsure of the power they have in t h i s regard. This became p a r t i c u l a r l y c l e a r in the Tembisa d i s p u t e
where the Town Clerk responded t o worker grievances by saying t h a t he needed t o c o n s u l t "higher a u t h o r i t i e s " f i r s t . According t o
SABMAWU, management response t o unions organising BIA workers has been c h a r a c t e r i s e d by r e j e c t i o n , r e f u s a l t o d i s c u s s wages or
working c o n d i t i o n s , delaying t a c t i c s employed in addressing g r i e v - ances, and so on. As a r e s u l t the recent s t r i k e s have p a r t i c u l a r l y
°ccured h e r e . Over the l a s t two years there have been spontaneous stoppages a t Kathlehong, Diepmeadow, Soweto Town Council, Kagiso, Sobsonville, Thokoza, and Tembisa. Many of these workers have been Ambers of SABMAWU.
The composition of t h e workforce i n d i c a t e s t h e c e n t r a l and growing importance of the " s e c u r i t y " s e c t i o n , the b l a c k j a c k s , now r e i n -
forced by the " k i t s k o n s t a b e l s " . These workers a r e a s t r a t e g i c p a r t 103
of the workforce both in terms of union organising and p o l i t i c a l l y Often they hold the key to unions' a b i l i t y t o gain access to the r e s t of t h e workforce. They guard compounds and workplaces, they are able t o monitor the movement of a l l people e n t e r i n g or leaving council p r o p e r t y . The policemen are a l s o important p o l i t i c a l l y as
they have been deployed t o guard the l i v e s of d i s c r e d i t e d and
unpopular c o u n c i l l o r s , or t o put down u n r e s t . Yet s u r p r i s i n g l y i t has often been the municipal policemen who have been a t the spear- head of s t r i k e s over b e t t e r wages and working c o n d i t i o n s . This has been the case in v i r t u a l l y a l l of the recent s t r i k e s . The Kathle- hong s t r i k e was p a r t i c u l a r y notable as policemen demonstrated a l e v e l of m i l i t a n c y unheard of before. The Sunday Star of 2.11.86 reported t h a t 115 municipal policemen "went beserk" a f t e r they demanded a wage increase from R200 t o R400 per month. In t h a t part-
icular case these policemen reportedly marched through the s t r e e t s of the township and were subsequently detained under emergency
r e g u l a t i o n s . What has become c l e a r i s t h a t a space for organising the municipal policemen and other BLA workers c l e a r l y e x i s t s . This task may become more e a s y , i r o n i c a l l y , as the s t a t e churns out
badly t r a i n e d , miserably e x p l o i t e d , i n s t a n t c o p s . In the Tembisa dispute t h e workers went even further as they joined hands with
the l o c a l community in questioning the e n t i r e l o c a l administration.
The Tembisa s t r i k e
Workers a t the Tembisa Town Council gathered a t the a d m i n i s t r a t i v e o f f i c e s on May 19 1986 a f t e r they were informed t h a t they would not be paid for heeding two stay-away c a l l s by community groups on
April 28 and May 14. The Town Clerk asked workers t o e l e c t r e p r e - s e n t a t i v e s t o d i s c u s s t h e i r g r i e v a n c e s . Apparently seven delegates were immediately e l e c t e d who then put forward a number of demands,
including r e c o g n i t i o n of t h e i r union (SABMAWU), reinstatement of two colleagues dismissed e a r l i e r , no pay deductions for observing the stay-aways, d i s m i s s a l of t h r e e white o f f i c a l s who were r a c i s t , and pay increased t o R700 per month. The mayor responded by t e l l i n g workers t h a t a union for BLA workers already e x i s t e d , the Transvaal Association for Employees of Black Local A u t h o r i t i e s . Workers
claim never t o have heard of such a union. Regarding the other grievances the mayor reported t h a t he would consult with a u t h o r -
i t i e s in P r e t o r i a f i r s t . Workers subsequently gathered a t the
o f f i c e s on the 20th, 23rd and 26th of t h a t month. On the 23rd they were informed t h a t a reply to t h e i r grievances would only be given on June 2 3 . This was r e j e c t e d , after which the council read out a general n o t i c e of d i s m i s s a l of the e n t i r e workforce. By the 26th a
number of workers congregating outside the o f f i c e s were teargassed by SADF members. Thereafer municipal policemen l i v i n g on c o u n c i l oremises were forcibly evicted and a l a r g e number of workers
detained under Emergency r e g u l a t i o n s .
after t h r e e weeks i t increasingly became c l e a r t h a t the community
^jQie r a l l y i n g in support of the workers. A Workers Action Commit- tee, comprising members from a number of d i f f e r e n t community
•roups, the Tembisa C i v i c , the Tembisa Working Committee, anH some
&.ZAPO members was s e t up t o help co-ordinate support for the
striking workers. Students and youth played a r o l e a s w e l l , o f f e r - ing to help c l e a r the township of p i l i n g rubbish and sewerage.
Community support played a major r o l e in preventing the council from employing s c a b s . Accordng t o the union:
They could not g e t scabs in Tembisa with i t s population of over half a m i l l i o n , with widespread unemployment, and the
e n t i r e workforce in d e t e n t i o n . They then abused the system s e t up by the Department of Manpower, t h i s R5 a day system, so
they brought in people from Soweto and S h a r p e v i l l e " . (9)
Nevertheless even these scabs were eventually dissuaded from being taken t o Tembisa. The union approached people a t pick-up p o i n t s explaining t h a t t h e r e was a s t r i k e in progress a t Tembisa. The
community a l s o played a major r o l e in p r e s s u r i s i n g scabs from
other a r e a s t o l e a v e . Soon the council c o u l d n ' t even find scabs to bus in from o t h e r a r e a s . Cooperation between the workers and the community e v e n t u a l l y saw a transformation of demands on both s i d e s . Council policemen through discussions held with the community
ended up expressing support for the r e n t b o y c o t t . At the same time both s i d e s resolved t h a t the Tembisa Town Council should simply resign. In t h i s way, according t o the union, l i n k s between t h e council workers low wages, corruption and high r e n t s were drawn.
It was resolved t h a t the workers should play a r o l e in p r e s s u r i s i n g the council members t o resign and t o monitor t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s .
Three months l a t e r the council eventually decided t o r e i n s t a t e a l l the workers, however o r i g i n a l demands have s t i l l not been met. At the time about 600 workers were s t i l l in d e t e n t i o n . In the interim the c o s t t o the council had been very g r e a t . No-one was prepared to e v i c t rent b o y c o t t e r s , a d m i n i s t r a t i v e work ground to a h a l t ,
^ 3 a number of c o u n c i l l o r s eventually resigned. This included the
"fcyor, Mr L L MDthibe.
*"he l e v e l of awareness amongst the workers has c l e a r l y increased.
°^ February 11 t h i s year council policemen once again came out on 105
s t r i k e , t h i s time demanding the resignation of one of the new Administrators - Mr More - appointed by the s t a t e in the wake of
the c o l l a p s e of the c o u n c i l . Union r e p o r t s on t h a t day s t a t e d t h a t
"our members have no confidence in t h i s man. They a r e d i s a t i s f i e d with the way he handled wage demands. They told us t h a t the coun- c i l has no money, but he demanded a R150,000 mayoral c a r " . (10)
Newspaper headlines c a l l e d i t a "Municipal Mutiny" and expressed s u r p r i s e a t the r o l e of the council policemen. A a r e s u l t of these demands Mr More and another o f f i c a l have r e p o r t e d l y been suspended.
Developments in Tembisa have c l e a r l y demonstrated the kind of power l o c a l a u t h o r i t y workers can a c t u a l l y have. Their r o l e a s providers of " s e r v i c e s " t o the community is i n c r e a s i n g l y being
i n t e r p r e t a t e d in a manner which takes account of the needs of the community f i r s t , not t h e i r bosses. Workers a r e beginning t o under- stand the impact of such s e r v i c e s on the community and are now beginning t o a p p r e c i a t e t h i s r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . This r e p r e s e n t s a d i r e c t challenge t o the myth of " n e u t r a l " s e r v i c e s provided, SABMAWU says t h a t t h e i r union c a l l s t h i s i n c u l c a t i n g a sense of
r e s p o n s i b i l i t y towards the commmunity. As l o c a l a u t h o r i t y unions they claim t h a t they a r e in the p r i v i l e g e d p o s i t i o n of having access t o these workers, something not e a s i l y done by community groups.
Towards one n a t i o n a l union
The new l o c a l a u t h o r i t i e s union, due to be launched l a t e r t h i s year by COSATU - incorporating the important Cape Town Municipal Workers Association - marks an important turning point in the
process of c o n s o l i d a t i n g union o r g a n i s a t i o n in t h i s s e c t o r . Other unions to form p a r t of the merger include the General and Allied Workers Union (GAWU) and South African Allied Workers Union (SAAWU) The t o t a l estimated membership of these unions however i n d i c a t e s
t h a t the l a r g e proportion of l o c a l a u t h o r i t y workers continue t o remain unorganised. The new union w i l l include about 40,000 of the 138,000 black workers within t h i s s e c t o r . The problem of lack of u n i t y , unions l i k e SABMAWU and NUPS, which remain outside of the new federation w i l l a l s o present further o b s t a c l e s t o union con- s o l i d a t i o n in t h i s a r e a , p a r t i c u l a r l y in the Transvaal r e g i o n . A number of d i f f i c u l t challenges face the new union: fragmented
bargaining s t r u c t u r e s ; the problem of in-house unions; low wages;
r a c i s t abuse and bad working c o n d i t i o n s . Present attempts t o
p r i v a t i s e various aspects of s e r v i c e provision must a l s o be looked a t . The problem of employer abuse of unemployment, the increasing
r e s o r t t o " c a s u a l " labour as a money saving device p o s s i b l y p r e - sents the most s e r i o u s immediate problem. JCC labour s t a t i s t i c s
indicate t h a t a l r e a d y more than 50% of t h e labour force a r e d e s i g - nated a s " c a s u a l " . In a d d i t i o n the JCC has v i r t u a l l y stopped
r e c r u i t i n g from t r a d i t i o n a l labour markets in the l a s t four y e a r s . (4any more urban vromen vrorkers a r e being drawn i n , on a c a s u a l
b a s i s , t o do t h e work t r a d i t i o n a l l y done by migrant men. e q u a l - isation and p r i v a t i s a t i o n c o n s t i t u t e a s e r i o u s t h r e a t t o vrorkers*
job s e c u r i t y and by implication t o t h e u n i o n s . The use of d a i l y c a s u a l s , on t h e R5 a day b a s i s i s a l s o i n c r e a s i n g . These vorkers are not e n t i t l e d t o any pensions b e n e f i t s , they may be e a s i l y
retrenched, and in the p r e s e n t context a r e even "cheaper" than
migrants. The m u n i c i p a l i t y does not have t o s u b s i d i s e t h e c o s t s of day t o day reproduction and saves on t r a n s p o r t provided in r e -
c r u i t i n g **>rkers from d i s t a n t r u r a l a r e a s .
In the long term the union w i l l have t o u n i t e a l l l o c a l a u t h o r i t - ies workers and work towards a s i t u a t i o n where p r e s e n t l e g a l
p r o h i b i t i o n s on t h e r i g h t t o s t r i k e can be c h a l l e n g e d . Local
a u t h o r i t y unions a l s o have a very s p e c i a l and c l o s e r e l a t i o n s h i p with community s t r u g g l e s , a s was indicated in t h e Tembisa s t r i k e ,
and hold a very important p o l i t i c a l r o l e in r e l a t i o n t o t h e s t a f - fing of the s t a t e a p p a r a t u s .
Footnotes
1. Interview with MGWUSA, February 1987
2. M Golding, "Workers in the s t a t e s e c t o r " , SALB 1 0 . 8 , 1985, p 43
3. "Hie s t r u g g l e for t r a d e union democracy: t h e case of the J*CEU", SALB 1 0 . 8 , 1985, p 32
4. M Golding, "Workers in the s t a t e s e c t o r " , p 49
5. "Company unionism - t h e JMZEU r e v i s i t e d " , SALB 1 1 . 1 , 1985, p 50
6. "The s t r u g g l e for t r a d e union democracy", p 33
7. "Potchestroom m u n i c i p a l i t y s t r i k e " , SALB 1 0 . 5 , 1985, p 18 8. Interview with SABMAWU, January 1987
9. ibid
10. The Star Africa News Service 12.2.87