The Question of Unity - A Reply - South African History Online

Alec E r w i n ' s paper, "The Question of U n i t y i n the S t r u g g l e " (SALB 1 1 . 1 , September 1985), r a i s e s many important issues t h a t are f a c - ing mass based o r g a n i s a t i o n s i n South A f r i c a . Erwin¹s attempt to i n i t i a t e "broad and coherent debate r a t h e r than piecemeal organ- i s a t i o n a l s n i p i n g " (p51) i s very welcome a t t h i s t i m e . However,

the paper i s f i n a l l y somewhat p u z z l i n g . I t s h i f t s around u n e a s i l y w i t h i n what Erwin c a l l s a "dilemma". On the one hand, we are t o l d

t h a t : "The s t r u g g l e f o r l i b e r a t i o n from a regime such as t h a t i n South A f r i c a r e q u i r e s maximum u n i t y of purpose among the oppressed people." (p69) On the other hand, Erwin argues, the " i m p e r a t i v e s imposed" by such popular u n i t y "do not encourage or f a c i l i t a t e

p o l i t i c a l p r a c t i c e s t h a t address t r a n s f o r m a t i o n . " (p60) Yet t r a n - sformation i s seen t o be c r i t i c a l f o r the successful r e s o l u t i o n of the South A f r i c a n s t r u g g l e . We are tossed, t h e n , between the need f o r maximum u n i t y , and the seemingly opposed need t o address

the c r u c i a l question of t r a n s f o r m a t i o n . "The dilemma i s an acute one f o r working class o r g a n i s a t i o n . " (p68)

Without w i s h i n g to deny the complexity of the i s s u e s , 1 b e l i e v e t h a t the dilemma i n question i s more of E r w i n ' s own Making. The r o o t cause of the dilemma i s , i r o n i c a l l y , a f a i l u r e on h i s p a r t t o c o n s i s t e n t l y approach matters from a c l a s s p e r s p e c t i v e . E r w i n ' s argument i s d i s t o r t e d and f i n a l l y h i j a c k e d by some r a t h e r ropey, u n d i a l e c t i c a l c a t e g o r i e s .

In the f i r s t p l a c e , there i s the c e n t r a l and mechanical d i s t i n c - t i o n t h a t he makes between " l i b e r a t i o n p o l i t i c s " and " t r a n s f o r m - a t i o n p o l i t i c s " . I s h a l l come to t h i s d i s t i n c t i o n l a t e r . Then,

w i t h i n the category of " l i b e r a t i o n p o l i t i c s " , Erwin enumerates

three p o s s i b l e forms - " n a t i o n a l defence", " n a t i o n b u i l d i n g " , and

" p o p u l i s m " . This i s an odd assortment of c a t e g o r i e s p u l l e d , p a r t - l y , from academic s o c i a l " s c i e n c e s " . Erwin then proceeds t o deduce c e r t a i n " i m p e r a t i v e s " t h a t mark these d i f f e r e n t forms of " l i b e r a - t i o n p o l i t i c s " .

"National Defence"

Although i t has only i n d i r e c t bearing on the South A f r i c a n s t r u g - g l e , I would l i k e t o begin t h i s c r i t i q u e by c o n s i d e r i n g what Erwin nas to say about the f i r s t form of " l i b e r a t i o n p o l i t i c s " , namely.

" n a t i o n a l d e f e n c e " . In so doing I hope t o begin t o i l l u s t r a t e the mechanical, u n d i a l e c t i c a l character of much of E r w i n ' s argument.

"National defence" i s a form of " l i b e r a t i o n p o l i t i c s " , we are

t o l d , i n which m o b i l i s a t i o n i s achieved a g a i n s t an exogenous ( i e . f o r e i g n ) regime occupying an e x i s t i n g n a t i o n . This form of l i b e r - a t i o n p o l i t i c s "has i n h e r e n t i n i t elements t h a t are r e a c t i o n a r y

i n t h a t both past and e x i s t i n g class i n t e r e s t s are f i x e d and p r o - tected by the symbolism of the n a t i o n being d e f e n d e d . . . National p r i d e and i d e n t i t y i s a m o b i l i s i n g f o r c e but i t a l s o s a i l s very close t o the winds of r a c i a l stereotype and o u t r i g h t r a c i s m . . . " . (p53) I n t h i s manner Erwin c h a r a c t e r i s e s " n a t i o n a l d e f e n c e " ; i t i s a very one-sided p o r t r a y a l . He f a i l s t o n o t i c e t h a t the major- i t y of s o c i a l i s t r e v o l u t i o n s have, i n f a c t , i n v o l v e d a strong

component of " n a t i o n a l defence" - China ( t h e n a t i o n a l l i b e r a t i o n s t r u g g l e a g a i n s t Japanese m i l i t a r i s t o c c u p a t i o n ) , Vietnam ( t h e s t r u g g l e s a g a i n s t French c o l o n i a l i s m , Japanese o c c u p a t i o n , US im- p e r i a l i s m ) , the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (Japanese o c c u p a t i o n , US l e d i n v a s i o n ) , and the post-war s o c i a l i s t r e v o l u - t i o n s i n E a s t e r n , Central and Southern Europe (which a l l emerged i n p a r t , from n a t i o n a l r e s i s t a n c e s t r u g g l e s a g a i n s t German and I t a l i a n o c c u p a t i o n ) .

I n other s o c i e t i e s where s o c i a l i s t t r a n s f o r m a t i o n i s under way -

Cuba, f o r instance - " n a t i o n a l defence" i s a s i g n i f i c a n t component i n m o b i l i s i n g f o r ongoing s o c i a l i s t t r a n s f o r m a t i o n . Among the f u n - damental organs of mass-based democracy i n Cuba are the l o c a l , community CDRs (Committees f o r the Defence of the R e v o l u t i o n ) . I n a l l of these instances of " n a t i o n a l defence", the symbolism of

the n a t i o n , w i t h i t s t r a d i t i o n s and h e r i t a g e , tends t o be evoked.

Such evocations o f a s i g n i f i c a n t past are not i n h e r e n t l y r e a c t i o n - a r y , r a c i s t o r conservative as Erwin suggests. I n a s i t u a t i o n

where, l e t us say, the feudal land-owning c l a s s e s , sections of the b o u r g e o i s i e , and some of the i n t e l l i g e n t s i a side w i t h a r e - a c t i o n a r y , f o r e i g n i n v a s i o n f o r c e , i t i s p o s s i b l e f o r the p r o l e t - a r i a t , i t s vanguard p a r t y and i t s mass based o r g a n i s a t i o n s ( e g .

trade unions) t o assume leadership of the s t r u g g l e f o r n a t i o n a l defence. I n t h i s case i t i s possible to m o b i l i s e ( i n an i n t e r n a t -

i o n a l i s t , n o t c h a u v i n i s t manner) around n a t i o n a l p r i d e and i d e n - t i t y , and, a t the same t i m e , i n the course of the s t r u g g l e , t o place s o c i a l t r a n s f o r m a t i o n on the agenda.

I n any s o c i e t y the past i s not the sole property of the r u l i n g c l a s s e s . The p a s t i s not only the past of r e a c t i o n , of the time-

bound, of oppressive h i e r a r c h i e s , of " g r e a t men", c h i e f s , k i n g s , p r i n c e s , of c o u r t l y t r a d i t i o n s and of a r e f i n e d and m y s t i f y i n g high c u l t u r e . That i s one v e r s i o n , a r e a c t i o n a r y v e r s i o n , of the national h e r i t a g e . But the past i s also a p a s t of s t r u g g l e s , of people's heroes, m a r t y r s , of legendary b a n d i t s , peasant r e v o l t s , c a r n i v a l s t h a t mock the e s t a b l i s h e d o r d e r , f o l k l o r e , work songs, music and dance. I n a l l cases of s o c i a l i s t t r a n s f o r m a t i o n , whether these have been dominated by " n a t i o n a l defence" or n o t , the work- ing class has been able t o a p p r o p r i a t e and present i t s own version of the p a s t . P a r t of the leading r o l e of the working c l a s s con-

s i s t s p r e c i s e l y i n t h i s , the a b i l i t y t o p r o j e c t i t s e l f as the class f o r c e best able t o spearhead a broad a l l i a n c e t h a t s a f e - guards the f i n e s t t r a d i t i o n s of the n a t i o n / p e o p l e .

Although our s t r u g g l e has i t s own special f e a t u r e s , t h e r e are general lessons t o be l e a r n t from the r i c h experience of i n t e r -

national s t r u g g l e s . To understand the o b j e c t i v e s i g n i f i c a n c e of a s t r u g g l e f o r " n a t i o n a l d e f e n c e " , or any o t h e r f o r t h a t m a t t e r , we need to approach the p a r t i c u l a r s t r u g g l e i n terms of the concrete class f o r c e s i n v o l v e d , t h e i r alignment w i t h other c l a s s e s , t h e i r t h e i r s t r e n g t h s and weaknesses. We cannot deduce i n an u n d i a l e c t -

i c a l and a h i s t o r i c a l manner t h a t " n a t i o n a l defence" w i l l , by def- i n i t i o n , tend t o be r e a c t i o n a r y .

This tendency t o a l l o w e c l e c t i c , s o c i o l o g i c a l c a t e g o r i e s t o d i s -

place a c l a s s understanding i s a f e a t u r e throughout E r w i n ' s paper.

I t i s , however, w i t h h i s second and t h i r d forms o f " l i b e r a t i o n p o l i t i c s " ( " n a t i o n b u i l d i n g " and "populism") t h a t re encounter t h e o r e t i c a l problems w i t h a more d i r e c t bearing upon the South A f r i c a n s t r u g g l e . According t o E r w i n , our s t r u g g l e has been domin-

ated by an "amalgam of populism and n a t i o n b u i l d i n g " ( p 6 0 ) . I n p a r t i c u l a r , i t i s "populism" t h a t concerns E r w i n . L e t us look at t h i s matter a l i t t l e more c l o s e l y .

"Populism"

I n E r w i n ' s view, "populism" occurs i n a s i t u a t i o n where there i s a r a d i c a l l y undemocratic, domestic regime, c r e a t i n g " t h e cond-

i t i o n s f o r an a l l i a n c e of classes whose economic i n t e r e s t s d i f f e r but who f i n d common cause a g a i n s t the regime" ( p 5 4 ) . The a p a r t h e i d regime c l e a r l y lays the basis f o r a m u l t i - c l a s s , popular a l l i a n c e opposed t o i t . But t o l a b e l such an a l l i a n c e " p o p u l i s t " i s already

load the issue i n a misleading and u n h e l p f u l manner.

I t I s analogous t o l a b e l l i n g someone who b e l i e v e s i n the leading r o l e of t h e working c l a s s a " w o r k e r i s t " , or t o l a b e l l i n g someone

" r e f o r m i s t " who believes t h a t winning reforms ( l e t us say i n l a b - our l e g i s l a t i o n ) can c l e a r the space f o r f u r t h e r advances. Popul- ism, l i k e workerism, and l i k e reformism, i s an i d e o l o g i c a l d e v i a - t i o n , based upon a mechanical, one-sided emphasis on one f a c t o r i n our s t r u g g l e . Workerism, while c o r r e c t l y c a l l i n g f o r the l e a d -

ing r o l e of the working c l a s s , f a i l s t o see t h a t t h i s l e a d e r s h i p must be exercised on a l l f r o n t s of the s t r u g g l e , and not j u s t i n

narrow " p u r e " working c l a s s , s h o p - f l o o r i s s u e s . Likewise populism, w h i l e c o r r e c t l y emphasising the need f o r maximum popular u n i t y

a g a i n s t a r e a c t i o n a r y regime, mistakes the common f a c t o r s t h a t u n i t e d i f f e r e n t classes and s t r a t a , f o r a simple i d e n t i t y of i n -

t e r e s t . Every f r o n t of s t r u g g l e c a r r i e s i t s own i n h e r e n t i d e o l o g - i c a l dangers. I t i s the duty of progressives w i t h i n the t r a d e union movement to broaden, develop and educate the spontaneous

workerism, economism and reformism t h a t tend t o occur i n the trade unions. S i m i l a r l y , populism tends t o emerge more or less spontan- eously w i t h i n the c o n t e x t of popular, n a t i o n a l democratic s t r u g -

g l e s . Trade unions are not per se w o r k e r i s t or r e f o r m i s t ,

m u l t i - c l a s s l i b e r a t i o n s t r u g g l e s a g a i n s t undemocratic regimes are not per se p o p u l i s t .

I t i s t r u e , however, t h a t r a d i c a l populism has played a l a r g e and g e n e r a l l y p r o g r e s s i v e r o l e w i t h i n our s t r u g g l e . The working class i n South A f r i c a , perhaps no less than other s e c t o r s of the oppres- sed, i s h e a v i l y imbued w i t h a p o p u l i s t i d e o l o g y , w i t h strong nat- i o n a l i s t , and o f t e n a l s o r e l i g i o u s overtones. I t i s the task of a l l progressives i n South A f r i c a to develop and t r a n s f o r m , where p o s s i b l e , t h i s populism i n t o a more s c i e n t i f i c , class based under-

standing o f our s t r u 9 g l e . T h i s development and t h i s t r a n s f o r m a t i o n are not opposed t o the task of cementing popular u n i t y - on the

c o n t r a r y . I t i s a dangerous, u n d i a l e c t i c a l e r r o r t o imagine t h a t the cause of u n i t y runs counter t o an understanding and a r t i c u l a - t i o n of d i f f e r e n c e s w i t h i n t h a t u n i t y . Nothing threatens u n i t y more than the i l l u s i o n t h a t the u n i t y i s based upon a complete

i d e n t i t y o f i n t e r e s t . For i n s t a n c e , when, i n the name of an u n d i f - f e r e n t i a t e d " p e o p l e " , students have b u r n t down the beer h a l l s of m i g r a n t w o r k e r s , the cause of popular u n i t y has not been served.

Such u n i t y r e q u i r e s an understanding of both the u n i f y i n g i n t e r - ests as w e l l as the c r u c i a l class and s t r a t a d i f f e r e n c e s w i t h i n the p e o p l e ' s camp. (The f l i p - s i d e of t h i s k i n d of populism i n v o l - ves a s i m i l a r f a i l u r e t o d i s t i n g u i s h and s t r a t e g i s e around c l a s s d i f f e r e n c e s w i t h i n the enemy camp.)

To conclude t h i s b r i e f survey of populism and i t s r e l a t i o n t o pop- u l a r a l l i a n c e s , i t should be noted t h a t , c o n t r a r y t o what Erwin

implies ( p 5 4 ) , common i n t e r e s t s are not a l l p o l i t i c a l , and the

d i v e r g e n t i n t e r e s t s are not a l l economic i n a p o p u l a r , m u l t i - c l a s s a l l i a n c e . In South A f r i c a , f o r i n s t a n c e , w h i l e oppressed black

t r a d e r s and black workers have common p o l i t i c a l i n t e r e s t s ( t h e r e - moval of group a r e a s , pass laws, e t c . ) , they a l s o have c e r t a i n

common economic i n t e r e s t s (the s t r u g g l e a g a i n s t monopoly domina- t i o n , f o r i n s t a n c e ) .

" L i b e r a t i o n p o l i t i c s " and " t r a n s f o r m a t i o n p o l i t i c s "

E r w i n ' s tendency t o e r e c t mechanical, u n d i a l e c t i c a l o p p o s i t i o n s in theory where none need e x i s t i n p r a c t i c e , i s no-where more ap- parent than i n h i s d i s t i n c t i o n between " l i b e r a t i o n p o l i t i c s " and

" t r a n s f o r m a t i o n p o l i t i c s " . Indeed, i t i s t h i s d i s t i n c t i o n which dominates the whole paper. By " l i b e r a t i o n p o l i t i c s " he means a

form o f p o l i t i c s i n v o l v i n g wide, c r o s s - c l a s s u n i t y and the p u r s u i t of broad i n t e r n a t i o n a l s o l i d a r i t y . He sees t h i s form of p o l i t i c s as being d i r e c t e d e s s e n t i a l l y a t the question o f l e g i t i m a c y . " L i b - e r a t i o n p o l i t i c s " seeks t o undermine the l e g i t i m a c y of an unpop- u l a r regime, i n so d o i n g , we are t o l d , i t suppresses class d i f f e r - ences w i t h i n the people's camp, and tends t o suppress, t h e r e f o r e , a l l c o n s i d e r a t i o n of t r a n s f o r m a t i o n .

In d e a l i n g w i t h the South A f r i c a n s t r u g g l e , Erwin c o r r e c t l y quer- ies the v a l i d i t y of the "usual two stage argument" ( p 6 8 - 9 ) . ( I am not sure whose " u s u a l " argument i t i s - are there any claimants f o r p a t e r n i t y ? - but nevermind.) U n f o r t u n a t e l y , i n place of two stages, Erwin e r e c t s a simple two t r a c k approach i n s t e a d . These two separate t r a c k s a r e , p r e c i s e l y , " l i b e r a t i o n p o l i t i c s " and

" t r a n s f o r m a t i o n p o l i t i c s " . The only r e l a t i o n s h i p between these two forms of s t r u g g l e appears t o be a n t a g o n i s t i c , g e t t i n g i n each o t h - e r ' s way. What i s b e w i l d e r i n g about E r w i n ' s paper i s t h a t he hands out bouquets to " l i b e r a t i o n p o l i t i c s " , w h i l e a t the same time he

portrays i t as o b s t r u c t i o n i s t t o the " t r a n s f o r m a t i o n p o l i t i c s " he f i n a l l y endorses. I have a l r e a d y , a t the o u t s e t , noted the r e s u l t - ing "dilemma". I would l i k e t o deal w i t h t h i s "dilemma" i n a

l i t t l e more d e t a i l . Let us f i r s t consider the i n t e r n a t i o n a l a s p e c t . The i n t e r n a t i o n a l f a c t o r

According t o E r w i n , " l i b e r a t i o n p o l i t i c s " , i s " c r u c i a l l y shaped by i n t e r n a t i o n a l r e a c t i o n s " . (p57) On the i n t e r n a t i o n a l f r o n t , as on

the domestic, i t makes good sense to win f r i e n d s w h i l e i s o l a t i n g to the maximum the p r e v a i l i n g regime. The i n t e r n a t i o n a l a n t i -

a p a r t h e i d s t r u g g l e has, as Erwin n o t e s , (p60) achieved remarkable r e s u l t s over the l a s t two decades. Support f o r the South A f r i c a n l i b e r a t i o n s t r u g g l e comes from a d i v e r s i t y of sources - govern- ments, p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s , i n t e r n a t i o n a l bodies, trade union feder- a t i o n s , r e l i g i o u s and humanitarian groups. The p o l i t i c a l i n c l i n a -

t i o n s of these sources range from communist t o l i b e r a l and beyond.

Erwin i s not wrong to suggest t h a t the p u r s u i t of the w i d e s t poss- i b l e a n t i - a p a r t h e i d support might place c o n s t r a i n t s on the elabor- a t i o n of the tasks of t r a n s f o r m a t i o n i n c e r t a i n forums. He i s

wrong, however, t o n o t see other aspects t o t h i s s t r u g g l e . Above a l l , he f a i l s to n o t i c e the s u b s t a n t i a l c o n t r i b u t i o n t h a t the a n t i a p a r t h e i d s t r u g g l e i s making, a t an i d e o l o g i c a l l e v e l , to question of t r a n s f o r m a t i o n on a w o r l d - s c a l e . The i n t e r n a t i o n a l , a n t i - a p a r t -

heid campaign has served t o i s o l a t e not only our own regime, but also ( t o some e x t e n t a t l e a s t ) the major i m p e r i a l i s t regimes. The r u l i n g i m p e r i a l i s t groups i n the US possess massive p o l i t i c a l and i d e o l o g i c a l resources. T h e i r a b i l i t y to s e l l the c a p i t a l i s t , "Am- e r i c a n way of l i f e " , w h i l e sowing d i s i n f o r m a t i o n about the ach-

ievements of o t h e r s o c i a l systems, i s one of the major i d e o l o g i c a l blockages t o developing a " t r a n s f o r m a t i o n a l " outlook on a w o r l d -

s c a l e . However, t h e i r continued support f o r the a p a r t h e i d regime and f o r South A f r i c a n c a p i t a l i s m has dented t h e i r p r e s t i g e , and underlined i n t e r n a t i o n a l l y the a n t i - d e m o c r a t i c , predatory charac-

t e r of i m p e r i a l i s m . Our own s t r u g g l e here i n South A f r i c a has, t h e r e f o r e , s t r e n g t h e n e d , i n i t s own small way, the cause of i n t e r - n a t i o n a l t r a n s f o r m a t i o n . This i s a p o i n t o f t e n made, w i t h g r e a t r e g r e t , by l i b e r a l a p o l o g i s t s f o r c a p i t a l i s m . W i t h i n South A f r i c a , continued i m p e r i a l i s t support accorded t o the a p a r t h e i d regime, and h i g h l i g h t e d by i n t e r n a t i o n a l s o l i d a r i t y , presents p o s s i b i l i t -

i e s f o r mass education With strong t r a n s f o r m a t i o n i m p l i c a t i o n s . Economic development and reform

The u n f o r t u n a t e e f f e c t s of Erwin¹s mechanical o p p o s i t i o n between

" l i b e r a t i o n p o l i t i c s " and " t r a n s f o r m a t i o n p o l i t i c s " i n South A f r - i c a i s a l s o apparent i n h i s c o n s i d e r a t i o n of the impact of recent economic development and of the regime's reform i n i t i a t i v e s . On page 61 we are t o l d t h a t "Economic growth and p o l i t i c a l reform are weakening the cement of populism" ( i e . of the popular, or national democratic a l l i a n c e as I would p r e f e r t o c a l l i t ) . But on page 66 we are t o l d something a b i t d i f f e r e n t . T h i s self-same economic

growth has, i n f a c t , r e s u l t e d i n a deep-seated s t r u c t u r a l c r i s i s and massive unemployment and p o v e r t y . Not only w i l l the govern-

ment be unable to buy o f f s i g n i f i c a n t s t r a t a of the i n d u s t r i a l and r u r a l p r o l e t a r i a t , b u t : " In f a c t prospects d o n ' t look too good

f o r the p e t t y - b o u r g e o i s i e and s m a l l - s c a l e c a p i t a l . T h i s could give new l i f e t o populism and i f n a t i o n - b u i l d i n g became an a c t i v e p r o - cess then t h i s would r e i n f o r c e a popular a l l i a n c e .

This second statement seems t o me more a c c u r a t e , but i t i s s t i l l r a t h e r h e s i t a n t . We are l i v i n g i n a time of h e i g h t e n e d , country- wide popular u p r i s i n g s , consumer b o y c o t t s , s t a y - a t - h o m e s , school

b o y c o t t s , r e n t b o y c o t t s , very l a r g e p o l i t i c a l f u n e r a l s w i t h comm- u n i t i e s s y m b o l i c a l l y t a k i n g c o n t r o l of t h e i r townships f o r the day, and of widespread physical c o n f r o n t a t i o n w i t h the s e c u r i t y

f o r c e s . I t seems, t h e n , a l i t t l e inaccurate t o speak so t e n t a t i v e - l y of the p o s s i b i l i t y t h a t "new l i f e " might be g i v e n t o the "weak- ened cement" of popular a l l i a n c e s . ( I am n o t , i n c i d e n t a l l y , sug- g e s t i n g t h a t there are not a l s o uneven processes and d i f f i c u l t i e s w i t h i n t h i s massive, r o l l i n g wave of popular s t r u g g l e . )

I t i s t r u e t h a t c o n t r a d i c t o r y economic developments are throwing up new s t r a t a w i t h i n the black communities. These new s t r a t a a r e ,

i n p r i n c i p l e , a v a i l a b l e f o r possible co-option by the regime's reform i n i t i a t i v e s . However, t o d a t e , n e i t h e r these economic dev- elopments, nor the regime's p o l i t i c a l i n i t i a t i v e s have scored any

s u b s t a n t i a l v i c t o r i e s . Once more, E r w i n ' s tendency to approach issues u n d i a l e c t i c a a l y reveals i t s e l f . In t h i s case, the broad working masses and t h e i r a l l i e s are t r e a t e d , i t seems t o me, as

passive o b j e c t s upon which economic growth, and upon which govern- ment p o l i t i c a l reforms impress themselves. To say t h a t the govern- ment's p o l i t i c a l reforms are weakening the cement of popular a l - l i a n c e i s t o mistake government (and c a p i t a l i s t ) i n t e n t i o n s , f o r actual achievements. The attempted reforms of 1984 created p o l i t -

i c a l space t h a t a broad range of working c l a s s and popular organ- i s a t i o n s were able t o a c t i v e l y e x p l o i t . The l e v e l of popular mob- i l i s a t i o n , and ( t o an e x t e n t ) o r g a n i s a t i o n has r i s e n d r a m a t i c a l l y in the l a s t 12 months. I f a n y t h i n g , the r e g i m e ' s b a c k - f i r i n g r e - forms have strengthened the cement of popular a l l i a n c e . This i s not to say t h a t complacency can now be the o r d e r of the day, t h a t the regime might not make gains i n the f u t u r e . Nor ( f o r those who see populism as the b i g g e s t headache) should we imagine t h a t some elements and s t r a t a c u r r e n t l y drawn i n t o p o p u l a r s t r u g g l e are en-

t i r e l y r e l i a b l e , unwavering and u n l i k e l y t o d e s e r t .

From p r o t e s t t o challenge

I t i s w o r t h w h i l e r e f l e c t i n g more on the broad a n t i - r e f o r m campaign of 1984, and i t s impact on the events of 1985. The a n t i - r e f o r m

campaign c e r t a i n l y assumed many of the f e a t u r e s t h a t Erwin assoc- i a t e s w i t h " l i b e r a t i o n p o l i t i c s " . I t sought t o m o b i l i s e the maxi- mum u n i t y a g a i n s t the regime. This u n i t y was m o b i l i s e d l o c a l l y and

i n t e r n a t i o n a l l y . The f i r s t goal of the campaign was to d e p r i v e

( b a s i c a l l y through e l e c t i o n boycotts) the new t r i c a m e r a l parliament and Black Local A u t h o r i t i e s of a l l l e g i t i m a c y . The campaign ended, unquestionably, i n a resounding v i c t o r y f o r a l l popular f o r c e s . However, the r e s u l t i n g m o b i l i s a t i o n and o r g a n i s a t i o n on the one

s i d e , and the massive p o l i t i c a l c r i s i s of the regime on the o t h e r , have now opened up i n t o countrywide s t r u g g l e s t h a t go beyond ques- t i o n s of l e g i t i m a c y and p r o t e s t t o address issues of transforma- t i o n . Consumer boycotts of white shops, f o r i n s t a n c e , have l e d t o popular u n i t y between the working masses and black shopkeepers.

These boycotts have not n e c e s s a r i l y l e d t o a s i m p l e , c l a s s - b l i n d populism. I n many cases b l a c k , l a r g e l y working c l a s s , communities organised i n c i v i c bodies and consumer a c t i o n committees have

l e a r n t t o draw black shopkeepers i n t o the campaign (they stand t o g a i n , of c o u r s e ) , w h i l e a t the same time m o n i t o r i n g , and where necessary pressuring these shopkeepers, t o ensure t h a t p r i c e s on e s s e n t i a l goods are lowered, and t h a t other p r i c e s are not spec- u l a t i v e l y r a i s e d . Where i t has achieved r e s u l t s , the development of the consumer b o y c o t t has r e q u i r e d , t h e r e f o r e , a c o r r e c t under- standing of class d i f f e r e n c e s w i t h i n popular u n i t y . A t the same

time the q u e s t i o n of democratic c o n t r o l and the t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of s o c i a l consumption has begun t o be addressed.

On the education f r o n t i n the Western Cape, f o r i n s t a n c e , the school b o y c o t t s , or r a t h e r the c u r r i c u l u m b o y c o t t s have a r i s e n d i r e c t l y o u t of the s o i l of l a s t y e a r ' s a n t i - e l e c t i o n campaign.

I n marches on locked s c h o o l s , and i n a l t e r n a t i v e programmes, par- e n t s , teachers and students have gone beyond c h a l l e n g i n g the

s t a t e ' s (and Carter Ebrahim's) l e g i t i m a c y , t o advancing questions of popular (and o f t e n , working c l a s s ) c o n t r o l and t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of e d u c a t i o n . Other examples may be c i t e d , the p o i n t I wish t o u n d e r l i n e i s t h a t " t r a n s f o r m a t i o n p o l i t i c s " can, and has emerged from the impetus of " l i b e r a t i o n p o l i t i c s " . They do not belong t o

two i r r e c o n c i l a b l e t r a c k s , f o r e v e r presenting us w i t h a dilemma.

I hope the examples I have used w i l l also serve t o show t h a t ques- t i o n s of " t r a n s f o r m a t i o n " are not j u s t emerging i n " t h e independ-

ent s h o p - f l o o r based unions" as Erwin seems t o imply. (p68) Unity and t r a n s f o r m a t i o n

I do not deny t h a t balancing the need f o r economic (and o t h e r )

programmes r e l a t e d t o t r a n s f o r m a t i o n w i t h the need to develop wide u n i t y and i n t e r n a t i o n a l s o l i d a r i t y can be complicated t a s k s . There are d i f f e r e n t l e v e l s of work, t h e r e are d i f f e r e n t s t y l e s of work which are a p p r o p r i a t e a t these d i f f e r e n t l e v e l s . How t o ensure the

g r e a t e s t success i n one p a r t i c u l a r f i e l d , i n a p r i n c i p l e d way,

w i t h o u t u n d e r c u t t i n g the broader " t r a n s f o r m a t i o n " s t r u g g l e , i s n o t always an easy m a t t e r . But developing a p p r o p r i a t e s t r a t e g i e s and t a c t i c s i s not a s s i s t e d by e r e c t i n g a w a l l between " l i b e r a t i o n p o l i t i c s " and " t r a n s f o r m a t i o n p o l i t i c s " .

How do we go forward? C e r t a i n l y , the question of t r a n s f o r m a t i o n needs t o be looked a t much more s e r i o u s l y , i t needs t o be r a i s e d , in and through s t r u g g l e , w i t h i n a l l progressive o r g a n i s a t i o n s . T h i s i s a c o l l e c t i v e t a s k .

C e r t a i n l y , a l s o , a g r e a t deal more a t t e n t i o n needs t o be given to deepening mass-based democracy i n a l l sectors ( l a b o u r , c i v i c , s t u - dent, y o u t h , women, sports e t c . ) . This means developing the c o l l - e c t i v e character of d e c i s i o n - m a k i n g , t i g h t e n i n g up on d i s c i p l i n e , and on the a c c o u n t a b i l i t y of l e a d e r s h i p . Deepening democracy i s ,

i n p r i n c i p l e , an important means t o ensuring g r e a t e r working class p a r t i c i p a t i o n , r e s p o n s i b i l i t y and l e a d e r s h i p w i t h i n our s t r u g g l e . The task of extending and deepening mass-based democratic o r g a n i s - a t i o n i s a l s o p a r t i c u l a r l y important a t a time when the a p a r t h e i d

regime and i n t e r n a t i o n a l and l o c a l c a p i t a l are manoeuvring f r a n - t i c a l l y t o take the steam o u t of the c u r r e n t wave of popular s t r - uggle. On the one hand, l e a d e r s h i p of progressive o r g a n i s a t i o n s i s being decimated through d e t e n t i o n , t r i a l and s t r a i g h t assassina-

t i o n . On the other hand, various r e f o r m i s t plans hope to detach and c o r r u p t c r e d i b l e leadership from the mass base, w i t h a view t o

n e g o t i a t i n g , behind closed doors, some arrangement t o render South A f r i c a safe f o r l o c a l c a p i t a l i s m and i n t e r n a t i o n a l i m p e r i a l i s m . Although I am convinced t h a t n e i t h e r repression nor the various

r e f o r m i s t c o n f e c t i o n s w i l l succeed i n t h e i r u l t i m a t e dreams, the task of deepening mass-based democracy acquires g r e a t e r urgency.

(Jeremy C r o n i n , November 1985)