A major factor in this process was the huge increase in the number of researchers. First, the crisis of Marxism, which culminated in the events in Eastern Europe in 1989, cast doubt on explicitly Marxist views. New scientific discussions often take place in scattered issues of journals that are sometimes difficult to find.
Maynard Swanson, »The Sanitation Syndrome«: Bubonic Plague and Urban Native Politics in the Cape Colony Journal of African History Cambridge University Press).
INTRODUCTION
One of the defining aspects of South Africa was the extent and scope of its discriminatory legislation. Economic explanations were developed by other radical social scientists in the early 1970s at the height of the apartheid era. 8 S.Trapido, ‘“The Friends of the Natives”: Merchants, Peasants and the Political and Ideological Structure of Liberalism in the Cape in Marks and Atmore (eds) Pre-Industrial South Africa.
19 J. Cock, Maids and Madams (Johannesburg, 1980); C. van Onselen, Studies in the Social and Economic History of the Witwatersrand 1886–.
THE SANITATION SYNDROME
In fact, these guardians of the Cape's liberal tradition appear to have been prepared from the outset to undermine the already tenuous future of African freedoms—the possibility of entry into a common society through urban nexus—for social and humanitarian concerns. Without it, "The native would . . . abandon the locality in favor of the attractions afforded by residence in the city." Gregory's policing mentality showed that the sanitation syndrome meant much more than amelioration: 'The police are the proper authority [to grant exemptions from sites] ... especially as the question of sanitation itself ... is less important than some of the other points ....
For Sauer and other critics, 'the real heart of the bill was the powers it gave to the government'.
BRITISH HEGEMONY AND THE ORIGINS OF
AFRICA, 1901–14 *
SANAC is clearly an important landmark in the development of the South African state's 'indigenous policy', although it could be argued that it represented the sum of local and not metropolitan wisdom. Indian' and 'Australian' models of colonial rule, and identifying the South African situation as a mixture of the two. Complete separation of the two races ... is obviously impossible, for geography and economics forbid it.
It favored an imperial connection and favored mining and mercantile interests.
CAPITALISM AND CHEAP LABOUR POWER IN
SOUTH AFRICA
This is complemented in the urban industrial areas by the refinement of the mechanisms of labor coercion that guarantee the cheapness of labor in Africa. The extended family in the reserves is capable of, and does, fulfill 'social security' functions necessary for the reproduction of the migrant labor force. The conclusion that emerges is that production on the reserves generally provides a declining fraction of the total subsistence of migrant workers.
So far I have discussed the economic changes in the reserves which significantly undermined the economic basis of the migrant labor system and similarly a significant. Even in the first years of its regime, the government did not accept the possibility of the reserves becoming self-governing and autonomous areas. Second, political control on the reservations was evidently recognized as no solution to the problem of the endless expansion of a working class totally removed from the reservations.
However, it is in the area of economic development that the emerging role of reserves becomes most apparent. I am not referring here to the rather minor role of the various development companies (Bantu Development Corporation, Xhosa Development Corporation, etc.) in promoting economic development in the reservations. The third, and in some ways perhaps the most important aspect, concerns the living conditions of African workers in frontier industries.
As in the case of frontier industries, various incentives are provided to encourage investment. 9 of the Social and Economic Planning Council, Native Reserves and their place in the economy of the Union of South Africa (U.G. [Union Government Parliamentary Papers] 32/1946);.
NATAL, THE ZULU ROYAL FAMILY AND THE
IDEOLOGY OF SEGREGATION
But he acknowledges the king's ability to also garner wider Zulu national support. Considering the importance of members of the Zulu royal family in the modern politics of the republic and the role. Not only were many of the key ideologues of segregation during this period male by birth—.
It is to these latter aspects that I wish now to turn by examining in more detail the attitude of the Natal Government towards the Zulu royal family. Again, the attitude of the Natal government was passionately against any form of recognition of the special position of the Zulu kings. Although, as Jeff Guy has pointed out, proletarianization in Zululand probably began with the destruction of the Zulu kingdom in the 1880s,45 it was still a very uneven and jagged process.
It is against this background that the Zulu response to the spread of ICU in the countryside must be understood. After all, in the Zulu state, the king represented the unity of the community, its father and redistributor. The beginnings and development of Inkatha were as much the result of the deliberate revival of traditional forms by the Zulu royal family as the possible spontaneous reactions of the Zulu people.
The process even in Zululand had its roots in the late nineteenth century, but the spread and extent of the problem seems new. The relaxation and maintenance of the old native aristocracy is essential to the growth of the adaptationist ideal.
MARXISM, FEMINISM AND SOUTH AFRICAN
STUDIES *
Because cultivation was the responsibility of the lady of the house; and since a series of banned. A final example can be taken from the sharecropping economy that emerged in the Transvaal around the turn of the century. The emerging irony of women's position in the "patchwork of patriarchies" is that in certain crucial cases, their weaknesses are turned into strengths and their strengths into weaknesses.
For the real operation of patriarchy on the ground involves a complex interplay between the "many patriarchies" of the mercantile age and the warring tendencies of modern capitalism. How many relatives does the capitalist take into account when estimating the "ideal wage" for a certain stratum of the working class. Thus, black miners earn less than white miners, even if black male families are poor and live in cities (as some were already in the 1890s); and even if the whites in question are single young men who are also migrants (as in the case of Cornishmen in the 1890s and 1900s).
We already know that women in pre-industrial African societies took on some of the heaviest jobs. It must certainly be the case that the presence of 'women and children' was an inevitable condition of them. For discussions of the use of the term see Shelia Rowbotham, 'The Trouble with Patriarchy', and S.Alexander and B.Taylor, 'In Defense of.
37 See Transvaal Indigency Commission Report, 1906–8 (Pretoria, 1908); and the Carnegie Commission Report, vol. 45 The criticism that follows owes much to the work of Charles van Onselen, 'The World the Mine-Owners Made', in Studies in the Social and Economic History of the Witwatersrand vols (London, 1982), as well as to Maxine Molyneux, 'Beyond the domestic labor debate'.
THE ELABORATION OF SEGREGATIONIST
IDEOLOGY
The search for the first use of 'segregation' in South Africa should not obscure the more significant point that segregation only became an established political keyword in the first two decades of the twentieth century. During the second half of the nineteenth century there was a spectacular explosion of biologically based racial science in the English-. It did this by incorporating – and transcending – the evolutionist assumptions of liberal assimilation (which believed . in the capacity of the black man 'to stand up') as well as of racist.
Consideration of the ways in which the term 'culture' was popularly used in the 1920s and 1930s reveals an intriguing diversity of its connotations. If differentiation between species was a feature of the natural world, it was (by a process of inference) also true of society. On the one hand, the Hertzogite detachment maintained strong views on the abolition of the Cape franchise, the white.
15 P.Rich, 'The Agrarian Counter-Revolution in the Transvaal and Origins of Segregation African Studies Seminar Paper, University of the Witwatersrand M.Legassick and D.Innes. Evans traveled to the United States, after which he published a second volume, Black and White in the Southern States: A Study of Race. He was closely involved in the Joint Council movement and became the first Chairman of the South African Institute of Race Relations in 1929.
65 On the material basis of Cape liberalism, see Stanley Trapido's pioneering essay 'Friends of the Natives': Merchants, Peasants and the Political and Ideological Structure of Cape Liberalism, . For a discussion of the influence of anthropology on liberal thought in the 1920s and 1930s, see Rich, White Power, ch.
CHIEFTAINCY AND THE CONCEPT OF
ARTICULATION
If this outline caricatures some of the more complex contributions to the debate about the nature of the South African state, it does not entirely misrepresent them. Cheap labor was not only desirable but essential due to the nature of the South African gold industry. The first step in the argument comes from a reinterpretation of the origins of migrant labor, the underlying relation of exploitation that Wolpe and others have focused on.
The system was, at least initially, a compromise between capital and the peasantry - it reflected the inability of the state to transform African society. Because of their key position in the political economy of the late nineteenth-century Cape, they achieved considerable prominence as political actors. In significant parts of the Cape reserve areas, especially in the Transkeise Areas, they were less significant than in the Eastern Cape.
It is perhaps possible to suggest two general characteristics of the political compromises reached. This, together with the political compromises reached in the first few decades of the century, had important consequences in the following years. Some educated chiefs and headmen accepted the logic behind the schemes; others felt that they could benefit from working with the government.
Eg. cattle slaughter was halted in the Transkei when limited self-government was introduced in 1963; the idea of the economic unit was revived only recently. The suggestions made here about the trajectory of rural struggles in the early decades of the twentieth century may have relevance to some agricultural districts.).
