While China was shaking, there were struggles and strikes in the USSR, the center of the 'communist' world. In light of the 'Gorby' mania that swept through Eastern European states, it is possible that the communist parties were transformed. It cannot rule in the old way and the west cannot provide the economic aid needed to pull the Soviet economy out of the quagmire.
Paul Trewhela
Deshpande, Advisor at the Department of Economic Analysis and Policy, Reserve Bank of India. However, it is in the hands of the IMF that the politics of the ANC must end. After all, it is the future of workers in South Africa that is under scrutiny.
The ANC passed from the patronage of the USSR to the US sphere of interest. The perspective of the banks and finance ministries now has enormous support, through the ANC and the SACP, in the organized working class.
1919-24 Michael Cox
First, that the Comintern under Stalin and Bukharin had developed a completely wrong analysis of the national bourgeoisie. The problem arises, however, with regard to the precise origins of the Comintern's disastrous policies in China. Finally, what analysis was there of the relationship between the colonial bourgeoisie and imperialism on the one hand and the proletariat and peasantry on the other?
He made no theoretical argument for the dictatorship of the proletariat, even though it was the only possible political solution to the colonial revolution. Second, by establishing the KMT as the central focus of the 'national revolution', the leadership of that struggle was transferred to the colonial bourgeoisie. Part of the answer clearly lies in the ambivalent legacy on the national and colonial question left by Lenin.
Both for the general strategy and for the attitude towards the colonial bourgeoisie, his formulations allowed for different interpretations, especially on the question of the relationship between communists and nationalists in the colonial revolution. A strategic alliance with the colonial bourgeoisie, if it was to be sustainable, required the submission of the class to the national struggle or its suppression. Therefore, the revolutionary potential of the colonial revolution was subjugated to Soviet demands.
The Comintern eliminated the contradictions of the thesis on the colonial question of 1920 by moving in the opposite direction.
THE BLACK REPUBLIC SLOGAN - PART II THE RESPONSE OF THE TROTSKYISTS
And in the supposed task of the CPSA (fighting for independence and democracy) what was meant by the assertion that the Afrikaner had to 'get involved' with the Afrikaner. There was an urgent need for a program based on a critique of South Africa's political economy and an examination of the dynamics of change in the country. In their opposition to the Comintern, WP members proposed the program of a revolutionary party.
The thesis then went on to examine the issue of land in terms of capital needs. This was a return to the position of CPS A (as see above quotes) and was admittedly absurd. Unaware of the specific conditions in South Africa, Trotsky was being overly modest.
The South African possessions of Great Britain form a Dominion only from the point of view of the white minority. Trotsky also highlighted one of the problems the revolutionary movement would face in the 1930s and 1970s. Only in the Transvaal did members of the left opposition make a serious attempt to organize a black trade union movement.
The former members of the Labor Party resolutely defended the land thesis, and their successors in the NEUM made this a central part of their program.
WORKERS PARTY
Three-quarters of South Africa's population (nearly six million out of approximately eight million) are non-Europeans. An "anti-tsarist" bloc was the idea of the Russian Social Revolutionaries and the Left Kadets, i.e. the parties of the petty and middle bourgeoisie. We must accept with all determination and without reservation the full and unconditional rights of blacks to independence.
The statement quite rightly underscores the fact that the resolution of the national struggle in Russia came about through the October Revolution. However, Lenin's policy towards the oppressed nations had nothing in common with the policy of the (Stalinist) epigones. Without going into detail here, I would like to comment briefly on the interrelationships of the national and agricultural slogans.
It is quite possible; most of the natives are farmers; most of the land is in the hands of the white minority. The country's proletariat consists of backward black pariahs and a privileged white arrogant caste. The overthrow of British domination over the black population of South Africa will not, of course, mean an economic and cultural break with the former mother country.
This is a very important part, for the given period the most important, of illegal work.
COMMUNALISM AND SOCIALISM IN AFRICA
There were some reservations, but most commentators were willing to give him the benefit of the doubt. There may have been some doubts when the terms of the agreement between these states became known. Most of the well-known African personalities were present and many made their first public appearance.
This led to the establishment of the International African Bureau [LAB] to provide information on affairs in Africa and fight for self-determination. This "cult of the individual" (if that phrase has any meaning) fits more closely with the Stalinist cult James had once denounced. However, my bewilderment was almost immediately calmed by the appearance of Dr. Nyerere's Arusha statement.
This replacement of the party with the people and the leader of the party was a phenomenon that had taken root under Stalinism. Capitalism would be a betrayal of the personality and conscience of Africa' (see also Mohan, pp. 221-2). In Russia, only Trotsky took the events of 1917 as a starting point and called for a new assessment of the nature of the revolution.
Three of the Federation's leaders had been arrested earlier this week by the Public Security Bureau.
A NAMIBIAN HORROR
As Max du Preez of the South African magazine Vrye Weekblad pointed out, Swap's spy mania had three leaders. This gave Swap 57 percent of the total votes nationwide and 41 of the 72 seats in the Constituent Assembly. In the same years, the collapse of the Portuguese empire forced Swapa to annul its alliances in Angola.
He was a member of Swapo's old guard, on behalf of an organizer of the fish canning workers at Walvis Bay. According to Johannes Gaomab (see below), Nanyemba 'was replacing members of the old guard in the military hierarchy. Hatuikulipi was a former director of the Windhoek Christian Center (the predecessor of the Council of Churches in Namibia-CCN) and a member of the Swapo central committee and military council.
In the event, eight members of the Central Committee, two of whom were members of its Political Bureau, were also seized.. On the PLAN's side, the arrest swept [away] the Chief of Personnel, the Chief of Military Intelligence, his deputy and the Chief of Protocol at DHQ, and several other officers and combatants ('A report'). The parallels in the history of Stalinism are obvious: in the purging of the military, the paranoid destruction of the families of leaders (see 20 letters to a friend, by Stalin's daughter Svetlana Alliluyeva), the method of producing "confessions" (described in On Trial by Artur London, a victim of the former Czech minister of foreign affairs and foreign affairs, who expels the former Czech minister) as happened to Chinese Trotskyists in Moscow at the end of 1929, described by Wang Fan-hsi [Fanxi] in his book Oilnese Revolutionary. Like the claims of the Swapo prisoners themselves, it is crucial that these and other matters be verified by careful investigation.
The return of the prisoners has now led to a small but marked turn to the left, especially in non-Ovambo speaking areas.
SWAPO'S PRISONS IN ANGOLA
We were finally granted that privilege and asked to see our Swapo representative. We were told to enter a minibus and noticed that one leg of [each] male companion was in plaster [of Paris] to make it difficult to move. Upon arrival in Luanda, we were again handed over at the airport to the Cubans who put us in separate cells.
We were not allowed throughout the day, and only had to go to the toilet twice, before sunrise and after sunset. We were supposed to be free, but it was a semi-prison and we couldn't visit other camps. One, you accept you're forgiven, you go back to the ranks and your files will be closed.' We said we wanted our files to be kept open, so that we could be judged by the nation.
Then Swapo will arrange for you to be transferred to South African representatives in Namibia and your files will remain open and active.' We said we had no interest in being handed over to a representative of South Africa, we had done nothing to help the enemy. We were patriots of the nation and we wanted our problem within Swapo to be treated as a Swapo problem. Whenever we visited her in the hospital, we were always told that we were enemy agents.
We were told that there was only one calculator in the whole of Swapo, in Angola, in the finance department.
