Foreign currency trading; Robert Mugabe's relative, former ZANU-PF Mashonaland West provincial chairman and former Member of Parliament. Joshi Heena - Joshi's daughter is also believed to have been deeply involved in businesses linked to Zanu PF (Sunday Mirror April 2004). Rowland Tiny - Lonrho CEO closely linked to ZANU-PF funded ZANU PF's uncontested 1996 presidential poll (Financial Gazette 9 October 2003).
Van Hoogstraten Nicholas - British Business Tycoon with close ties to ZANU-PF and a poor criminal record.
Introduction
It highlights the prominent role of the state in transforming the social relations of production into this unregulated form of accumulation. This is matched by a review of relevant literature - for example on the nature of the post-colonial state - and its historical lineages. This short and very broad chapter traces the processes of accumulation in the pre-colonial state through the first two decades of the post-colonial state.
The thesis is not only a summary and interpretation of findings, but also draws conclusions regarding the class and accumulation outcomes of the Zimbabwe crisis.
Conceptualizing the Crisis
It is argued here that the nature of the postcolonial state is responsible for the unlimited control of the state apparatus by those who run it. Interestingly, Leys claims that the centrality of the state is no more important in postcolonial Africa than it is in the west. The outcome of the 1976 crisis was a victory for the bourgeois, (in effect an 'authoritarian populist') faction within ZANU-PF, a victory from which, in John Saul's terms, ZANU-PF has never recovered (2007, 2). .
The imperative to spot the emergence of the crisis in the first place is inescapable.
State and Accumulation in Zimbabwe - A historical overview
A consideration of these historical moments provides a comparison of the political, social, and economic outcomes of these eras with the present. Firstly, there is the diversification of the Rhodesian economy from mining to agriculture and manufacturing. The dominance of the white rural bourgeoisie is reflected in the state accumulation matrix that shaped the economic policies and legislation of the colonial state.
After World War II, a white productive capitalist class grew in Southern Rhodesia. Third, this period witnessed the birth of a black liberation movement led by an emerging black middle class. Overheating of the regional economy due to repayment of foreign loans did not spare Rhodesia in the late 1970s (Bond and Manyama, 2002, 7).
For example, one percent of farmers (white minority) owned half of the farmland (also the most productive) compared to the 98% (blacks) who owned the other half (unproductive land) (Cliffe was unsustainable in the long run). In the absence of a strong civil society, the state could easily vacillate between a policy of appeasement of the white bourgeoisie on the one hand and socialist welfarism on the other. Others have attributed the program's slowdown to the drying up of donor funds, especially the British (Cliffe, 39).
To the peasants, the increase in rural poverty and other economic difficulties reminded them of the unfinished work of land redistribution and restitution. One result of the economic downturn of the 1990s and the state's response to its challenges was a reorganization of social classes.
The Post-2000 Crisis and the Informalisation of Production
The period after 2000 was dominated by informal and extra-legal wealth-making activities, a serious policy inconsistency on these activities by the Zimbabwean government, and the involvement of those connected to the state in these activities. Most of these young members of the party militias40, who were too young to have participated in the liberation war of the 1970s, were called war veterans of the 'Third Chimurenge' (a name used by ZANU-PF to refer to the ground invasions of 2000). . It is one of three mobile and cellular operators, which include Econet and Telecel.
He began to divert part of his milk stock for his own private sale on the parallel market. However, the above example raises questions about the regression or non-regression of the new patterns of accumulation that developed in the post-2000 crisis. As will be shown in the concluding chapter, a new type of capital appears to be emerging on the ruins of the previous one.
The increased centrality of the state in the appropriation of scarce economic and political goods served to maintain a patronizing form of accumulation and maintenance of power by the ruling party. The above scenario points to the 'hegemonic' notion that if one wants to be 'justified' [of 'liberation'], one must adhere to the ideology held by ZANU-PF cadres. They smuggled around 1,800 liters of diesel fuel and seven electric motors, causing the water supply to collapse.
Some of the people who led the invasions work for these officials on these farms. To add to this, the appropriative interests of state managers had to compete with their arbiter role. Supposedly it was the brainchild of the Joint Operations Command (Muleya was described by a journalist as "the same template of harassment, bullying and threats [to retailers] that the state unleashed against commercial farmers in 2000 under the guise of land reform " Standard, 8 July 2007, 10).
In this particular case (when Mugabe allegedly told Gono: "I'm not stupid") Gono had opted for a 'smart devaluation' in the name of drought relief and economic stabilization.
Disorder, Violence and Accumulation
The Case of Totororo Gold Smuggling
The Totororo area lies about 60 km northeast of Kwekwe, near the ghost town of the former Empress Mine. Most of the mine workers continued to stay in the mine community and supported themselves by farming and informal trading. This means that miners working in the tunnel have to crawl most of the time.
The washermen are so determined that they even dive into the water that forms at the end of the tunnel to set dynamite to break up the gold-bearing rock. The young man, the son of the ZANU-PF youth coordinator in the area, was not discovered dead until the next day. In the case of the upper tunnels at Totororo, there were two organized syndicates competing for access to the gold belt.
Mazenge is the local villager who lives on the farm where part of the gold tunnel is located. The circumstances surrounding the construction of the fence indicate manipulation of RBZ by persons associated with the bank and the regional mining commissioner. Fidelity has not made an official purchase in more than a year since the fence was built.
What serious scrutiny reveals is that the two competing unions actually include members of the ruling elite. A similar scene in this prevailing chaotic mode of accumulation was observed in the previous chapter, where members of the ruling elite clashed on a farm.
CRISIS
The illegal trade network is more complex than a simple flowchart could imagine.
PARTY STATE
Furthermore, they may be involved in illegal gold mining on site, as noted in the case of the Mnangagwa and Matongo syndicates above. It is in this case that one again sees the salience of the party-state. Similarly, ruling party projects in the name of the state, such as “Women in Mining,” have shamelessly excluded the opposition.
At the lower levels of the party state, evidence of accumulation and disaccumulation runs concurrently. With this controlled access to the means of production (mines) at the mercy of the party state, the miners only own their own labor force. Therefore, the 'real' capitalists are members of the ruling elite who control the means of production through the party state.
This 'labour force of a new kind' forms one of several unique turns in the tail of primitive accumulation suggested earlier in the first chapter. The growth of illegal mining owes more to migrant miners and involved members of the ruling elite than to traditional rural farmers. In the case of the elderly - male and female - heads of households and housekeepers, involvement in gold panning comes as a result of poor rainfall and lack of agricultural inputs for which they rely on the state.
The gold bank phenomenon further contributes to the ambiguous nature of the direction of accumulation trends emerging in the wake of the current economic crisis in Zimbabwe. The durability of the class and the accumulation results of the current crisis will thus rely more on the legal structure that will emerge in the next political dispensation.
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Bond, Patrick and Manyama, Masimba, Zimbabwe's Plunge: Exhausted Nationalism, Neoliberalism and the Search for Social Justice, Harare, Weaver Press Ltd, 2002 Brenner, Robert, "The Origins of Capitalist Development: A Critique," New Left Review,. Contradictions of the Minerals Development Act and 'Black Economic Empowerment' in the 'New' South African Platinum Mining Industry', paper presented at the Research Seminar on Historical Materialism and Global Development, London School of Economics and Political Science, 15 April 2007. Carmody, P, ' Neoclassical Practice and Industrial Decline in Zimbabwe: The Case of Textiles, Clothing and Footwear', Economic Geography, 1A, 4 (October 1998), p.
Cliffe, Lionel, 'The Politics of Land Reform in Zimbabwe' i Tanya Bowyer-Bower og Collin Stoneman, red., Land Reform in Zimbabwe: Constrains and Prospects, Ashgate, 2000, s. 35 - 57. Lefort, Claude, 'What is Bureaucracy' fra Lefort, Claude Det moderne samfunds politiske former; Cambridge, Polity Press, 1986. Mamdani, M, Citizen and Subject: Contemporary Africa and the Legacy of Late Colonialism, Cape Town, David Phillip, 1996.
Mandaza, Ibbo, 'Introduction: the political economy of transition', in Ibbo Mandaza, ed, Zimbabwe: the political economy of transition Dakar, CODESRIA, 1986. Moore, David B, "The ideological formation of the Zimbabwean ruling class", Journal of South African Studies, Vol.
