Below an attempt is made to briefly document the recent spate of both real and fictitious labour organising amongst black workers
in Namibia. Obviously, trade unions, however genuine, cannot be
understood outside the political, cultural and economic structures within which they operate, and Namibia is no exception. We must
try not to "Europeanise" (or even "South Africanise") the Namibian workers' situation and experience, although obviously comparisons with many other situations and experiences is essential. We may need to understand some important general conditions in Namibia affecting black workers.
Firstly, there are huge obstacles in Namibia to forming genuine trade unions which can improve wages and working conditions. These are economic (eg. low development of secondary industry; very high
rates of unemployment and of absolute poverty; relatively small concentrations of the black workforce etc); cultural (eg. high il-
literacy rates, very multi-lingual culture, relatively restricted access to international transport and communications etc); and
political (eg. very intensive compound policing, militarisation and colonial repression; almost no open democratic structures; no effective legal right to strike or bargain collectively etc).
Secondly, SWAPO (South West African People's Organisation), al- though snaring the broad anti-colonial aims, is less peasant (in the pure sense) and petty bourgeois (using the term non-
perjoratively) in composition than its counterparts in Zimbabwe, MDzambique etc, and most SWAPO members' families are highly depen- dent on wages. That means many sons and daughters of SWAPO workers
are actively involved in the nationalist liberation war. SWAPO es- tablished a Labour Department in 1969. It is not a trade union, but it has helped train Namibian trade unionists, mostly abroad -
eg. at the Nduuva Nangola Trade Union Centre in Angola - and it helped to establish the National Union of Namibian Workers (NUNW)
in Namibia in 1977/78 (See below). It also facilitates vocational training, worker brigades in the exiled settlements, research and planning and representation at the ILO; much like an embryonic
"Ministry of Labour". (Secretary is John ya Otto, an ex-teacher;
see his autobiography, Battlefront Namibia).
Thirdly, the creation of anti-SWAPO political forces amongst black
Namibians i s almost always based on engendering t r i b a l i s m through black c o l l a b o r a t o r s paid by t h e c o l o n i a l s t a t e - eg, the UFA, the MPC e t c - and the puppet "unions" are no exception. However,
r e c e n t l y , such puppet unions have got backing from the AFL-CIO through i t s African-American Labour Centre (AAI£) using US govern- ment funds, and the a l l i e d I s r a e l i H i s t r a d r u t . They a r e trying t o
influence the Western-based i n t e r n a t i o n a l union f e d e r a t i o n , the ICFTO ( I n t e r n a t i o n a l Confederation of Free Trade Unions, based in Brussels) t o adopt an anti-SWAPO and anti-NUNW p o l i c y .
With these p o i n t s in mind, i t i s e a s i e r t o understand the follow- ing s h o r t resume of union developments in Namibia:
1. In the 1977/78 period when the NUNW was p u b l i c a l l y launched by SWAPO supporters in Namibia (with some Swedish t r a d e union h e l p ) ,
i t was a g e n e r a l i n d u s t r i a l union with branches in a l l the main towns and mines. The regime was very t h r e a t e n e d , e s p e c i a l l y a f t e r the general s t r i k e in Windhoek in February 1978 a g a i n s t the shoot-
ing of 26 black workers by armed gangs of the pro-South African
DTA p o l i t i c a l grouping. The South African regime a t f i r s t t r i e d t o counter the NUNW's growing influence by passing an amendment t o
the t r a d e union law (The Wage and I n d u s t r i a l C o n c i l i a t i o n Or-
dinance of 1952 ) in J u l y 1978. This denied r e g i s t r a t i o n , and thus l e g a l negotiating r i g h t s (including t h e r i g h t t o s t r i k e a f t e r
p r o t r a c t e d a r b i t r a t i o n ) , t o unions with " p o l i t i c a l a f f i l i a t i o n s "
( i e . which were pro-SWAPO) and which were not " r e p r e s e n t a t i v e " of a l l grades of employees, i e . white or p r i v i l e g e d black workers could thus e f f e c t i v e l y veto or c o n t r o l any union. The regime thus t r i e d t o claim t h a t i t was " l i b e r a l i s i n g " the t r a d e union law. In r e a l i t y , i t was concerned t o p r o t e c t the old white s e t t l e r
employee a s s o c i a t i o n s , if necessary by coopting, forcefully or otherwise, a layer of black c o l l a b o r a t o r s .
There were 6 such a s s o c i a t i o n s in the South West African Con-^
federation of Labour. (SWACOL) All of these were b a s i c a l l y w h i t e - c o l l a r , except for the South West African Mineworkers Union which had white manual workers based a t the Tsumeb mines. Subsequently the SWAMU did manage t o r e c r u i t some higher paid black workers a t the Tsumeb mines (they claimed 300 out of n e a r l y 5,000 black
workers in 1982), but the union remained white-dominated and r e s t r i c t e d t o Tsumeb. (The general manager of the large Rossing Uranium mine c a l l e d the union a "sweetheart union" in 1983). A t -
tempts by the other s t a f f a s s o c i a t i o n s t o r e c r u i t blacks were a l s o s m a l l - s c a l e , slow and token and they remained white c o n t r o l l e d .
The NUNW, however, continued to grow r a p i d l y in 1978 and, follow- ing a s e r i e s of s t r i k e s on major mines, including Tsumeb, in l a t e 1978 and e a r l y 1979, the regime a r r e s t e d the NUNW l e a d e r s h i p , con- f i s c a t e d i t s funds and v e h i c l e s and closed i t s o f f i c e in Windhoek.
Nevertheless, a strong i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with the NUNW remained and was t o resurface d r a m a t i c a l l y in 1986.
2. With increased US involvement by the Reagan Administration after 1981 some black Namibians under Andries Shipanga who were expelled from SWAPO (and who in 1985 joined South A f r i c a ' s puppet government), such as Solomon Mufima, were given APL-CIO (AAI£)
backing and s e t up a "Namibia Trade Union Council" in 1982. Some Namibians were sent t o the US for t r a d e union t r a i n i n g . In 1983, a f t e r t r a i n i n g in I s r a e l , one Kambode s e t up a "Namibia Federation of Trade Unions" based in Oshakati. The two bodies t r i e d t o u n i t e
t o "replace SWAPO a t the ILO". This f a i l e d however, and both bodies a r e today defunct.
3 . In June 1985 some of the (Herero-based) SWANU (South West
African National Union) group under the l e a d e r s h i p of Moses Ka*—
juiongua joined the puppet government and Katjuiongua l a t e r became Labour " m i n i s t e r " . Two of h i s s u p p o r t e r s , Kangueehi and Ngaujake, s e t up a "Namibia National Trade Union" (NNTU) in December 1985 d e c l a r i n g t h a t i t "recognised the UN Council for Namibia", (a propaganda ploy) and t h a t they would "seek the understanding of employers and government". Meanwhile Katjuiongua and the general s e c r e t a r y of the SWACOL (Ben Schoeman) went t o Western Europe t o g e t support, e s p e c i a l l y from the ILO and the ICPIU. SWACOL had an- nounced in 1983 t h a t i t would apply for membership of the 1CFTU
" a t the r i g h t moment" and i t a l s o applied t o j o i n the I n t e r n a - t i o n a l Metalworkers' Federation in Geneva, (the outcome of t h i s and other i n t e r n a t i o n a l t r a d e s e c r e t a r i a t membership a p p l i c a t i o n s of SWACOL a f f i l i a t e s i s unknown). Both Katjuiongua and Schoeman were refused a meeting by IIO o f f i c i a l s in November 1985. SWACOL claimed in September 1983 however, t o have received recognition
from one French union federation ( r e p o r t e d l y the C h r i s t i a n Labour Confederation - CTTC) but was rebuffed when trying t o approach
various B r i t i s h t r a d e unions. Katjuiongua a l s o went t o I s r a e l in June 1986 t o get help for h i s newly-created "National Labour
Council" - a s t a t e monitoring board dominated by w h i t e s . Meanwhile the NNTU claimed to have r e g i s t e r e d a "Namibian R e t a i l Workers'
Union" with Katjuiongua's department in A p r i l 1986. Another uncon- firmed r e p o r t in 1986 was t h a t the AFL-ClO's AALC had s e t up an o f f i c e in Windhoek. I t already has an o f f i c e in Gaberone.
j t seems, t h e r e f o r e , t h a t the anti-SWAPO c o l l a b o r a t i o n between
white s e t t l e r s and black c l i e n t s in South A f r i c a ' s puppet govern- ment s t r u c t u r e s , aided and abetted by the c u r r e n t US a d m i n i s t r a - t i o n , i s l i k e l y t o be r e p l i c a t e d a t the union l e v e l through the c r e a t i o n of an anti-NUNW f r o n t . The SWACOL and NOTU s t r u c t u r e s could be united t o t r y t o achieve t h i s , but t h e i r lack of s i g - n i f i c a n t black worker support makes them c r u c i a l l y dependent on
slick public r e l a t i o n s work and o u t s i d e support.
4. Other elements of t h e (Herero-based) SWANU ( c a l l i n g themselves
"progressives" or " l e f t " ) , probably t h e majority of SWANU, refused to j o i n P r e t o r i a ' s c l i e n t regime. I t i s p o s s i b l e t h a t some may be associated with the NNTU through old l i n k s , but otherwise they
have not t r i e d t o organise black workers in unions. Their l e a d e r , Rukoro, helped t o s e t up a Legal Aid and Community Advice Bureau
(IACAB) in August 1985. Rukoro i s d i r e c t o r of IACAB which has been based in the s o - c a l l e d "coloured" township of Khomasdal, Windhoek.
This was done with the help of O t t i e Abrahams and the Khomasdal Residents A s s o c i a t i o n . I t apparently received funding from abroad.
IACAB reported dealing with numerous employment grievances of black workers in 1986, but a t the time of w r i t i n g LACAB was
reported defunct and Rukoro was in the USA on a study c o u r s e . 5. Although one of SWAPO's main labour o r g a n i s e r s , Jason Angula
(the Secretary for Labour inside Namibia) has been under v i r t u a l house a r r e s t since 1979, t h i s has not stopped SWAPO sympathisers
in Namibia from r e - e s t a b l i s h i n g the NUNW as an open union federa- tion during 1986. SWAPO's very v i s i b l e public mobilising a c -
t i v i t i e s during 1986 have included some of the l a r g e s t r a l l i e s seen in Namibia, (including r a l l i e s a t Rossing and Tsumeb mines), and the SWAPO P r e s i d e n t , Sam Nujoma, in a message t o a l a r g e
"Namibia Day" r a l l y in Katutura, Windhoek, in August 1986,
threatened t o c a l l a general s t r i k e if the P r e t o r i a Government does not implement the UN plan for Namibia's d e c o l o n i s a t i o n . As Part of t h i s general m o b i l i s a t i o n , and inspired by the successes of COSATU in South Africa, a s e r i e s of workers' committees af-
f i l i a t e d t o the NUNW have been s e t up a t a l l the major mines and
^t numerous workplaces throughout Namibia. The NUNW's n a t i o n a l o r - ganiser, Ben Ulenge (a r e c e n t l y released long-term SWAPO prisoner
°n Robben Island) has been leading such e f f o r t s . I t i s intended that these workers' committees w i l l amalgamate i n t o n a t i o n a l in-
d u s t r i a l unions. Thus, on September 20 1986, t h e NUNW launched the tiamibian Food & Allied Union (NAFAU) led by Alfons "John" Pandeni
(another long-term SWAPO p r i s o n e r on Robben I s l a n d ) , claiming
6,000 members in 27 firms. In the following two weeks the NAFAU won two d i s p u t e s - one a t a Luderitz chemical f a c t o r y , and another a t the Okahandja a b b a t o i r . Both involved s t r i k e s which were 100%
supported by black employees and the Okahandja s t r i k e was backed up by sympathy s t r i k e s by NAFAU a b a t t o i r workers in Windhoek.
6. Following the e f f o r t s during 1985 by the National Union of
Mineworkers (SA) t o unionise the 3,000 black Namibian workers a t the Consolidated Diamond Mines (CDM) in Oranjemund, on the
southern Namibian border with South Africa, and d i s c u s s i o n s with some of the 2,500 Rossing Uranium mine workers a t Arandis in
c e n t r a l west Namibia (these two mines alone dominate Namibia's economy), the regime attempted t o bring in new laws t o stop
"foreign" trade union a c t i v i t y in Namibia. Although one draconian attempt by Katjuiongua and o t h e r puppets t o amend the Wage and In- d u s t r i a l C o n c i l i a t i o n Ordinance was h a l t e d by the South African Administrator General in December 1985, the regime introduced the
"Regulation of Residence of Certain Persons in South West Africa Act" on April 1 1986 which allows for the banning or deportation of " a l i e n s " . N e v e r t h e l e s s , the establishment of workers1 com-
m i t t e e s by the NUNW on these and other mines in a n t i c i p a t i o n of s e t t i n g up a Namibian mineworkers' union has gone ahead. An in- d i c a t i o n of the s o l i d a r i t y and p o l i t i c a l consciousness of black workers a t these mines was shown r e c e n t l y by the 100%-supported
black workers' stayaway for one week in mid-October of CDM's 80th anniversary c e l e b r a t i o n s ; the 3,000 workers p r o t e s t i n g a t CDM's plunder and c o l l u s i o n with c o l o n i a l i s m . Although a "Rossing Mine Workers Union" was announced in April 1986, which was trying t o
r e g i s t e r under the r e s t r i c t i v e t r a d e union laws, i t looks i n c r e a s - ingly as though t h i s w i l l be subsumed by the NUNW i n i t i a t i v e . A key b a t t l e w i l l be how far the employers and white workers can maintain the SWACOL union a t the Tsumeb mines in the face of the
NUNW c h a l l e n g e .
7. The NUNW in e x i l e i s a l s o stepping up t r a i n i n g work and i s
reportedly opening an o f f i c e in Lusaka. However, t h e r e are r e p o r t of AFL-CIO inspired e f f o r t s t o s t o p Western trade unions, most of which a r e a f f i l i a t e d t o the ICFTO, from offering a s s i s t a n c e t o the NUNW. This is coupled with AFL-CIO e f f o r t s to support the "labour wings" of both UNITA ( t h i s has been done for s e v e r a l years now) and the MNR (a new move).
(Brian Wood, Namibia Support Committee, UK, 16.11.86)
Major developments since my l a s t r e p o r t have been:
1. The inaugural congress of the Mineworkers Union of Namibia (see interview with Ben Ulenge). MUN c u r r e n t l y claims about 12,000 mem- b e r s . And the MUN has begun t o s u c c e s s f u l l y intervene in d i s p u t e s and g r i e v a n c e s .
2. Two further d i s p u t e s involving the NAFAU - the f i r s t a t Sig- marks food wholesalers, a c t u a l l y only a very small concern in Windhoek, where NAFAU members were sacked and the police were brought in; and another amongst the l o b s t e r fish workers a t
Luderitz which was successful and which got high media coverage in Namibia.
3. The closure of the Klien Aub copper mine in mid-March where about 500 workers were l a i d off with minimal n o t i c e and responded by refusing t o s h i f t machinery and demanding pension, redundancy pay e t c . The MUN were involved again h e r e .
4. The West European tour of Ben Ulenga. This has created a r e a l s t i r because the AFL-CI0, who have been backing the puppet unions
(NNTU, NTU, NFIU), has persuaded the ICFTO t o send a "fact
finding" mission t o Namibia (obviously t o t r y t o avoid having t o recognise the NUNW) and a number of the West European s e c t i o n s a r e
suspicious of the maneouvre. The TUC o f f i c i a l l y gave Ben a warm welcome, and the c o n s t i t u e n t unions l i k e the TCWU, NUM, NALG0,
NUPE e t c were very e n t h u s i a s t i c (the NUM are doing a video on the NUNW and MUN).
5. During April the NUNW w i l l be e s t a b l i s h i n g a new union for
Building, engineering, metal and a l l i e d workers, the name yet t o be decided. See the interview on t h i s , and other prospective new unions.
(Brian Wood, NSC, April 1987)
