THE NEW IMPERIALIS
A SPEECH
Delivered in Battersea Park, on May 13th, 1900,
BY
JOHN BURNS, L.C.C., M.P.
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I
THE NEW IMPERIALISM. 3
The New Imperialism.
FRIENDS AND FELLOW CITIZENS,-
! have much pleasure in opening the sum- mer lectures of the Battersea Labour League.
First, because it enables us to resume our educational work, which never was more needed than now amongst workpeople in this great city. Secondly, because we can discuss with each other, without fear and without molestation in Battersea, a citadel of .free speech, the problems of the day. Thirdly, we can take some part by speech, discussion and question in the crisis of the hour, and in so doing, whilst our soldiers are fighting, we at home can do the thinking that sooner or later must terminate this war. I have chosen for my subject to-night
THE " NEW IMPERIALISM."
By that I mean the changed attitude and re- lationship 9f the British people to Foreign Powers, and their conception of what British Foreign and Colonial policy should be. Is there a change 1 Yes, it is unmistakable.
He who runs may read the ominous signs of change. Is the _change for the good 1 I say no ; a thousand times no. Is this relationship to be guided back to its old channels 1 Is the change, failing diversion to better views, to be resisted 1 I believe yes. If not resisted the "new Imperialism" is doomed to real Imperial failure, political dishonour, national disgrace, and international discredit. In the past we have been satisfied with a "splendid isolation?" It has been our wisest policy.
We have as a people hitherto kept free of alliances, because the alliance of a free nation with military Powers was incompatible with our free institutions. Our insular position did not need them, our naval supremacy rendered them unnecessary. We have held aloof from dynastic quarrels, and in so doing have been able to devote to Trade, Commerce, Industry, and Colonisation what others gave to Pre-
tendel~'>, ConsGription and Vf ar. But we have not ignored our responsibility to those who needed help when right warranted assistance.
Historically, traditionally, instinctively, and, in fact, we have always helped the smaller nations ; the weaker peoples as against European autocracies. Never did we do better work than when we helped united Italy, en- couraged a revivified Greece, sympathised with Poland, buttressed Belgium, and helped by suffering, money, and sympathy the emanci- pation of the negro in om Colonies, AmJrica and elsewhere. I can remember when our old nobility vied with London workmen in their hospitable reception to a Republican like Garibaldi, and it has ever counted to the credit of Barclays, brewers, that they thrashed General Haynau for his tyranny. But this
creditable love of liberty has gone; our Dukes no longer feel for human freedom. They be- come decoy ducks for chartered companies instead. They now defend " Forced Labour "
in ~imb~rley compounds, and willingly acqmesce m raids and adventurous schemes that bring money to themselves and discredit to their country. In the pa~t
we h_ave been a free, tolerant, non- agressive people, free and freedom planting.
Our looms, forges, iron, coal, and shipping alone have made our trade. Our sailors and engineers carried our argosies into every sea.
The excellence of our goods opened all ports to our commerce, their cheapness gave us
ent~anc~ to all countries, their durability mamtamed their position. The civilian mind
· the _judicia_! insti.nct, the engineering talent;
the mdustnal apt1tude laid all countries under our commercial tribute. Result without war without . aggression, . the prod~cts of peac~
have mamly made tins country wealthier than the wild disordered Imperialism now in vogue could ever have secured. This policy of trade and non-intervention has altered, aud a change has come over our country, states- men and people. Our statesmen have abandoned the quiet, restrained, and diplo-
n~at~c attitude. The best traditions of nego- tiations are abandoned ; responsible Ministers tell friendly States they have to mend their
~anner~ because a f~w scurrilous journalists m Pans abuse the1r trust and insult the
~ueen. In the language of one paper "China 1s to be crushed into civilisation." Our Parlia- ment, less critical, has almost ceased to be a deliberative assembly; we are now guided by the .crowd thr~ugh the driven and cowardly medmm of a Jmgo Government. Parliament excercises no effective control over Peace or
~a~, as.itis generally not sitting when war 1s 1mmment or declared. We are now
gov~rned by the Crown, the Ministry, the Cabmet, the Soldier, and the Permanent Official. The " one free voice in Europe " so far as this war is concerned, has been d~mb.
Parliament has abdicated ;the political Hooli- gan rules at home. We are on the eve of seeing John Bull become John Bull-y abroad.
Our people have become more hysterical, the streets have been filled with people khaki clad, khaki mad, khaki bad, clamouring for a. war they cannot defend, shouting for aggres- swn they cannot justify ; the soldier and the sailor have for the moment usurped the judg- ment seat. The sensational journalist inflames the popular mind, and excites international hatred. There is real and serious danger in this, as was seen by Tennyson when he wrote-
"Step by step we gained a freedom, known to Europe, known to all,
Stop by step we rose to greatness, Through the tonguesters we may fall."
.A cheap press that was to instruct, guide, ele-
4 THE NEW IMPERIALISM.
vate, and inspire has prostituted its high mis- sion, its tonguesters are either the misguided, or the hired voices inciting by false sugges- tion the thoughtless to mad and dangerous political courses. War has become popular for war's own sake. Force is worshipped ; the savage is king ; Patriotism has effectively become " the last refuge of the scoundrel." The Union Jack has become a mere "commercial asset." Our Press, formerly the best in the world, has become sensational, vulgar, and provocative. Britons are advised by it to fight for the head11hip of the wor:ld, as if commercial supremacy rested on force, or moral superiority on bayonets ; and the open avowed policy of the New Imperialism is embodied in their own charlatan ideals and vulgar catchwords-" Let them all come," "Wipe them all out," "Paint the map red," "What we have we'll hold." ·I would suggest the re- vised version as being more expressive, and what they really mean-"What we haven't got we'll take." Our policies have become more aggressive, as witnessed by Chitral, Tirah, Khartoum, Benin, Ashanti, Africa, East, West, North, and South, and China. Our army growing, our navy increasing, the defences of the Empire now reaeh the large total of
£80,000,000. Conscription by easy instal- ments already embarked upon; the Volunteer Act broken; on every side war, war's alarms, and preparations for future wars. An in-
• dustrial people have become Imperialised, a peaceful people militarised, a splendidly isola.ted maritime nation is fast becoming a world-wide land power with over-land respon- sibilities it cannot discharge from its naval base. 'Vorse even than this, our poets, who were the "idle singers of an empty day,"" now cry havoc, and let slip the dogs of war." Our journalists, whose duty it is to subdue rather than excite, join in the ever swelling chorus for expansion, aggression, and disordered Jingoism. The New Imperialism in its ap- peal to the groundlings, gathers them all in to swell the votaries of war. Princes, poets, music- halls, slums, the ignorant or the interested all arc filled with a strident blatant Jingoism, that was invented in 1876 by a Jew imposed upon us with Oriental fervour and imagery in the Royal Titles Act, when the title Empress was unfortunately added to that of Queen. Of that change, a man who since has been allured by its seductiveness, and has, for politi~al
mastery and parliamentary power fallen a VIC-
tim to its evil spell, Mr. J. Chamberlain, said in the House of Commons, on March 27th, 1879,
"This New Imperialism has already infected the minds and judgments of many of those to whom is delegated the power of this country in distant lands, and unless this spirit be, either by Parliament or by the people at large, severely and sternly repressed I oan see no limit to the responsibility cast upon this eountry, and no end to the dangers and, per-
haps disasters, which may befall it." How deadly true is this, how presciently it des- cribes and foreshadows how the Milncrs, the Rhodeses, and our other pro-consuls in Africa have been affected by the wild Imperialism with the approval of its former critic, its whilom cnc.my, but present friend. Since then the Jubilee of 1887 stimulated the love of pageant, tinselled patriotism, and vulgar show ; the 1897 Jubilee still further strengthened the crav- ing for this tawdry Imperialism, and since 1897 every event, political and public, has been made subordinate to parade of Britain's might, without majesty, power without dignity, expansion without request or consent of the conquered or absorbed. This mania for expansion has been partly caused by the great mass of the people being exempt from the personal burden of fighting, and not yet subject to the blood tax that conscription im- poses upon the European peoples. Our im- munity from invasion for many centuries has kept from our people the horrors of war. It has also been fomented insidiously by people to whom war is profitable, notably the rich, ambitious adventurer, who uses money to get power, and such power to get still further wealth, and both finally to acquire dictator- ship. This increasing and dangerous type has stimulated, subsidised, or suborned all the agencies by which the New Imperialism has been forced upon a too credulous people. This has gone so far that the hitherto sober, and stolid British people have become so infatu- ated with the Will o' the Wisp of Im- perialism as to cause Lord Salisbury to talk
~loomily about t_he prospects of London being
1~vaded, and to Britain following the mari- time powers of the past in their decline and fall as a result of a well directed blow a:; its heart. A moment's reflection, a lucid interval, would have proved that Holland, Spain, Venice, Carthage, and Tyre, to which his lordship referred, fell because they did what we are at- tempting to do. The greed of gold, the lust
?f territory, the violent attack of megalomania mduced by .~.,ew Impedalism has completely c~anged our nationally ethical aims, and v10lently affected our political and moral standards. This is instanced by the violent subjection of native races in the Soudan, the subjugation of the semi-savage, and the over- powering of primitive, pastoral white people by the British and American arms in recent years. See the change that has come over Liberalism as now defined by certain Liberal leaders. It used to stand for Peace, Retrench- ment, aml Reform. 'fo pander to the New Imperialism the "Liberal Imperialist" now cries for "a bigger navy than the Tories a bigger army on a business footing ; taiks meekly about arbitrabion bull connives at war, preaches peace but condones violent warlike
THE NEW IMPERIALISM.
sl
confiscation of territory, providing the people who own it are incapable of its defence ; run away from the Turk who kills 100,000 Ar- menians, but winks at Chitral and Ashanti ; give Heligoland and Samoa to Germany be- cause it is big; see Finland and the Transvaal crushed because they are small. But there is a worse sign of deterioration in the grow- ing centralisation that springs from the ew Imperialism. This, if nut checked, will tend to break up the autonomous control that free communities have hitherto enjoyed. Roman Imperialism divided the world into master and
~lave; Cresarism became synonymous with autocracy; Buonaparte meant militarism ; Jingoism means the dominion of a soulless plutocracy. Pericles regarded the state as the embodiment of culture ; the Emperor of Germany interprets the State as militarised burcaurcracy, resting alternately on force and patronage ; the old Liberals regarded the
• 'late as the medium of making laws and the protection of life and property; the New Im- perialist interpret the State as taking other people's country and someone else's property.
Their programme seems to be what Matthew Arnold feared-
" An upper class materialised, A middle class vulgarised, A working class brutalised."
And I would add all of them Jingoised. Their ideal is to place the whole of the world either under the dominion of the unit buccaneer, the marauding , tatc, or the Chartered Company, its destiny in the hands of the soulless rlutocrat to whom nationality is but a fig- ment, and who has only a passion for freedom where there is gold, or concerns himself with Franchise only where diamonds abound.
In a word the New Imperialist practises, and gets the people's army and navy to en- f\Jrce its sordid, vulgar ideals. A nation which countenances that is doomed, a people that connives at it is already half way on the road to slavery. A working class that does not resist it is destined to be taught the sharpest lesson they ever received.
SO MUCll FOR NEW IMPERIALISM.
Now we come to the New Imperialist. This person is in favour of any act of force, fraud or folly that extends the Empire. Not the ethics of robbery, but the inexpediency of being honest and respecting your neigh-
bour's rights weighs with him. Bigness with him is greatness, strength with him is power.
The ease with which encroachment can he effected is its justification and reward. He talks glibly of eating ltis Christmas d:nner at Pretoria when our soldiers have to do the fighting ; he looks upon war as a tropical picnic conducted in the spirit of a football
~atch. The judgment of the New Imperialist 1s shown by their chief, Cecil Rhodes, saying the "Boers would not fight," others of his
school saying they could not shoot, and most famous of all saying if we gave them a good beating they would live in brotherly love with us. These ignorant people, untaught by ex- perience and hist_ory, forget that America 1·eally hates us to this day for our attempt on their self-government 120 years ago. Ireland dislikes us because we did 100 years ago what Cccil Rhodes has done to lhe Dutch in Africa.
France distrusts us because out of the past 600 years we have wag d war against her for 260 years. We have turned her out of Am rica, India, Egypt, beaten her on ~:~ea and land, and I see no sign of reconciliation till our un- reasoning suspicion of press-made hatred of France subsides. Certainly her attitude to us shows that conquest does not make for peace, nor subjection for friend hip, aR will bo proved if the Boors arc similarly h·ealcd.
THE NEW IMPERIALIST AS A Tltl:THF'("L PEllSON.
He alleges that the liocrs have in a wholesale way used Dum Dum Bullets. Sir W. 1\I'Cormac and Mr. Treves have not seen the wound of one. H alleges that Poiso'ncd Bullet!; have been used ; Dr. Tr ves denies. lie has urged lhe prisoners have been badly treated at Pre- toria, and then fills his papers up with letters from soldiers who have hcen prisoners, proving that they have been well treated, as is proved hy Mr. Halos, of the "Daily News," April 2nd, 1900:
"WHAT TJI:E TOMMIE SAY.
"I have made it my husinesB to g •t about amongst the private soldiers, to question them concerning the treatment they have r cei vetl
~:~ince the moment tho Mauser rifles tumbled them over, and I say emphatically that in every solitary instance, without one single exception, our countrymen declare that bhcy have boon grandly treated. Not by the hospital nurses only, not by the officials alone, but by the very men whom they were fighting.
Ou!' 'Tommies' are not the men lo waste praise on any men, unless it is well det~erved,
but this is just about how 'Tummy· smns up the situation : ·
1 LIKE A DLOOMIN SOUTH SEA COCOANUT.'
' The Boer is a rough-looking beggar in the field, 'e don't wear no uniform, 'nd 'e don't know enough about soldiers' drill to keep him- self warm, but 'e can fight in 'is own bloomin' style, which aint our style. If 'ed come out on the veldt, 'nd fight us our way, we'd lick 'im every time, but when it comes to fightin' in the kopjes, why, the boor is a dandy, 'nd if the rest of Europe don't think so, only let 'cm have a try at 'im 'nd see. But when 'e has shot yot£ he acts like n blessed Christian, 'nil bears no malice. 'E's like a bloomin' South Sea Coco£tnut, not much to look at outside, but white 'nd sweet inside when yer know 'im, 'nd it's when you1· wounded 'nd a p1·isoner that you get a chance to know 'im, see.' .And 'Tommy' is about correct in his judgment.
6 THE NEW IMPERIALISM.
"IN BLOEMFONTEIN IlOSPITAL.
"The Boers have made most excellent provision for the treatment of wounded after battle.
All that science can do is done. Their medi- cal men fight as hard to save a British life or a British limb as medical men in Eng- land would battle to save life or limb of a private person." He has alleged the Boers wore cowards; it is nothing to the New Imperialist that our real generals give him the lie in their despatches time and again.
He alleges the Outlanders were heroes before this war ; his newspapers now assure him that many of them are cowards, recreants, and frauds, as is proved by J ulian Ralph in. the
"Daily Mail" : "It is disgusting to turn mto any one of the Cape Town Hotels to find your- self sunounded by the rich refugees from Johannesburg, and to hear them cry like children as they tell you what they will lose if the British do not hurry up and take the Transvaal before the Boers destroy Johanncs- bUl'g. They actually cry in their plates at dinner and half strangle themselves by sobbin~ as they drink their whiskey at bed- time. The grand hotels are all full of these merchants and millionaires, faring on the fat of the land idle, loafing, all and every day, and discussing what per cent. of their losses the British Government will pay when they put in their claims at the end of the war. It
JS enough to make a statue ill to hear and see them and move among them." This is bitterly true when our soldiers are dying for the lack of these same luxuries and necessities.
IMPERIALIST AS HYPOCRITE.
"The Boers must b~ civilised," when the fact is the South African Republics, till Rhodes cursed them by his presence and that of his cosmopolitan rascals, never had a gaol, work- house, or pauper, whilst London has 400,000 persons living in one room tenements, and possesses all the adjuncts of commercialised progress in the shape of Prisons, Peni- tentiaries, Asylums, and Workhouses. The New Imperialist wants the absorption of the Republics in the interests of "Moralit,Y" and Progress when the fact is there are as many women ~n the streets of Londan eating the crumb of charity, or the loaf of lust, as there are soldiers in both Boer armies. Go to war for a Franchise in Africa when half of the adults at home (and all the females) either cannot or will not vote at all The New Im- perialist talks about. equal rights for all white men and demes self-government to Ireland, In,dia, and other Colonies, and re- fuses to concede even to London the comple- ment to the franchise, namely, the free un- fettered control of its municipal life and the ownership of all its monopolies He talks about oppressed Britons in Johannesburg earning 24s. a day, and in the cause of" equal
rights for all white men" dismisses 300 Wool- wich labourers because they ask for 24s. per week. On the personal side the chiefs of the New Imperialism are superficial, mostly alien by birth, cheer the Union Jack in broken English, sing Rule Britannia in Yiddish, and in the higher notes of "Britons never_ shall be slaves" he often requires an interpreter. If a Briton, Ashmead Bartlett is his hero, the music-hall his altar, and he does everything in favour of war except enlist. He sub-lets his fighting, sub-contracts his wounds, and cheers for every sacrifice that others have to bear.
NEW IMPERIALIST AS GOVERNOR.
He has a magnified sense of Britain's civilis- ing mission; with him to acquire territory is sufficient, to grab is to govern. He does believe in Freedom's cause as far away as Transvaal is," but neglects our neighbour Ire- land, which through lack of self-government, based upon the economical needs of her people, has reduced her population from nine to five millions in 50 years. But the New Imperialist is keener on populating the borders of the Karoo Desert than he is on developing po- tentially fertile Ireland, or arresting the decay of derelict Essex near at home. He sees nu clanger in famine stricken India, whose mis- fortunes are less due to the elements than to an artifically created poverty brought about · h' the drain that Britain imposes upon the Indian people by her costly government, he lightly sees its natives dying of starva- tion whilst money that should be reliev- ing their necessities is being wasted fur .the industrial enslavement of black and white labour in South Africa. The New Im- perialist is invariably an ignorant and always a vulgar person ; he affirms that territory means trade. It does not. He declares that trade follows the flag, which is not true, as 75 per cent. of our trade is with foreigners, and 25 per cent. with British Empire. 83 per cent. of our trade is in the Temperate Zone, with what the Imperialist calls our natural enemies, and 17 per cent. only is in the Tropics-the Jingo objective of our aggres- sion and expansion. The order of trade is America 1st, Germany 2nd, Franco 3rd, Russia 4th, Holland 5th, Australia 6th, Africa 7th.
illS INCAPACITY.
The distinguishing feature of the New Im- perialist is his incompetency. He bungles into diplomatic blunders, goes to war on a misunderstanding, and when war is declared he is totally unprepared. When the war is being fought he neglects the essential details on which an army should be fed, led, and tended when they have been stricken by wounds or disease. He nominates draw- ing room Generals for high command, who lead brave soldiers to futile deaths. He keeps the army in the hands of a clique
THE NEW IMPERIALISM. 7
as incompe_tent as they are rash. Carlyle
a~tly descn bed them 60 years ago as " being Without the fear of death, without the know- ledge of wa:~;." When his blundering involves the nation in war Lord Salisbury defends the military Mandarins of Pall Mall by saying
"The defence of the country is not the business of the War Office and Government, but of the people themselves, learning in their own parishes all that is necessary to make them formidable in the field." Could impotence further go 1
HOW TilE NEW IMPERIALIST WORKS.
He buys newspapers and nobbles cable agencies. He floats companies at £1 shares so as to distribute over the widest spheres of influence the interested mania for war that his
~ancial schemes need He nominate , through h1s newspapers and political friends, members of a Committee of Enquiry, by which his own disloyal and criminal acts are to be judged.
He _does not hesitate to subsidise Religious Bodies, subscribes to Political Parties at home and abroad. He runs savage South African sho":s .at Olympia to stimulate the war fever, subsidises war plays, converts legislators bribes voters and makes them by th~
thousand at the Cape, and as the "In- vestors Review" truly says, May 12th 1900, exercises the roost subtle and dang«:lrous power: "The world is becoming more and more the happy hunting ground of financial combinations and syndicates. They
r~n newspapers, manufacture opinion, impro- VISO crises, revolutionise institutions, make wars, and set Europe by the ears." This base, bloody, and brutal war is the direct re- sult of the New Imperialism which has done all these things. This stain upon our national honour is the deliberately organised product of the mercenary press-
t~e Rhodesian agLtator, and the interested stnrer up of strife. This war is a second Jameson Raid at the national expense, carried
ou~ with your soldiers by braver men than the ra1ders of 1895. It has a cash basis, it has a capitalist ai!Jl, and will only benefit those who use place, privilege, and power to accomplish s?rdid ends. Its policy is based upon the VIeW of-
" Why, that's the end of wealth! thrust riches outward
And remain beggars within; contemplate nothing
But the vile, sordid things of time, place
money, '
And let the noble and the precious go."
The N~w I~perialism by this war has ex- posed Its a1ms, methods, and working, and
has therefore placed you on your guard for futu;e guida~ce. It will cost you 50,000
~en killed, ~1sabled, and stricken by disease. It w1ll delay social reform in- dustrial amelioration, and political ch~nge.
The money for Old Age Pensions will be swallowed up by the cost of this war, which may reach £200,000,000. It will mean ba<l tra.de, bad feel~n~, intern~tional jealousy, and umversal suspicion of th1s country. It will make South Africa disloyal and discontented for generations. If you are wise it will have ex- posed the dangers of the path the nation is
tre~ding, and bring you back from the transient exCitement, the dangerous allurements of a Military Imperialism that unchecked un- punished, and persisted in will destroy in a short time what it has taken a thousand years to create. There are fortunately signs that a better feeling is at hand. Our soldiers at the front have learned that Africa is "a land of lies," as Winston Churchill said. By con- tact with the Boer he is disillusioned and is already showing a strong contempt for the base p~rposes, l~w aims, and sordid people in whose. mterest _Ius valour has been prostituted and h1s suffermg wasted. The arrival home of our army means, I believe the return of 150,000 uniformed pro-Boors, ~vho have been used in the interest not of Patriotism but of a soulless Plutocracy-the head and front of the New Imperialism that has caused this war for purposes that are as immoral as this war is unjust. I rejoice that Battersea has
resist~d ~his gilded imposture ; I am proud of a dtstnct that allows roe to denounce it un- molested. I believe when the time comes for it to be judged the New Imperialism will re- ceive in this district the condemnation it heartily deserves at ·the hands of free work- men, who in their fight for a greater I~ondon, and a higher socil!l life at home, repudiate the motives, methods, and madness of this last crime the New Imperialism haR <'nm- mitted in England's name abroad.
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