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The root of the trouble

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The root of the trouble

J O Y C E H A R R I S

" p o l i t i c s " is defined as "The science and art of government, the science dealing with the form, organisation and administration of a state or part of one — that branch of moral philosophy dealing with the state or social organism as a whole." A political party is therefore presumably a group of people sharing a common view about the science and art of government with reference to a particular slate or part of one, having re- gard to the state or social organism as a whole.

I t is an interesting exercise to examine t h e S o u t h African political scene in the context of t h e above definition, a n d t h e first a n d most s t r i k i n g conclusion is t h a t it does n o t fit.

Neither t h e Nationalist P a r t y , nor its official opposition, the United P a r l y , conforms t o t h e concept of a group of people s h a r i n g a c o m m o n view a b o u t t h e science and art of government h a v i n g regard to t h e state or social organism as a w h o l e . Only t h e Progressive Party con- tains t h e r e q u i r e d ingredients.

T h e fundamental reason for t h i s u n o r t h o d o x political set-up is to be f o u n d in t h e roots of t h e Nationalist P a r t y , its development, its growth and its acquisition of power. It did not start off as a political party at all — i n t h e accepted sense of t h e t e r m . Rather did it have its beginnings in the determination of a limited group of people — a race of people — to re- t a i n their i d e n t i t y , their language and t h e i r in- dependence. T h e appeal of t h e party has al- ways been an emotional one, a call to the blood, a n emphasis on t h e exclusiveness of [lie Afri-

kaner people — their language, their culture, their traditional way of life. T h e Afrikaner people felt threatened, so they erected their defences a n d retreated into their " l a a g e r " . They were in no way concerned with t h e form,

organisation a n d administration of a state or part of one, but only with t h e i r own survival, and with the acquisition of power in order to ensure t h a t survival. T h e m o r a l philosophy of dealing with t h e state or social organism as a whole had relevance only in terms of how best t o secure t h e i r o w n interests.

I t has been South Africa's tragedy t h a t a p a r t y should have come to power which was not a political party in t h e t r u e sense of t h e t e r m , but a party based on race, its member- s h i p motivated by t h e fact of belonging to a particular people or ethnic stock. T h e science

and art of government did not enter into their calculations except insofar as they themselves were affected b y government.

However when, t o t h e i r own surprise, they nctually c a m e to power in 1948, they found themselves faced with a l l t h e p r o b l e m s im- plicit in governing. But the leopard could not change its spots. T h i s was a party based on race, a n d it proceeded to govern according to race. T h i s was a party whose fundamental purpose was t h e survival of the Afrikaner people, and it proceeded to govern the whole c o u n t r y in terms of t h e survival of t h e Afri-

kaner people.

Inevitably it has h a d to widen its horizons, for it found itself responsible for t h e country as a whole. Inevitably t h e years have given it experience in t h e mechanics of government.

But its original premise h a s never altered. It was formed in t h e interests of t h e Afrikaner people, it attracted support and it grew in the interests of t h e Afrikaner people, it came to power in t h e interests of t h e Afrikaner people, and it has never ceased to govern in the inter- ests of t h e Afrikaner people.

Its whole policy of divide and rule, of Apartheid, of Separate Development, of segre- gation in t h e schools and Christian National Education, of Influx Control and Efflux En-

forcement, of G r o u p Areas and Black Spot Removals, of physical planning, b o r d e r in- dustries, decentralisation, t h e slow t h r o t t l i n g of t h e largely English-speaking Witwatersrand a n d t h e strangulation of t h e economy, t h e growing arrogance and authoritarianism and harsh silencing of criticism --- all stem incluct- ably from its own beginnings.

Never has its concept of t h e art of govern- ment been extended to incorporate t h e inter- ests of t h e social organism as a whole, except insofar as its h a n d has been forced b y world

Tlw Black Sash, June, 1972 24 Die Swart Serp, Junie 1972

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o p i n i o n , by expedience and by t h e need to fulfil its responsibilities of governing, and always h a v e its own interests been p a r a m o u n t .

T h e Nationalist P a r t y has never pretended to be anything b u t a party of Afrikaner national- ists, t h o u g h expediency h a s on occasion forced from it an unwilling invitation to English- speaking South Africans to j o i n its r a n k s —

on its own terms, naturally. It has been t r u e to itself a n d its own ideals. I t h a s h a d t h e support of a majority of white S o u t h Africans,

for ihe Afrikaner people are in t h e majority, a n d i>n that basis has subjected all t h e people of S o u t h Africa t o t h e realisation of i t s p u r -

pose, w h i c h was not t h a t o£ a political party b u t of a racial group.

T h e Official Opposition h a s reacted accord- ingly. I t has found itself in t h e u n h a p p y situ- ation of having to fight emotionally-based legislation with reason — of having to fight

racism with politics — of h a v i n g to fight a call to the blood with the science of govern- m e n t — and it has succumbed to t h e unequal struggle. I t has h a d t o watch t h e growing

r a n k s of t h e ruling party — t h r o u g h n a t u r a l increase, t h r o u g h " V o l k " identification, t h r o u g h in-group consolidation encouraged by out-group fear such as t h e much-vaunted

"Swart Gcvaar" — a n d it has h a d to watch its own r a n k s dwindling. Small wonder, then, t h a t it has tried t o emulate t h e Nationalists, to be m o r e " p a t r i o t i c " , m o r e aware of t h e " w h i t e m a n ' s b u r d e n " , m o r e ready t o co-operate on what is euphemistically termed "state security"

w h i c h in reality is Nationalist P a r t y security.

Small wonder that it h a s tried to be all things to all men in a frantic attempt to attract more support from an electorate which t h e Nation- alist P a r t y h a s brainwashed into believing that it is t h e State, t h a t criticism of t h e Govern- ment is u n p a t r i o t i c and even treasonable, that black people a r e dangerous, are "superfluous appendages", a r e inferior, are expendable. If race attitudes have been so rewarding to t h e Nationalist P a r t y , why then should t h e United Parly not t r y t o c l i m b o n t o t h e b a n d w a g o n ?

Because the United Party itself embraces too wide a spectrum of political o p i n i o n , because its members do not really share a c o m m o n view about t h e science a n d art of government, be- cause its political obectives are too ill-defined, because its m e m b e r s have become infected with Nationalist-induced fears and prejudices, and because it has been in the exceedingly dif- ficult situation of h a v i n g to fight emotion with

a reasoned policy which it h a s never succeeded i n establishing even t o its own satisfaction, it h a s not stood a chance. I t has been expedient a n d equivocal, it has compromised itself, it is 'against' m o r e than it is *for\ I t m a y conform m o r e to t h e requirements of a political party than does t h e Nationalist P a r t y , but it falls far short of t h e ideal.

T h e Progressive Party was formed b y United P a r t y m e m b e r s who tired of its constant ex- pediency a n d equivocation, and it set out t o establish for itself a body of principles which

would meet t h e c o m m o n view of its members a b o u t t h e science a n d a r t of Govcrment with reference to t h e total S o u t h African scene. I t ought to have appealed t o a wide cross-section of the general public in terms of its policies a n d its ethical principles — t h e fundamental one b e i n g the anti-racial one of " M e r i t — not C o l o u r " — but in fact this appeal h a s failed to crystallize t o any meaningful degree. I t h a s

not been able to meet t h e challenge of ram- pant racism. T h e result h a s been t h a t m a n y of its m e m b e r s now feel t h a t it ought to com- promise s o m e of its principles i n order t o gain m o r e support, and it remains to be seen whe- t h e r principle will prevail. In t h e m e a n w h i l e it is being subjected to t h e game frustrations and difficulties as those which have confron- ted t h e United Party and caused it to become ineffective.

T h e Liberal Party, t h e only party which was n o t prepared to compromise in any way, was forced out of existence, so t h e Progressive P a r t y is faced w i t h a n u n h a p p y choice.

T h i s , t h e n , is t h e political scene i n S o u t h Africa, t h e outcome, directly and indirectly, of t h e racially-orientated Nationalist Party to which a majority of white South Africans be- l o n g . Racism, with its attendant ills of pre- j u d i c e , hate a n d fear, is t h e disease which is eating into t h e body politic -— a virulent in- fection exceedingly difficult t o eradicate. I t has spread to t h e United Party, t h e defences of the Progressive Party are b e i n g assailed, and black nationalist movements arc manifesting

themselves with all t h e trappings of black power. Politics in South Africa is not t h e art and science of government with reference to t h e social organism as a whole, b u t a con- centrated endeavour directed at dividing t h e social organism into its m a n y constituent racial components, labelling t h e m , separating them, discriminating between t h e m .

Until t h i s process can somehow be revers-

The Black Sask, June, 1972 2 5 Die Swart Serp, Junie 197S

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ed, until each and every member of the social organism can come to be regarded as a h u m a n being in his own right and not as a member of a racial group, and until the political parties can conform to the true definition of a group of people sharing a common view about the art of government with regard to the state or social organism as a whole — and the popula- tion can be prevailed upon to vote accordingly so that the democratic process can operate as it is intended to — South Africa will con- tinue to be a country torn by conflicting inter- ests and peopled by schizophrenics who cannot

decide where their own best interests lie.

If the root of the trouble is indeed to be found in the form, t h e constitution, the aims and objects of the Nationalist Party, then per- haps a tiny glimmer of hope can be discern- ed on t h e horizon with the growing indications of dissent within the party. If some Afrikaner nationalists are indeed beginning to think with their heads, and maybe even with their hearts, but not with their b l o o d ; if they are beginning to see that they share common

interests with other sections of the community, the promotion of which could be to the ad- vantage of the whole c o m m u n i t y ; and if the United P a r t y and the Progressive P a r t y can take advantage of these signs by emphasising the constructive aspects of their policies and clamping down on racism, then perhaps the granite-like resistance to change which has per- sisted for the last 24 years will at last begin to crumble and a way will be opened for the dammed-up potential for progress, for peace, for productivity and for mutually rewarding h u m a n relationships across the entire social spectrum.

South Africa is a living microcosm of the divisive problems besetting the world as a

whole. If it can solve these problems with

amity, honour and justice it can be a path-

finder for the rest of the world, holding up

its head with justifiable pride. T h e solution

lies in the subjective attitudes of the people of

South Africa, for no problems are insurmount-

able for those motivated to solve them, not

with self-interest but in the interest of all.

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