Manners reform dating from the late 1700s to the second half of the eighteenth century. Otherwise 'the poor [would] follow the example of the rich in disobeying the laws'. Against this background, I continue my analysis of Van der Kemp's social responsibility and interventions on behalf of the Khoi.
This made the citizen's 'mind' and 'soul' the target of learning and educational technologies.
4 Analytic Pedagogy
So the fact that he organized those who underwent missionary "discipline" according to "analytic pedagogy" adds further perspective on how he was part of a particular colonizing epistemic power formation. But where there are many pupils, additional sub-divisions have had to be introduced; the first class would comprise four streams; one for those who are learning. The second class would be divided into three streams for those who "count every allowable letter before spelling a syllable, D.O., DO"; for those.
This ever-growing knowledge of the individuals made it possible to divide them in prison, not so much according to their crimes as according to the modes they revealed. From 1779, the prisoners were divided into four classes: the first for those explicitly sentenced to solitary confinement or who had committed serious crimes while in prison; the second for those "known as ancient transgressors." Through catechumens, Gentiles, who are more especially under our inspection and care, are instructed in the doctrines of the Gospel and submit to ecclesiastical discipline.
Christians are those who will bear the fruits of conversion and through baptism are initiated as members of the church (LMS I EL1 1801:498). As heathens, who have not yet been received into instruction, but must be brought into the kingdom of Christ, by making known to them the Gospel (LMS II AR 1803:170). But if this was so for the Khoi, then the mission as an institution, itself, had to be organized in the interest of discipline and order.
5 Institutionalisation
On the one hand, these instruction request reports may indicate playfulness on the part of Van der Kemp towards the LMS Directors and the readers of the Transactions. The actual admission and exclusion of this Society will depend entirely on the judgment of the Missionaries. Leaving aside the events precipitated by 'admission', it appears that Van der Kemp's actual admission to education depended on the applicants' decision to 'renounce and become drunkenness, swearing, stealing, fornication, etc.'. 'subject to our discipline' (LMS I TVDK.
As for the general regulations of the Mission, the wording of the "African Mission" - based on Van der Kemp's submissions to the LMS and the Dutch Missionary Society - became necessary with the change of government from British to Batavian rule. Regarding the general instructions of the missions, nine points were given which were to act as a "general plan". The generalized statement about the goal of all these regulations (point 6) shows, however, that the general framework should be seen in the context of utilitarian philosophy.
This text was in fact the result of the suggestion Van der Kemp had made to Governor Dundas about two years earlier as Article 9 - that. Because part of the Khoi did not settle permanently on Bota's Place and would remain in the woods around it, Van der Kemp thought it was important to acquire a bell, on which people could come out of the woods to attend the church service. various meetings on the mission. It also relates that Van der Kemp and Read printed a sketch of 'Christian religion in the form of a catechism' in Khoi, called Tzitzika Thuickwedi miko Khwekhwenama - Principles of the word of God for the [Khoi] nation (LMS II AR 1804: 239).
6 The Colonial Government
As such, he was not free from instructions, directives and directives from the colonial government, similar to the state restrictions in Britain on civil society organizations such as the non-conformist and reformed religious organizations in the late eighteenth century. Others choose to lie in the woods and live on the roots of the field, rather than be subject to the discipline of a civilized life. If Van der Kemp shared such sentiments, then he also agrees with the fact that the activities at the missions - including crime - under the jurisdiction of the local commander (at Fort Frederick) or 'Magistrate' (at Graaff Reinet e.g.) .
That all missionaries, before going into the interior of the country, should report to the governor and. Second, the government's regulation of the interaction of the Khois at the mission stations with the farmers and those on the farms with the missions shows that Janssens wanted to drive a wedge between himself and Van der Kemp in particular. That only vagrants [Khoi], or others who have gone from this establishment to the service of the inhabitants, shall be permitted to receive instruction; But not [the Khoi] who actually serve the inhabitants; or have served them in the previous year, may be accepted in it (LMS II P 1805: 236; e.a.).
While government and Van der Kemp shared visions of the 'cultivation' of the Khoi, 'industry' in the mission and the transformation of this people from a life of 'laziness' - which was, among other things, part of the general discourse of crime and criminalization of the illiterate and uneducated in Europe - their views on Khoi who worked on the farms differed. Suffice it to say that despite this difference of 'opinion', at the archival level - in terms of operationalizing power technologies on the missions and the 'cruelty' of the peasants - there wasn't much to choose between these two options. This can be substantiated (from a Khoi perspective) among other things by Van der Kemp's account of their "aversion to any other form of mental or physical exercise", that they have "no concern about taking care of themselves", and that they would "lying in the bushes and living on the roots of the field" rather than "being subject to a disciplined life" (LMS II L 1804: 152; II AR 1803: 165).
7 Pacification
On 2 September 1799 - and before he met with Ngqika - Bruntjie, Van der Kemp's companion, warned him that,. The same suspicion comes to light in Van der Kemp's interrogation at Ngqika's homestead. However, Van der Kemp's fifteen months in the Ngqika area seem to have moderated hostilities at least to some extent.
However, this is not specified - but it opened the way for Van der Kemp to contact Ngqika's people. Other examples come from Van der Kemp's insistence that all deserters and settlers across the border—not just a few—had to be received. Against the background of such activities, Van der Kemp was perfectly clear about the fact that starting a mission organization for the Khoi would also interfere with the common cause they made with the Xhosa against the settlers.
Van der Kemp must use his influence to pacify the Khoikhoi as Stuurman and lead them to order and submit to the government. This led the colonists to assume that Van der Kemp would now support their activities against the Khoi and Xhosa. Van der Kemp was not only to help "maintain general order, peace, and security," but to actively "pacify the Khoikhoi as Stuurman and instruct them to command and submit to the government," as he requested Governor Janssens.
8 Conclusion
First, it is characteristic of Van der Kemp's frankness that Philip quoted him in his Researches (1828) referring to Lieutenant Colonel Collins' visit to Bethelsdorp in 1809. This was in the presence of the much criticized 'Major Cuyler, Mr. Stockenstrom , the landdrost van Graaf-Reinet and Mr. Vanderkemp [both] regarded [both] the [British and Dutch] colonial government [and] always as favorably disposed towards the [Khoi] and that he regarded them as misled by the misrepresentations of the settlers and the local authorities of the districts.
He never seems to have considered the opposition he had to experience as part of the colonial system. A more perfect knowledge of the system might have proved unfavorable to the continuation of his efforts and the final triumph of his principles;. When the deputation (Campbell and Philip) visited Bethelsdorp, we found that institution in a deplorable condition.
For our purposes, it is significant that Philip describes Van der Kemp as being oblivious to the fact that the opposition he and the Khoi experienced (from frontier settler farmers and to some extent from governments) was “part of the colonial system ". Kemp's inability to detect such deception, Philip reasons, is due to his inability to see "the workings of the [colonial or colonizing] system". A more perfect knowledge of the system might prove unfavorable to the continuation of his efforts and the final triumph of his principles.
The first half of nineteenth-century missions in South Africa, especially under the leadership of John Philip (cf. Ross 1986), would be characterized by a continuation of Van der Kemp's assumption of social responsibility for exploited and oppressed indigenous populations and his. counter-hegemonic struggles, to varying degrees (cf. I would like to express my sincere thanks for the detailed comments of two independent reviewers, whose wisdom I can rely on to improve my argument in this article. An Historical Survey of the Bethelsdorp Station of the London Missionary Society, from its commencement to the death of Dr. van der Kemp, in 1811.
Researches in South Africa: Illustrating the Civil, Moral, and Religious Condition of the Native Tribes: Including Journals of the Author's Travels in the Interior: Together with Detailed Accounts of the Progress of Christian Missions, Showing the Influence of Christianity in Promoting Civilization. Vanderkemp's Specimen of the Caffra Language, Nature of the Country of Caffraria, An Account of the Quadrupeds of Caffraria, and History, &c.
Archival Resources
