Ecotourism at crossroads: the case of Costa Rica
2 Ecotourism at crossroads: the case of Costa Rica
2.3 The case of Manuel Antonio/Quepos 2
2.3.3 Political turmoil
Economic transformations are also reflected in local power relations. Whereas local entrepreneurs very much depend on local knowledge and networks, foreign entrepreneurs have easy access to global communication, financing and distribution networks. Contrary to the attitude of the local government, some of the foreign entrepreneurs have taken a genuine interest in and have contributed to the sustainable development of the region (see Arts and Gudden, 2002; Blanco and Lipperts, 1995; Cabout, 2001). Especially in the period 1998-2002, many locals perceived the local government only as a partner of particular global interests.
As a consequence, local parties have joined together in their disputes with the local government. 1999 saw the foundation of the Fight and Defence Committee of the Aguirre Canton
Chapter 2 Ecotourism at crossroads: the case of Costa Rica
(Comité de Lucha). The Chamber of Commerce, Industry and Tourism (ASOPROQUEPOS), the National Infancy Patronage, and the Woman, Family and Community Association of Quepos (ASOMUFACQ) are among its members.
The Comité de Lucha is seen as the most belligerent in Quepos. In November 2000, it occupied the municipal building and managed to stop plans to build a new harbour in Quepos.
This project by the Spanish firm Marinas Canarias S.A. was to welcome as many as three cruise ships and 800 boats at a time, and provide some 5000 jobs in the area. Organizations like ASOPROQUEPOS and the Comité de Lucha protested against this development. In September 2000, the Marinas Commission of the Instituto Costaricense de Turismo (ICT; the Costa Rican Ministry of Tourism) had lodged objections, as the plans violated the Marine Zoning Law because of possible environmental destruction. Earlier that year, according to a decision by the Puntarenas Tribunal, a hotel, bar and restaurant, located near the port of Quepos and valued at USD 131,000, were demolished. According to the public prosecutor, the construction of the hotel was another example of violation of the Marine Zone Law and a clear case of municipal corruption (Pashby, 2000a and 2000b).
Consequently, confidence in the local government and its policies is low. In the household survey, only 6% of respondents valued local politics positively. But perhaps even more important, many people were ignorant or uninterested. When asked their opinion on tourism policy, more than 40% did not know or did not give an answer. Although more than three quarters of the people believed that local policy should change, more than half believed that opportunities for participation in local policy making were lacking. They also believed that ‘external influences’ on local politics were too strong. The main reasons for dissatisfaction were the ‘passivity’ of the municipality, corruption and the failure to support community development (Duim et al., 2001;
see also Cordero, 2001).
Nevertheless, in 2002 a new political party – Partido Accion Quepena (PAQ) – was launched.
PAQ gathered most of the opponents of the former local government. In the February 2002 elections, the party won two of the five seats for aldermen, representing a small earthquake in local politics. The results of this change in the political arena are visible. However, this development partly reflects the process of decentralization in Costa Rica. Since the middle of the 1990s efforts have been made, as part of the state reform process, to decentralize the public administration in Costa Rica. In spite of the complexity of the decentralization process, one of the specific and accepted consequences of decentralization is municipal strengthening. In practice, the financial aspects of decentralization (namely the collection of territorial taxes) have received much more attention than the organizational and political dimensions have (Cordero, pers. com.). Studies by Fürst and Hein (2002) in three regions of Costa Rica (Santa Cruz, Golfito and Osa) reveal that local and regional administrative and political institutions are not yet fit to coordinate and control tourism developments. They petition a process to strengthen the institutions of the local municipalities in Costa Rica. According to Fürst and Hein, a certain political, administrative and legal substantiality is needed in order to guarantee an effective supervision of the rules regarding the construction and management of tourist facilities. Only with an active civil society can the local population reach satisfactory agreements with international investors, which are almost always economically dominant.
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Chapter 2 Ecotourism at crossroads: the case of Costa Rica
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In Manuel Antonio/Quepos, political turmoil is also clearly reflected in land-use conflicts. These conflicts converge in long-lasting disputes about the National Park and the adjacent beaches.
Although the National Park is one of the main tourist attractions, it is endangered by the impact caused by visitors. While in 1980 some 31,000 people visited the Park, in 1993 some 182,000 people did so. In 2000 the number decreased to 157,000, due to management interventions. In the high season, the park limits the number of visitors to 600 a day, and on Mondays (‘Monkeys Day’) the park is closed. However, the rubbish produced and the food given especially to monkeys are still causing a lot of problems.
Even more critically, land ownership is still debated. Until 1968, Manuel Antonio National Park was a farm owned by a Costa Rican. Various activities on the farm have damaged nature. In 1968, the farm was sold to foreigners, who limited access to the area. This provoked a lot of angry outbursts from the local and national community. As a result, it was decided at a meeting in Quepos to accept the initiative of turning Manuel Antonio into a National Park. However, financial compensation was not settled. Almost half (46%) of the park’s original 683 hectares are still in the name of the original owners – some of whom have already reasserted their rights to their land – because the government has not paid its debts on seven expropriated properties.
Despite the creation in 1997 of a trust fund for the purpose of paying off this debt, the fund remained untouched due to a conflict between the municipality and the Ministry of Environment concerning the representation of the board managing the fund. The real issue at stake is who will have the majority of vote over the 50% of revenues from ticket sales that are now being deposited in the trust fund (Dulude, 2000; Wolkoff, 2000). However, in October 2001 a national law settled the issue of representation: a new organization called Fideicomiso is now officially in charge of paying off private persons and organizations for the land purchases in Manuel Antonio National Park. A special tribunal in Puntarenas establishes the value of the land.
Once the land purchases have been paid off, the money will be used for improving the conservation, sustainability and ecological qualities of the park. This means that the money can be used for the maintenance and innovative use of the existing lands, as well as for buying new pieces of land to increase the sustainability of the park and the fauna’s habitat (Arts and Gudden, 2002).
Finally, the National Park is threatened by overdevelopment. At the root of the problem, critics claim, is once more a local government that openly flouts the law and turns a blind eye to violations. According to Escofet (1999):
… in the hills, overlooking Espadilla beach at Punta Quepos, prized for its spectacular views, dynamite has been used to carve out a niche in a partly-forested hillside to build a luxury house to entertain Hollywood stars (…). The most glaring evidence of recent development is two half-built three-story blocks of apartments on a former wetland, immediately adjacent to the border of the National Park and 250 meters from its entrance.
Although in Manuel Antonio/Quepos two spatial land-use plans (‘Plan Regulador’) for the beach area have been made, they are much disputed.3
Chapter 2 Ecotourism at crossroads: the case of Costa Rica