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Figure 12: likes and comments for each individual post analyzed, per thematic grouping

Matley (2018), who explores bragging in digital spaces via a hashtag analysis, has already noted that strategic use of self-praise, coupled with mitigation strategies such as self-denigration, can counteract some of the threatening aspects of bragging in digital spaces. Instead, “positive self statements” can serve to reinforce group solidarity (Matley, 2018; Dayter, 2014), which may be particularly important for team sports and members of Indigenous communities. This demonstrates the importance of contextualizing “achievement” posts. Toffoletti and Thorpe (2021) demonstrated how text is very important in contextualizing images, by providing additional information which clarifies how the post was intended to be interpreted; however, video and audio can also be used (see Chapter 6). These are some of the ways in which current research has found “achievement” to be perceived as acceptable and positive in digital spaces, and not as a form of “bragging” or self- indulgence.

R² = 0.4543

R² = 0.6198

R² = 0.534 R² = 0.7443

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Parasocial Interaction

Strong engagement with (curated) “achievement” posts, understood through both likes and through congratulatory comments, is a complex psychological phenomenon. It can be understood through viewing these interactions as a component of parasocial relationships (Rubin & McHugh, 1987). Parasocial relationships are a product of consistent parasocial interaction, which Instagram allows for between fans and sportswomen. Displaying images across various thematic categories collectively works to provide snapshots of sportswomen’s daily lives, so as to enhance and increase parasocial interaction with their followers (Toffoletti & Thorpe, 2018b). A parasocial relationship refers to the illusionary friendship(s) fans establish with sportswomen via social media, and

supplemented by television coverage, game footage, and other sources of media, that leads a fan to respond and interact with a celebrity as if they were a friend or personal acquaintance (Marwick, 2015; Toffoletti & Thorpe, 2018b). Although social media has allowed for fans to deepen emotional ties with sportswomen, this has occurred on an almost entirely one-sided basis, with fans perceiving increased connection through greater access to a sportswoman’s life as she portrays it on Instagram, or speaking to athletes through comments, but often with little-to-no response (Toffoletti & Thorpe, 2018b; Ward, 2016). However, research has demonstrated that, despite celebrities on social media not personally responding to each individual’s comment, audiences may still have emotional responses. Particularly when given insight into personal lives of celebrities, audiences may feel like they are part of that person’s life and network (Ward, 2016). Hence, strong engagement with

particular themes, namely “achievement”, may be a reflection of this perception amongst followers.

As visible in Figure 13, images tend to receive many more likes than comments from

followers. The axis for likes goes up to 9000, whilst the axis for comments only reaches 200. This is entirely reasonable and expected based upon existing literature (Geurin-Eagleman & Burch, 2016;

Ward, 2016), as liking a picture can be an instantaneous action requiring a simple tap, whilst a

they scroll through their Instagram feed. Writing a comment, however, requires greater interaction and engagement with a post and its content (Ward, 2016). In keeping with the rules of parasocial interaction, it could be deduced through this description that a comment is “worth more” than a like when it comes to quantifying engagement. Thus, posts with more comments can be understood as having greater engagement.

Using an example, stronger follower interactions with “achievement” might indicate the desire to celebrate that success with them and share their joy, reminiscent of the notion that fans feel they are winning when their country(wo)men win. Sport is very important to the way New Zealand and New Zealanders view itself and themselves nationally (Bruce, 2009). Wensing (2003) found that during the 2002 Commonwealth Games, stories and photographs of female New Zealand athletes outnumbered those of male athletes, and concluded that images of women in sport at that event were just as, if not more, valued by the public than images of men. Wensing (2003) determined that this occurred because NZ women won more medals at this event than NZ men. “Winning appeared to be the key element in media interest” (Bruce, 2009, p. 159), and this appears to be the same when it comes to social media. This occurred again at the 2004 Olympics when the most photographed and discussed New Zealand athletes were also women, who were regularly described in relation to winning. In a study regarding media representations of sportswomen participating in traditionally masculine sports, including women’s rugby in New Zealand, and specifically taking into account the 2016-17 World Rugby Sevens Series and the Rio 2016 Olympics, Miao (2021) found that

nationalism discourses temporarily created more inclusivity for sportswomen and their gender performances during major international sporting events. During events which strongly aligned with nationalism, namely rugby 7s at the Olympics in the NZ context, sportswomen received similar or more media coverage than men.

Miao’s (2021) study shed further light upon this public engagement with Black Ferns 7s achievement through examining comments on a New Zealand Herald article about the Black Ferns

7s’ silver medal at the Rio 2016 Olympics. The study found that 55% of readers connected the Black Ferns 7s’ achievement with New Zealand through language like “our”, “we”, and “us”, suggesting a collective identity grounded in a sense of pride. Images used thereafter supported this framing by emphasizing medals and podiums. These same images are found throughout the “achievement”

category, the impact of which is twofold: firstly, it focuses public attention on the team’s victory;

secondly, it invokes a collective identity associated with nationalistic pride in favour of that team’s success. Thus, there appears to be a clear relationship between winning (or, “achievement” in this specific case), nationalism, and media popularity, in print media (Wensing, 2003), sporting media (Bruce, 2009; Miao, 2021), and now social media.

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Likes